^^^: 


:^rrti^:r;: 


SAFE    AND 
UNSAFE    DEMOCRACY 

A  COMMENTARY  ON 

POLITICAL  ADMINISTRATION  IN  THE 

AMERICAN  COMMONWEALTHS 


BY 

HENRY  WARE  JONES 


31)^^3 


NEW  YORK 
THOMAS  Y.  CROWELL  COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS 


J     »    ••  •     ' 


Copyright,  1918 
By   henry   ware   JONES 


Norfaonli  ^rtes 

J.  S.  Gushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


•    •    .  ••    .'. 


• « • 


*      •        9    9    §      t  • 


•    •  .      "•• 


#   *    *      «    •    •       •    < 


T7f 


TO    THE 

AMERICAN   STATE  ELECTORATES 

IN  WHOM  IS  REPOSED  THE  EXERCISE  OF  POLITICAL  PRE- 
ROGATIVE, AND  UPON  WHOM  IS  IMPOSED  THE  OBLIGATION 
OF  MAINTAINING  AND  OF  TRANSMITTING  UNIMPAIRED  TO 
FUTURE  GENERATIONS  THE  INDIVIDUAL  FREEDOM,  LIBERTY, 
EQUALITY,  AND  JUSTICE  THAT  WAS  ORIGINALLY  ORDAINED, 
THIS    BOOK    IS    DEDICATED 


,# 


PREFACE 

What  does  "  Safe  "  and  "  Unsafe  "  Democracy  mean?  In  the 
first  place,  Democracy  is  that  system  of  PubHc  PoHty  under  which 
The  Will  of  The  People  decides  all  questions  connected  with  es- 
tablishing and  administrating  Government;  under  which  The 
People  exercise  the  Power  to  Govern,  and  continue  in  the  control 
of  its  exercise. 

')'  The  system  consists,  or  should  consist :  first,  of  an  explicit 
"agreement  concerning  principles  of  association  and  of  action ; 
second,  of  an  explicit  statement  of  The  Spirit  and  Intent  of  The 
People  and  of  the  Objects  and  Purposes  for  which  Government 
is  established ;  and  third,  of  an  adequate  Body  of  Law  contain- 
ing logical  rules  for  putting  The  Will  of  The  People  into  full  effect 
during  the  continuous  process  of  Political  Administration. 

Generally  speaking.  Democracies  are  based  upon  convictions 
concerning  individual  freedom,  liberty,  equality,  and  justice  as 
these  conditions  of  human  existence  are  defined  by  the  people ; 
and  any  Democracy  which  is  as  free  as  human  intelligence  can 
make  it  from  opportunities  to  misuse  the  Power  to  Govern,  is 
reasonably  safe  for  the  people  to  use. 

On  the  other  hand,  any  system  of  public  polity  wherein  gen- 
eralities take  the  place  of  clear  and  precise  definitions,  and  whereby, 
because  of  defects  in  the  body  of  administrative  law,  the  people 
are  either  hampered  or  prevented  from  maintaining  continuously 
their  ordained  conditions  of  individual  existence,  is  unsafe  for 
any  Commonwealth  to  use. 

Neither  Government  nor  Political  Administration  is  automatic. 
The  one  results  from,  and  the  other  proceeds  through,  political 
action  by  The  Individual.  The  force  contained  in  mere  procla- 
mation is  insufficient. 

Speaking  prefatorily.  The  Commonwealth  is  a  Collective- 
Sovereign  and  its  individuals  are  Sovereign-units.  The  Sovereign- 
units  exercise  Political  Power,  and  at  the  same  time  some  of  them 
exercise  Political  Authority.  Here  are  two  kinds  of  political 
action,  and  no  Democracy  is  "  Safe  "  anywhere  in  the  world 
unless  its  system  includes  at  some  time  or  another  a  body  of 
Administrative  Law  which  regulates  clearly  and   logically  every 


vi  PREFACE 


exercise  of  Political  Power  by  the  Sovereign-units,  and  every 
exercise  of  Political  Authority  by  those  who  are  chosen  to  exer- 
cise it. 

To  be  more  explicit,  an  unsafe  democracy  may  be  one  in  which 
the  administrative  law  does  not  enable  the  people  to  apply  their 
ordained  Principles  of  Association  freely  in  their  management  of 
public  and  of  private  affairs ;  or  it  may  be  one  in  which  the  con- 
tinuous exercise  of  Political  Power  by  the  Sovereign-units,  and 
their  continuous  and  collective  control  over  the  exercise  of  Politi- 
cal Authority  is  not  safeguarded  adequately  by  the  administrative 
law. 

This  book  deals  more  particularly  with  the  process  of  Political 
Administration. 

I*reniises.  The  author's  premises  concerning  Political  Ad- 
ministration in  the  American  Commonwealths  are  stated  broadly 
as  follows : 

That  before  the  people  of  each  State  entered  upon  the  work  of 
political  administration  they  constituted  The  Electorate  as  their 
Collective  Sovereign. 

They  vested  The  Electorate  with  the  exercise  of  Political 
Prerogative,  and  solemnly  declared  their  intention  to  be : 

That  for  some  purposes  The  Electorate  should  exercise  the 
Political  Power  of  the  people  directly. 

That  for  certain  other  purposes  The  Electorate  should  exercise 
political  power  indirectly,  and  by  means  of  an  administrative 
agency  called  The  Government. 

That  through  a  direct  exercise  of  Political  Prerogative  the 
electorate  should  fill  the  elective  offices  in  The  Government  and 
continuously  impart  a  definite  direction  to  the  action  of  The 
Government. 

That  the  electorate  should  continuously  and  directly  control 
the  exercise  of  Political  Authority  by  The  Government,  and  by 
all  public  officials  in  the  civil  service. 

That  each  individual  elector  was  to  be  and  remain  absolutely 
free  in  the  exercise  of  Political  Prerogative  and  Political  Power. 

That  notwithstanding  this  solemn  declaration  of  intent  each 
State  Electorate  now  uses  a  permanently  organized  Intermediary 
03  an  agency  by  which  to  exercise  its  Prerogative  and  enforce  its 
Control,  and  has  been  led  by  this  intermediary  into  the  adoption 
and  use  of  a  system  of  administrative  action  which  produces  an 
indirect  exercise  of  Political  Prerogative  and  an  indirect  control 
over  the  exercise  of  Political  Authority. 


PREFACE  vii 


That  the  present  manner  of  using  PoHtical  Prerogative  and 
Power  constitutes  a  misuse  of  such  prerogative  and  power  by 
The  Electorate, 

That  this  present  misuse  is  attributable  directly  to  the  lack  of 
an  Administrative  System  that  will  compel  a  logical  use  of  Political 
Prerogative  and  of  Political  Power  by  The  Electorate. 

That  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  —  not  to  mention  the 
dictates  of  prudence  —  require  any  CollectiveSov ereign  to  pro- 
vide its  Sovereign-units  with  a  clear,  definite,  and  logical  rule 
of  administrative  action,  and  in  advance  of  such  action  if  possible, 
and  if  not  possible  then,  as  soon  as  possible  afterwards. 

That  because  the  people  were  lacking  in  suflScient  Adminis- 
trative Knowledge  they  failed  in  each  Commonwealth  at  the 
outset  of  administrative  action  to  construct  and  ordain  the  use 
of  a  System  of  Action  that  would  enable  them  to  put  their  Prin- 
ciples and  Intent  into  effective  operation. 

Objects,     The  author's  objects  in  writing  this  book  are : 

To  set  forth  the  fundamental  and  detail  falsity  of  the  Partizan 
Party  System  of  Administration  now  in  use. 

To  show  the  impossibility  of  producing  the  intended  results  of 
American  Self  Government  by  the  use  of  that  system. 

To  outline  a  logical  system  of  political  administration. 

To  urge  the  American  Commonwealths  to  abolish  the  Partizan 
Party  System,  to  abandon  the  use  of  the  Partizan  Party  as  an 
intermediary  in  the  exercise  of  Political  Prerogative,  Political 
Power,  and  Political  Authority,  and  to  construct  and  ordain  the 
use  of  a  system  of  administration  under  which  The  People  can 
return  to  a  logical  exercise  of  the  Powers  of  Administration, 
(See  Chap,  23.) 

In  explaining  why  men  sometimes  adhere  to  errors  of  which 
they  themselves  are  the  victims,  Mr.  Richard  Hildreth  ("  Theory 
of  Morals,"  p.  235)  says  in  substance,  "  All  men  profess  to  admire 
and  desire  truth ;  but  most  men  mean  by  it,  the  opinions  they 
have  already  adopted." 

Now  action  which  is  based  upon  opinion  is  necessarily  illogical 
because  an  opinion  is  a  mental  estimate  or  conclusion  that  falls 
short  of  the  truth.  Regarded  as  a  phenomenon  such  action 
presents  the  paradox  of  illogical  —  or  what  is  the  same  thing  — 
of  untruthful  action  by  those  who  profess  the  truth ;  and  when- 
ever opinion  which  is  honestly  held  as  truth  is  made  the  basis 
of  action,  the  further  paradox  is  presented  of  seemingly  honest 
action  working  injury  to  all  concerned.    The  injury  is  caused  by 


viii  PREFACE 


A," 


the   mistaken   action,   itself  consequent   upon   the   adoption   of 
opinion  as  the  motive  for  action. 

As  to  Opinion.  The  following  propositions  concerning  the 
part  played  by  opinion  in  the  administrative  action  of  the  State 
Electorates  will  be  presented  for  consideration. 

That  the  Principles  of  each  State  Polity  clearly  indicate  the 
specific  kind  of  administrative  action  that  was  originally  in- 
tended. 

That  the  failure  at  the  outset  to  ordain  the  use  of  a  logical 
Administrative  System  left  the  opportunity  open  for  an  expres- 
sion of  opinion  regarding  proper  administrative  action. 

That  from  the  very  beginning  The  Electorates  have  been 
dominated  by  opinion  in  their  work  of  political  administration. 

That  The  Electorates,  being  dominated  by  opinion,  have  been 
forced  to  use  Expedients  in  their  administrative  action. 

That  through  the  use  of  expedients  the  administrative  action 
of  the  electorates  has  necessarily  been  perverted  from  its  intended 
objects,  purposes,  and  results;  for  an  expedient  always  permits 
more  or  less  to  be  done  than  was  originally  intended  should  be 

one. 
■J  That  The  People  of  the  American  Commonwealths  will  never 
be  able  to  obtain  the  full  "  Blessings  "  that  were  promised  in  the 
name  of  American  representative  government  until  they  abandon 
expediential  action  and  return  to  the  intended  exercise  of  their 
political  power  and  political  authority. 

That  by  reason  of  the  added  administrative  knowledge,  which 
has  been  acquired  during  a  century  and  a  quarter,  it  is  now  pos- 
sible for,  and  is  therefore  incumbent  upon,  the  Collective  Sovereign 
of  each  American  State  to  provide  its  Sovereign-units  with  a 
logical  system  of  administration  that  precludes  the  existence 
of  opinion  regarding  the  proper  discharge  of  the  obligations  of 
sovereignty  and  of  the  duties  of  citizenship. 

Napoleon  said  that  a  blunder  was  worse  than  an  intentional 
wrong-doing,  because,  while  it  was  sometimes  possible  to  frus- 
trate evil  intentions  beforehand,  it  was  never  possible  to  correct 
a  blunder  until  afterwards.  We  have  reached  a  point  where  if 
we  wish  to  make  a  success  of  our  governmental  experiment  we 
must  correct  our  past  and  present  blunders.  Our  wrong-doing  is 
not  attributable  to  intent.  We  blundered  at  the  outset  through 
adopting  the  opinion  that  in  the  absence  of  an  ordained  rule  of 
administrative  action  the  Sovereign  could,  with  safety  to  The 
State,  delegate  the  exercise  of  its  prerogative  and  control.     Most 


PREFACE  ix 


of  our  subsequent  blunders  are  mainly  due  to  the  prevalent 
opinion  that  The  Partizan  Party,  as  now  constituted,  is  a  proper 
leader,  organizer  and  manager  of  individual  and  of  official  ad- 
ministrative action.  To  expose  the  fallacies  upon  which  these 
opinions  rest  is  a  moral  duty  incumbent  upon  any  one  who  per- 
ceives them,  and  the  discharge  of  this  duty  must  be  the  author's 
apology,  if  any  be  needed,  for  placing  before  an  overtaxed  and 
justly  skeptical  reading  public  another  book  on  politics. 

The  author  contends  that  the  intermediaries  now  used  by  the 
State  Electorates  are  not  political  parties  in  any  true  sense  of 
that  term.  Because  their  objects  and  actions  distinguish  them 
from  true  political  parties  he  has  named  them  Partizan  Parties; 
and  the  administrative  system  which  has  been  built  up  mainly 
through  their  instrumentality  he  has  named  The  Partizan  Party 
System. 

He  confidently  asserts  that  the  component  methods  of  the 
partizan  party  system,  as  measured  by  our  theory  and  principles 
of  political  action,  are  radically  wrong;  and  that  because  of  this 
fact  the  administrative  action  which  is  taken  now  under  this 
system  is  necessarily  wrong.  He  does  not  attack  the  action  of  any 
particular  partizan  party.  He  has  striven  to  keep  his  work 
above  the  level  of  partizanship.  Critically  and  impartially  he 
has  tried  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  present  pathological 
condition  of  the  American  state  democracies  and  to  suggest 
a  remedy.  His  effort  is  an  attempt  to  further  substantiate  the 
truth  that  the  political  agencies,  means,  and  methods  of  every 
body  politic  must  give  full  effectiveness  to  its  established  political 
principles  and  ideals  before  the  full  benefits  of  its  chosen  Form  of 
Government  can  be  secured  by  the  people  thereof. 
\/This  is  no  new  theme.  But  in  the  succeeding  pages  the  reader 
may  discover  some  old  truth  clothed  in  new  thought,  which,  in 
turn,  may  lead  to  the  discovery  of  new  truth  in  the  old  belief  that 
our  form  of  Representative  Government  can  be  made  permanent 
and  effectual  only  through  the  consistent,  continuous,  and  direct 
exercise  by  individuals  of  those  administrative  powers  which  the 
theory  of  our  government  requires  them,  and  them  alone  to  exercise. 

In  this  book  Political  Administration  will  be  considered  as  a 
systematic  series  of  contributive  processes,  each  of  such  processes 
having  but  one  specific  contributive  object  in  view.  It  will  be 
contended  that  proper  Individual  Action  consists  in  properly  using 
certain  administrative  powers,  at  certain  times,  for  certain  proper 
administrative  purposes,  by  means  of  certain  proper  administra- 


PREFACE 


tive  agencies,  means,  and  methods,  in  each  period  of  administra- 
tion. 

The  work  of  political  administration  will  be  considered  as 
moral  in  nature,  technical  in  kind,  and  as  being  directed  primarily 
to  the  proper  regulation  of  individual  effort.  Individuals  will 
be  considered  as  morally  bound  to  the  proper  discharge  of  cer- 
tain political  obligations  and  duties. 

The  various  principles,  doctrines,  processes,  agencies,  means, 
and  methods  of  administrative  action  are  set  forth  in  separate 
chapters.  This  plan  involves  more  or  less  repetition  ;  but  repeti- 
tion is  unavoidable  because  each  contributive  process  ties  into 
its  neighboring  processes  and  is  at  one  and  the  same  time  a  result 
of  what  has  gone  before  and  a  partial  cause  of  what  is  to  follow 
in  an  unending  cycle  of  administrative  action. 

The  use  of  anecdote  is  shunned  as  having  no  proper  place  in 
the  treatment  of  a  moral  and  technical  subject.  Politics  is  not 
the  joke  that  anecdotes  so  often  make  it  appear.  It  is  not  the 
intention  of  the  author  to  amuse.  He  presents  a  serious  treat- 
ment of  a  most  serious  subject  for  the  consideration  of  seriously 
minded  readers;  and  those  who  pick  up  the  book  for  enter- 
tainment —  Critics  excepted  —  are  warned  to  close  it  here  and 
shelve  it. 

The  author's  plan  of  writing  is  as  follows :  First,  to  set  forth 
in  general  terms  the  spirit,  intent,  and  objects  of  the  original 
governmental  agreements  of  the  American  Commonwealths. 
Second,  to  show  how  and  why  the  Commonwealths  failed  to  put 
the  detail  of  their  agreement  into  full  and  effective  operation. 
Third,  to  show  how  and  why  The  Partizan  Party  has  taken  ad- 
vantage of  the  mistakes  of  the  Commonwealths ;  and  finally,  to 
show  that  which  is  necessary  to  enable  the  Commonwealths  to 
put  their  original  spirit  and  intent  into  effective  operation  in  the 
future.  The  past  action  of  the  people  and  its  detail  consequences 
is  revealed.  Their  present  action  and  its  detail  results  is  disclosed. 
The  way  to  logical  action  in  the  future  is  indicated. 

The  concept  of  this  book  regarding  Political  Reform  places  it 
in  opposition  to  the  great  bulk  of  contemporary  political  writing. 
Also  the  author  believes  that  absolute  accuracy  in  the  use  of  words 
and  terms  is  essential.  Because  of  this  opposition  and  because 
of  the  requirement  of  accuracy  the  author  has  found  it  impossible 
to  derive  satisfactory  support  from  the  well-meant  but  loosely 
drawn  literary  generalities  that  have  for  their  purpose  the  im- 
provement and  the  continuance   in  use   of  the  partizan   party 


PREFACE  xi 


system  and  not  its  abolishment.  Consequently  he  has  been 
obliged  to  forego  the  pleasure  and  advantage  of  an  impressive 
list  of  cited  authorities,  and  has  chosen  to  make  the  worth  of  this 
book  depend  entirely  upon  the  correctness  of  its  premises,  argu- 
ments, and  conclusions,  and  not  to  appear  to  depend  in  part  upon 
the  thoughts  of  others  that  are  written  from  a  different  stand- 
point and  for  a  different  purpose. 


Upper  Montclair,  New  Jersey, 
August  14,  1918. 


LIST  OF  CHAPTER   SUBJECTS 

CHAPTER  SUBJECT  PAGE 

Preface         v 

I.     Introductory  Survey 1 

II.     Political  Principles 28 

III.  Political  Rights 40 

IV.  Political  Power 56 

V.  The  Will  of  the  People,  Public  Opinion       ...  70 

VI.     The  Doctrine  of  Majority  Rule 84 

VII.  The  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  ant)   the  Duties  of 

Citizenship 96 

VTII.  Political  Agencies,  the  Electorate        .        .        .        .110 

IX.  Political  Agencies,  the  Government      ....  120 

X.  Political  Means  anb  Political  Methods        .        .        .  130 

XI.    Political  Organization 149 

XII.     Political  Leadership 175 

XIII.  Political  Parties 189 

XIV.  Political  Majorities 203 

XV.  The  Process  of  Naturalization  and  Registration      .  214 

XVI.    The  Process  of  Nomination 236 

XVII.    The  Process  op  Election 264 

XVIII.     Political  Representation 297 

XIX.  The  District  System  of  Representation         .        .        .  327 

XX.     Political  Responsibility 350 

XXI.    Political  Control 370 

XXII.     Political  Education 380 

XXIII.  The  System  of  Political  Administration        .        .        .  394 

XXIV.  Political  Reform 419 

XXV.  Independent  Non-Partizan  Associations.    Commission 

Form  of  Government 450 

XXVI.    Retrospective  Survey 459 

XXVII.    Conclusions 465 

xiii 


CHAPTER  I 
mXRODUCTORY  SURVEY 

Let  us  establish  our  point  of  perspective  by  differentiating 
the  meanings  contained  in  the  terms  "  Government  "  and  "  Ad- 
ministration." 

Both  result  from  an  exercise  of  "  The  Power  to  Govern  " ; 
which  is  Political  Power. 

Political  Power  is  used  for  two  main  objects. 

In  the  beginning  it  is  used  to  establish  Government. 

Afterwards  it  is  used  to  administer  Government  as  established. 

The  Establishment  and  the  Administration  of  Government  are 
two  distinct  processes  in  point  of  time. 

Each  process  is  consummated  through  the  performance  by 
individuals  of  certain  specific  acts,  one  after  another,  in  a  regular 
order  of  sequence,  and  for  definite  purposes. 

The  Process  of  Establishment.  Such  acts  as  deciding  the  Form 
of  Government ;  the  State  Polity ;  and  the  manner  of  applying 
the  state  polity,  are  parts  of  the  Process  of  Establishment. 

Theoretically,  they  are  performed  but  once  in  a  governmental 
regime,  and  at  its  beginning. 

The  Process  of  Administration.  Other  acts  such  as  deciding 
the  temporary  administrative  Policy ;  naturalizing  aliens ;  nomi- 
nating candidates ;  filling  governmental  offices  ;  enforcing  political 
responsibility ;  and  controlling  the  exercise  of  political  authority, 
are  parts  of  the  Process  of  Administration  which  must  be  performed 
repeatedly,  and  at  stated  intervals  while  the  govermental  regime 
lasts. 

If  we  regard  the  performance  of  each  of  these  acts  as  a  distinct 
exercise  of  political  power  for  a  specific  purpose,  then  the  Power 
to  Govern  will  appear  to  be  composed  of  two  main  groups  of 
powers,  namely : 

The  Powers  of  Establishment;  and  The  Powers  of  Adminis- 
tration. 

The  Powers  of  Establishment  are  used  to  bring  a  new  Regime 
of  Life,  Law,  and  Order  into  existence. 

1 


SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 


The  Powers  of  Administration  are  used  to  maintain,  perpetuate, 
and  make  operative  the  ordained  Regime. 

The  names  of  the  several  powers  will  be  given  in  the  order  of 
their  exercise  in  Chapter  IV.  For  the  purposes  of  this  chapter 
"  Government  "  will  be  defined  as  the  Ordained  Regime  of  A  State ; 
and  ''  Administration  "  will  be  defined  as  the  process  by  which 
the  ordained  regime  is  maintained,  perpetuated,  and  made  opera- 
tive within  The  State. 

The  energizing  force  in  Government  and  In  Administration 
proceeds  immediately  from  Individual  Action.  Let  us  briefly 
consider  the  general  status  of  The  Individual ;  the  one  who  exer- 
cises The  Power  to  Govern. 

In  the  American  Democracies  each  adult  individual  (exceptions 
excluded)  possesses  a  dual  capacity.  He  is  at  one  and  the  same 
time  a  Political  Unit  and  a  Social  Unit. 

As  a  social  unit  each  individual  is  endowed  with  the  exercise  of 
Individual  Power  along  social  and  economic  lines  of  effort,  accord- 
ing to  a  fixed  and  definite  scheme  of  rights.  All  are  held  to  have 
agreed  to  use  these  rights  so  as  not  to  impair  the  rights  of  others. 
Generally  these  rights  are  set  forth  distinctly  in  a  written  "  Govern- 
mental Agreement  "  called  a  Constitution.  The  definitions  serve 
to  illustrate  the  meanings  of  the  State  Polity  in  detail. 

As  a  political  unit  each  adult  is  endowed  with  the  exercise  of 
Political  Power.  Some  at  various  times  are  also  endowed  with 
the  exercise  of  Political  Authority;  and  all  have  assumed  the 
discharge  of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  and  of  the  Duties  of 
Citizenship.  The  meanings  of  these  terms,  in  all  their  details, 
will  appear  in  subsequent  chapters;  but  in  passing  there  is  one 
important  point  to  be  emphasized;  viz.  the  political  capacity  of 
The  Individual  is  his  supreme  capacity;  for  in  Commonwealths 
like  ours,  where  the  collective  people  act  as  The  Sovereign,  every 
rule  of  action  that  finally  regulates  either  the  social  or  the  economic 
effort  of  the  individual,  is  first  proposed,  discussed,  formed,  and 
adopted  as  a  Law  by  individuals  while  acting  in  a  political  capacity. 
In  other  words,  the  social  and  economic  status  of  The  Individual 
is  either  fixed  or  changed  by  legislation,  which  is  a  political  process. 

A  brief  review  of  a  few  historical  facts  will  serve  to  set  forth  the 
kind  of  regime  intended  and  the  manner  of  its  maintenance. 

The  Desired  Conditions  of  Existence :  When  our  Forefathers 
achieved  independence  from  British  Rule,  they  declared  that  there 
were  four  distinct  conditions  of  human  existence  which  were  most 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY 


conducive  to  individual  welfare  and  happiness,  and  to  human 
progress. 

They  said  that  these  conditions  were  Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality, 
and  Justice. 

Certain  broad  and  somewhat  vague  meanings  had  become  at- 
tached to  these  terms  in  colonial  times,  and,  without  attempting 
to  define  the  conditions  in  set  terms,  The  Fathers  in  each  State 
accepted  the  current  meanings  as  sufficiently  indicative  of  the 
desired  social,  economic,  and  political  status  of  The  Individual, 
and  ordained  the  maintenance  of  these  conditions  as  commonly 
understood. 

The  Political  Agencies:  Next  they  constituted  two  special 
political  agencies  by  means  of  which  the  people  were  to  act  at  stated 
intervals  in  their  work  of  Political  Administration. 

The  Electorate.  The  first  of  these  is  the  Voting  Class.  It  is 
called  The  Electorate.  In  it  is  vested  the  Political  Prerogative 
of  the  people.  It  has  the  privilege  of  exercising  the  Discretionary 
Powers  and  the  Volition  of  the  people.  All  of  these  powers  were 
to  be  exercised  directly  by  The  Electorate  while  acting  in  the  ca- 
pacity of  the  Collective  Sovereign. 

The  Government.  The  second  of  these  is  a  composite,  three- 
branched  agency,  consisting  of  an  Executive,  a  Legislative,  and 
a  Judiciary  Department.  It  is  an  assisting  agency  of  The  Elec- 
torate which  is  the  "  Common  Superior  "  of  the  three  administra- 
tive departments. 

Theoretically,  The  Government  always  remains  under  the  direc- 
tion and  control  of  The  Electorate  acting  as  the  Collective 
Sovereign. 

The  direction  and  control  of  this  agency  by  the  Collective 
Sovereign  is  necessary  because  a  limited  exercise  of  a  few  of  the 
sovereign  powers  of  administration  has  been  delegated  to  it. 

The  Fathers  then  prescribed  the  qualifications  of  The  Electors 
and  declared  that  the  more  important  offices  in  The  Government 
were  to  be  filled  through  direct  nomination  and  election  by  The 
Electorate,  and  that  the  less  important  positions  were  to  be  filled 
by  proper  action  on  the  part  of  the  elected  officials. 

In  a  very  cursory  way  they  then  separated  and  divided  the 
exercise  of  Political  Authority  between  the  three  departments  in 
The  Government;  and,  evidently  relying  upon  the  force  of  Civic 
Virtue  to  produce  logical  electoral  and  official  administrative 
action,  they  obtained  the  "  Consent  of  The  People  "  to  their  action 
in    establishing    government;    caused    all    administrative   offices 


4  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

and  positions  to  be  filled  from  The  Electorate,  and  started  The 
Government  in  operation. 

But  they  failed  to  provide  the  people  beforehand  with  any 
adequate  guarantee  against  improper  action  by  The  Electorate 
or  by  The  Government. 

Administrative  Problems :  From  this  time  on  the  people  faced 
the  new  problems  of  political  administration,  so  called  to  distin- 
guish them  from  the  problems  involved  in  the  exercise  of  the 
Powers  of  Establishment. 

These  administrative  problems  comprehend  the  continuous 
preservation  unimpaired  of  the  above-named  conditions  of  indi- 
vidual existence,  and  the  continuous  transmission  of  them  to  the 
succeeding  generations  of  men  who  constitute  The  State.  As  they 
were  in  the  beginning,  these  are  now  our  problems,  and  ever  will 
be  the  problems  of  succeeding  generations  so  long  as  our  present 
form  of  government  continues  to  exist. 

How  Solved.  Theoretically,  we  finally  reach  a  solution  of  these 
problems  through  action  that  is  taken  by  The  Individual  while 
engaged  in  a  political  capacity;  for  every  political  act  that  is 
properly  performed,  whether  we  realize  it  at  the  time  or  not,  is  but 
an  attempt  by  the  individual  to  apply  some  one  or  another  of  his 
basic  Principles  of  Action  to  the  correct  decision  of  some  one  ques- 
tion or  another  that  affects  the  true  welfare  of  The  Individual  and 
of  The  State. 

Now  as  to  the  manner  in  which  The  Individual  acts  in  deciding 
these  constantly  arising  questions. 

Theoretically,  each  individual  elector  is  restricted  to  the  use  of 
his  intelligence  and  reason  in  forming  his  judgment  and  will. 

Theoretically,  only  those  who  are  capable  of  forming  a  clear 
and  decisive  will  are  supposed  to  be  vested  with  the  exercise  of 
sovereignty. 

As  to  the  manner  of  deciding  these  questions,  and  sketching  it 
in  very  general  manner  : 

Each  question  must  be  placed  separately  before  the  people  in  a 
clear  and  readily  understandable  form.  Individual  will  is  first 
formed.  The  Will  of  The  Electorate  is  next  formed.  The  various 
acts  connected  with  the  transaction  of  the  several  and  successive 
administrative  processes  which  lead  up  to  the  decision  of  the 
temporary  Administrative  Policy ;  the  impartation  of  a  clear  and 
definite  "  Impulse  "  to  action  by  The  Government ;  and  the  filling 
of  the  elective  offices  must  be  performed  ;  and  finally  the  people 
must  control  the  official  action  of  their  representatives  and  see  to 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY 


it  that  they  pass  and  enforce  Laws  that  are  responsive  to  the 
Administrative  Will  as  ascertained  at  The  Election. 

Requisites  for  Proper  Electoral  Action :  Few  of  us  realize  the 
number  or  the  variety  of  the  moves  that  are  theoretically  required 
of  an  individual  Elector  in  the  transaction  of  the  various  steps, 
stages,  and  processes  in  the  work  of  Political  Administration ; 
but  rough  as  the  above  outline  of  such  work  is,  it  may  nevertheless 
serve  to  make  these  two  facts  apparent ;  namely,  that  before  the 
average  elector  can  hope  to  transact  his  part  of  the  general  ad- 
ministrative work  of  the  commonwealth  properly,  he  must  in  the 
first  place  have  a  definite  conception  of  what  is  meant  by  his  basic 
Principles  of  Action  ;  and  in  the  second  place  he  must  possess  the 
assistance  of  a  definite  and  logical  System  of  Electoral  Action 
that  will  show  him  how  he  can  perform  every  administrative  act 
that  is  required  of  him  properly,  and  that  will  also  show  him  how 
he  can,  if  necessary,  enforce  the  proper  performance  of  such  work 
from  others.  Such  a  Body  of  Law  is  the  accredited  standard  of 
Electoral  Morality. 

Requisites  for  Proper  Official  Action :  But  Electoral  Action  is 
only  one  part  of  Administrative  Action.  The  other  part  is  Official 
Action.  Before  the  people  can  reasonably  hope  to  obtain  the  in- 
tended kind  of  Official  Action  they  must  provide  their  Public 
Officials  with  plain,  suitable,  and  unmistakable  rules  for  the  dis- 
charge of  the  definite  function  and  special  duties  of  each  separate 
office ;  to  the  end  in  the  first  place,  that  the  exercise  of  Political 
Authority  cannot  be  safely  surrendered  by  any  official  in  any  de- 
partment of  The  Government,  or  safely  usurped  by  another ;  and 
to  the  end  in  the  second  place,  that  The  Commonwealth  shall 
always  possess  in  such  a  body  of  rules  a  reasonable  and  just  basis 
for  action  in  enforcing  political  responsibility  and  punishing  mal- 
feasance in  office ;  and  to  the  end  in  the  third  place,  that  the  great 
body  of  individuals  who  possess  certain  rights  shall  also  possess 
an  adequate  guarantee  that  their  rights  will  not  be  permanently 
impaired  by  the  action  of  those  few  individuals  to  whom  they 
delegate  an  exercise  of  some  of  their  Political  Power. 

Without  such  a  Body  of  Rules  there  is  no  definite  and  ade- 
quately enforcible  standard  of  Official  Morality. 

The  Fathers  failed  to  provide  the  original  Commonwealths  with 
adequate  standards  of  Electoral  Morality  and  Official  Morality. 
The  succeeding  Commonwealths  have  failed  in  the  same  respect. 

Inherited  Conditions.  Turning  now  from  a  contemplation  of 
intent  and  of  failures  in  past  action,  let  us  glance  at  the  conditions 


6  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

of  existence  that  have  been  transmitted  to  us  by  our  predecessors. 
One  hundred  and  twenty-fi\^e  years  of  self-government  has  brought 
us  to  the  pass  where  absolute  individual  freedom  in  administrative 
action  does  not  exist ;  where  liberty  in  economic  action  is  grievously 
restricted ;  where  equal  opportunities  between  individuals  to 
promote  the  Common  Welfare  through  administrative  action  are 
destroyed ;  where  political  and  also  economic  injustices  are  rife  in 
every  American  Commonwealth  ;  and  where  the  woof  of  American 
Politics  is  shot  through  and  through  with  a  web  of  trickery,  deceit, 
hypocrisy,  chicanery,  dishonesty,  fraud,  intimidation,  oppression, 
moral  crime,  political  crime,  and  statutory  crime. 

To  some  this  statement  may  come  as  a  surprise.  But  to  many 
others  it  is  a  bitter  conviction.  Already  on  the  streets  of  the  Cities 
and  Towns  of  the  United  States  one  may  hear  the  question  dis- 
cussed whether,  after  all,  the  firm  rule  of  an  Autocrat  or  of  a 
Dictator  is  not  to  be  preferred  to  the  loose  political  administration 
of  our  heedless  Societies.  Nor  are  the  warnings  of  republican 
statesmen  throughout  the  world  lacking  to  the  effect  that  if  the 
political  action  of  the  "  American  People  "  is  allowed  to  proceed 
unchecked  along  the  lines  it  has  followed  and  is  following,  then 
American  Representative  Government  must  ultimately  fail  to 
accomplish  the  objects  for  which  it  was  ordained,  and,  failing, 
must  give  way  to  some  other  form  of  government  that  is  better 
adapted  to  conserve  human  morality,  welfare,  and  happiness. 

What,  O  my  Countrymen,  have  we  done  in  the  past  that  could 
so  alter  our  ordained  conditions  of  existence  ?  What  are  we  doing 
now  to  contribute  to  these  administrative  results  or  that  lends 
color  to  this  belief  ?  With  Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice 
at  present  clearly  defined  and  still  solemnly  ordained  as  the  proper 
conditions  of  life ;  with  Political  Power  in  our  hands  and  placed 
there  to  enable  us  through  its  exercise  to  continuously  maintain 
these  conditions  withm  the  Body  Politic ;  why  is  it,  that  through 
administrating  Government  to  ourselves,  we  impair  these  condi- 
tions, imperil  the  stability  of  our  Form  of  Government,  and  vitiate 
both  the  public  morals  and  private  morals? 

The  Original  Administrative  Error :  For  twenty  years  the  author 
has  sought  a  conclusive  answer  to  these  questions.  He  has  worked 
in  the  belief  that  if  investigation  will  succeed  in  accurately  locating 
the  origin  and  cause  of  an  administrative  evil,  it  will  at  the  same 
time  disclose  the  course  of  action  which  will  eliminate  that  evil. 
To  him  the  present  deplorable  condition  presented  the  appearance 
of  a  gradual  and  cumulative  growth.     He  saw  in  the  present  mode 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY 


of  administrative  action  a  result  of  what  the  American  Common- 
wealths had  done  or  left  undone  in  their  past  administrative  action. 
In  common  with  others  he  found  himself  deprived  of  the  free  and 
untrammeled  exercise  of  political  rights  that  he  knew^  were  his  and 
theirs.  He  set  himself  the  task  of  finding  out  why  he  and  they 
were  so  deprived.  Starting  with  no  preconceived  theory,  relying 
on  observation,  patience,  and  perseverance,  he  has  traced  all  of 
the  prominent  evils  of  our  present  administrative  action  back  to 
one  and  the  same  origin ;  namely,  the  absence  of  a  definite  and 
comprehensive  Body  of  Administrative  Law  in  the  State  Con- 
stitutions and  the  consequent  use  of  Opinion  —  uncertain,  illogical, 
and  devious  Public  Opinion  —  as  the  impulse  to  Electoral  and  to 
Official  Action. 

The  Peril  of  Opinion :  Opinion,  concerning  right  individual 
exercise  of  democratic  political  power  and  authority,  should  not 
be  allowed  to  exist.  An  opinion,  whether  it  is  formed  by  an  in- 
dividual or  by  a  commonwealth,  is  a  mental  estimate  or  conclusion 
that  falls  short  of  the  truth.  It  exposes  its  holder  to  loss  or  im- 
pairment of  ordained  status.  Being  a  faulty  conclusion,  it  must, 
perforce,  be  put  into  operation  by  an  expedient;  that  is,  by  a 
means  or  method  of  operation  that  permits  either  more  or  less  to 
be  done  than  was  originally  intended  should  be  done.  Good 
Government,  or  a  proper  administration  of  the  Will  and  Intent 
of  The  People,  can  never  be  produced  through  devising  expedients 
for  putting  opinion  into  effect.  If  faulty  conclusions  concerning 
administrative  action  are  put  into  operation  by  administrative 
expedients,  then  either  more  or  less  will  be  done  than  was  intended 
to  be  done  originally,  and  individual  hardships  and  injustices  will 
follow  as  a  matter  of  course.  They  have  followed,  in  abundance ; 
and  mainly  because  the  American  Commonwealths,  never  having 
set  forth  their  Administrative  Truth  fully  in  the  administrative 
law,  have  left  the  opportunity  open  for  the  free  play  of  and  the 
free  manipulation  of  "  Opinion  "  concerning  w^hat  is  right  electoral 
and  official  action. 

The  fact  that  the  exploitation  of  the  opportunity  is  due  in  part 
to  human  nature  has  not  been  overlooked.  In  every  common- 
wealth there  is  a  large  body  of  individuals  who,  because  of  their 
nature,  will  seek  their  owm  private  advantage  ahead  of  the  ordained 
General  Welfare  through  their  manipulation  of  public  opinion 
and  of  political  administration ;  and  the  only  way  in  which  such 
action  can  be  prevented  in  part  is  through  the  enactment  and  the 
enforcement  by  the  people  of  an  adequate  and  comprehensive 


8  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 


Body  of  Administrative  Law  which  regulates  administrative  action 
logically  and  in  detail,  thereby  putting  a  premium  upon  right 
action  and  a  penalty  upon  wrong  action. 

"A  Government  of  Laws."  Nothing  but  such  a  body  of  Law 
will  ever  enable  a  Commonwealth  to  obtain  what  John  Adams 
called  "  A  Government  of  Laws  and  not  of  Men."  John  Adams 
knew  human  nature  in  the  mass.  He  insisted  that  without  logical 
Laws  there  could  not  be  a  "  Government  of  Laws  "  such  as  The 
Commonwealth  intended  to  have.  Massachusetts  followed  his 
lead  far  enough  to  insert  a  distinct  statement  of  its  purposes  and 
intent  in  its  Fundamental  Law.  It  enacted  what  is  known  as  its 
Body  of  Liberties,  but  it  did  not  provide  its  Sovereign-units  with 
a  clear,  distinct,  and  unquestionable  law  of  individual  action  in 
support  of  those  liberties,  and  before  long  the  nature  of  its 
"  Administration  "  changed  to  one  of  Men  and  not  of  Laws. 

Administrative  Success,  Requisites :  One  of  the  requisites  for 
successful  Political  Administration  is  that  the  System  of  State 
Polity  be  able  of  itself  to  exert  a  beneficial  and  protecting  influence 
on  the  individuals  of  The  State.  The  System  is  but  the  expression 
of  the  Public  Will ;  and  this  Will  should  be  set  forth  clearly  in  the 
Administrative  System;  thereby  not  only  enabling  individuals 
but  compelling  individuals  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  Public 
Will.  Such  a  Body  of  Law  constitutes  the  real  "  Political  iEgis 
of  the  State,"and  it  alone  can  discharge  the  function  properly  of 
declaring  what  shall  be  considered  right,  and  what  is  wrong  and 
hurtful  individual  administrative  action. 

A  Standard  of  Public  Morals.  The  Body  of  Administrative  Law 
should  stand  as  the  expression  of  the  Public  Conscience  and  Morals ; 
but  this  it  cannot  do  unless  every  administrative  act  is  set  forth 
in  clear  and  definite  terms.  American  administrative  morals 
differ  from  the  political  morals  of  every  other  nation ;  and  we 
should  keep  them  different.  But  the  only  way  to  do  so  effectively 
is  to  define  our  ideas  of  political  morality  clearly  and  definitely  in 
the  Fundamental  Law ;  thereby  establishing  a  distinctive  standard 
of  administrative  morals  and  morality  to  which  all  must  conform. 

Moral  Force.  Also,  The  People  must  have  Force  with  which  to 
effect  their  Will.  But  Moral  Force  they  cannot  have  unless  they 
have  logical  and  minute  administrative  Law  for  its  basis.  Other- 
wise their  Moral  Force  is  dissipated  in  the  conflict  and  struggle  of 
Opinion  concerning  what  is  right,  or  moral,  action. 

Logical  Means  and  Methods.  The  individual  rights  that  are 
indicated  by  the  terms  "Freedom,"  "Liberty,"  "Equality,"  and 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  9 

"  Justice  "  spring  into  operation  through  political  action  by  the 
people  of  The  State.  Their  maintenance  is  to  be  accomplished 
through  administrative  action  by  the  individuals  of  The  State. 
Viewing  self-government  as  an  attempt  by  the  people  to  maintain 
these  individual  Rights,  the  prime  factor  in  success  is  an  adequate 
and  logical  System  of  Administrative  Action,  meaning  by  this 
term,  a  system  composed  of  means  and  methods  of  a  character 
that  will  enable  individual  electors  and  officials  to  act  in  strict 
conformity  to  The  Commonwealth's  intended  Plan  of  Action. 

"Eternal  Vigilance.'^  For  the  moment  confining  our  thought 
to  what  The  Electorate  has  to  do  in  maintaining  individual  rights : 

Proper  individual  action  is  an  indispensable  requisite  for  success- 
ful Political  Administration ;  and  this,  in  turn,  calls  for  the 
exercise  of  eternal  vigilance  by  the  electors  and  a  continuous  and 
direct  use  by  them  of  their  specific  Administrative  Powers. 

In  support  of  this  truth  let  us  hark  back  to  an  utterance  of 
John  Philpot  Curran,  made  in  a  speech  at  Dublin  in  1790;  and 
which  paraphrased  to  fit  political  conditions  existing  here  may  be 
fairly  rendered  as  follows  :  "  It  is  the  common  fate  of  the  indolent 
to  see  their  rights  become  the  prey  of  the  active.  Eternal  vigilance 
on  the  part  of  individuals  who  possess  these  rights  is  the  price 
which  they  must  pay  for  their  continued  maintenance  ;  and  vigi- 
lance, in  this  connection,  means  not  only  watchfulness,  but  con- 
tinuous individual  exercise  of  the  political  power  that  was  given 
them  to  be  used  in  maintaining  their  rights.  Unless  this  price  is 
fully  paid,  servitude  in  one  form  or  another  is  at  once  the  conse- 
quence of  their  neglect  and  the  punishment  of  their  indolence." 

If  this  utterance  enunciates  a  political  truth,  —  and  who  that  is 
conversant  with  the  history  of  past  experiments  in  self-government 
can  doubt  it,  —  then  surely  it  is  the  voice  of  Opinion  which  claims 
that  it  is  possible  for  the  electors  of  the  American  Commonwealths 
to  effectively  maintain  their  own  rights  and  the  rights  of  The 
Commonwealth  by  passively  allowing  a  few  active  men  at  the  head 
of  this  or  that  association  of  voters  to  exercise  their  political  pre- 
rogative for  them  in  the  first  place,  and  to  dominate  their  entire 
administrative  action  afterwards ;  and  this,  too,  notwithstanding 
the  well-known  character  of  the  motives,  means,  practises,  and 
actions  of  these  few  active  men  and  their  sponsors. 

But  this  is  exactly  the  fundamental  opinion  that  is  held  by  the 
great  majority  of  the  misled  and  administratively  uninformed 
American  Electorates.  They  have  proceeded  to  put  this  opinion 
into  operation  ;   and  this  action  on  their  part  explains  exactly  why 


_JiO 


SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 


we  of  the  present  generation  have  not  received  from  our  prede- 
cessors, and  cannot  transmit  to  our  successors,  the  full  benefits 
that  were  promised  to  us,  yes,  and  to  humanity  at  large,  in  the 
name  of  American  Representative  Government. 

The  adoption  of  the  opinion  that  a  direct  exercise  of  individual 
political  prerogative  and  powers  could  be  delegated,  led  naturally 
to  the  formation  and  adoption  of  further  opinions  regarding  the 
agencies  through  which,  and  the  means  and  methods  by  which, 
this  delegated  exercise  could  be  made  to  serve  the  purpose  of  a 
direct  exercise ;  and  the  results  which  immediately  followed  the 
application  of  these  opinions  to  the  technical  work  of  political 
administration  gave  rise  to  a  host  of  conflicting  opinions  regarding 
nearly  everything  connected  with  that  work. 

The  Original  Lack  of  Administrative  Knowledge.  Now  an 
Opinion  cannot  exist  in  the  bright  light  of  Truth.  It  flourishes 
best  in  the  murk  of  Ignorance.  How  did  these  opinions  gain  a 
foothold  and  vigor  if  not  because  of  a  widespread  lack  of  ad- 
ministrative knowledge? 

Behind  every  opinion  lies  a  cause  for  its  existence ;  and  behind 
the  use  of  expedient  lies  the  reason  for  its  use.  If  we  can  locate 
the  cause  for  the  existence  of  administrative  opinions,  we  shall  have 
reached  a  sure  starting-point  from  which  to  trace  the  underlying 
reasons  for  the  use  of  administrative  expedients. 

Admitting  the  existence  of  beliefs  to  the  contrary,  nevertheless 
the  author  anticipates  that  those  who  are  familiar  with  American 
political  history  will  agree  with  him  that  the  underlying  cause  for 
the  existence  of  administrative  opinion  in  the  first  American 
Commonwealths  was  the  lack  of  adequate  administrative  knowl- 
edge. Lacking  in  such  knowledge  The  Fathers  necessarily  trans- 
mitted this  lack  to  their  successors  and  left  them  without  the 
information  that  was  necessary  to  produce  logical  administration. 

The  Lack  of  a  Distinctive  Political  Science.  One  of  the  handicaps 
which  the  American  Commonwealths  have  always  struggled 
against  is  the  lack  of  a  distinctive  political  science.  Stress  is  laid 
upon  this  point  for  the  reason  that  each  separate  Body  Politic 
must  from  the  nature  of  things  be  capable  of  having  its  own  distinct 
science  of  Government.  It  must  also  possess  such  a  science  before 
it  can  hope  to  avoid  perturbed  administrative  action.  The  political 
sciences  of  the  different  bodies  politic  of  the  world  must  differ. 
They  are  distinctive  because  they  are  in  each  instance  founded 
upon  certain  definite  but  different  conceptions  of  the  nature  of 
Political  Power;    of  the  specific  objects  to  be  attained  by  its 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  11 

exercise ;  and  of  the  agencies,  means,  and  methods  by  which  it  is 
to  be  used. 

These  various  and  varying  concepts  serve  in  part  to  distinguish 
poHtical  communities  from  each  other;  and  in  no  two  bodies 
poHtic  are  they  ahke.  If  PoHtical  Administration  were  merely 
the  orderly  regulation  of  the  affairs  of  a  community  according  to 
one  general  process  or  system,  then  a  general  political  science  could 
apply  to  all  communities  alike ;  but  the  divergencies  existing  in 
the  above-mentioned  conceptions  preclude  this  idea ;  and  each 
body  politic  must  perforce  be  capable  of  possessing  its  own  dis- 
tinctive political  science. 

Take  an  illustration  of  this  truth  from  the  liberal  arts.  Tanning 
is  the  process  of  converting  raw  hides  into  leather.  The  basic  idea 
is  to  extrude  all  fat  from  the  hides  and  to  make  the  skin  tough  and 
durable.  There  are  several  distmct  processes  by  which  this  result 
is  obtained.  Each  process  or  system  has  its  own  distinctive  agen- 
cies, appliances,  and  methods.  Each  has  its  own  distinct  science ; 
that  is,  a  precise  knowledge  beforehand  of  the  separate  details  of  the 
process.  Each  process  will  convert  raw  hides  into  leather.  But 
the  knowledge  of  what  is  done  and  happens,  and  of  the  appliances 
used  and  of  the  methods  pursued  in  the  process  of  bark  tanning, 
is  of  little  practical  use  to  one  who  tans  by  the  chrome  process ; 
and  electric-tanned  leather  cannot  be  produced  by  following  the 
processes  and  using  the  appliances  employed  either  in  chrome 
tanning  or  in  bark  tanning.  The  basic  idea  is  the  same  in  each 
process ;  but  the  agencies,  the  means,  and  the  methods  are  dif- 
ferent ;  and  the  results,  that  is,  the  leathers,  are  different  in  ap- 
pearance, in  toughness,  and  in  durability. 

As  in  each  process  of  tanning  the  basic  idea  is  the  same,  so  in 
most  of  the  free  political  communities  of  our  western  civilization 
the  basic  idea  is  the  same.  But  as  in  tanning  the  processes,  the 
means,  the  agencies,  the  appliances,  and  the  results  are  different, 
so  in  political  administration  within  these  different  bodies  politic 
the  administrative  action,  the  agencies,  the  means,  the  methods, 
and  the  results  are  different. 

In  a  very  broad  and  loose  way  The  Fathers  indicated  the  general 
manner  in  which  Political  Power  and  Political  Authority  were  to 
be  used ;  but  lacking  in  sufficient  administrative  knowledge,  they 
were  perforce  unable  to  construct  an  authoritative  statement  of 
the  relations  existing  between  cause  and  effect  in  administrative 
action.  They  could  not  produce  an  affirmative  thesis  setting  forth 
the  peculiar  relations  existing  between  political  Responsibility 


12  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

and  political  Freedom.  They  could  not  in  advance  of  adminis- 
tration issue  an  authoritative  explanation  of  the  dependence  of 
individual  Freedom  and  Liberty  upon  the  use  of  logical  means  and 
methods  for  the  exercise  of  Political  Power  and  Authority.  The 
people  of  the  succeeding  Commonwealths  knew  little  if  anything 
more  of  these  matters.  They  did  little  more  than  to  copy  the 
political  action  and  the  administrative  procedure  of  their  pred- 
ecessors. No  American  Commonwealth  has  at  any  time  pos- 
sessed a  body  of  law  which  imperatively  directs  the  attention  of 
its  sovereign-units  to  the  specific  requirements  of  its  distinctive 
administrative  action.  In  no  Commonwealth  have  the  people 
ever  taken  the  time  to  institute  a  systematic  and  scientific  inquiry 
concerning  what,  for  them,  is  a  logical  exercise  of  Political  Power 
and  Political  Authority ;  and  this  in  a  sketchy  way  explains  why 
no  American  Commonwealth  at  present  possesses  its  own  dis- 
tinctive and  inclusive  political  science. 

But  a  knowledge  of  what  must  happen  in  the  process  of  adminis- 
tration, and  of  how  it  can  be  made  to  happen,  is  as  necessary  to 
proper  action  by  a  sovereign-unit  as  the  knowledge  of  the  knack  of 
his  tools  is  to  good  work  by  a  craftsman ;  and  common  prudence 
suggests  that  this  necessity  be  met  without  further  delay. 

It  will  be  assumed  that  the  capacity  of  the  individual  to  govern 
can  never  equal  his  power  to  govern  so  long  as  he  uses  incorrect 
methods  of  administrative  action  ;  and  that  if  he  uses  such  methods 
be  his  intentions  never  so  honest,  the  result  of  his  attempt  to 
govern  will  be  misgovernment.  Past  experience  warrants  this 
assumption.  It  also  forces  the  conviction  that  one  of  the  first 
requisites  to  successful  administration  is  a  widespread  appreciation 
of  correct  methods  of  action.  And  this  The  Commonwealth 
should  bring  about  because  it  depends  for  its  continued  existence 
upon  the  proper  action  of  its  Sovereign-units. 

Not  only  does  the  individual  possess  no  political  science  as  a 
guide,  but  at  every  turn  he  encounters  the  discouraging  "  Opinion  " 
that  an  exact  political  science  is  impossible.  On  the  street,  from 
the  rostrum,  and  by  the  press  he  is  informed  that  our  failures  in 
political  administration  are  excusable  if  not  inevitable  because  of 
"  the  impossibility  "  of  devising  a  system  for  putting  the  conflicting 
desires  of  large  bodies  of  individuals  under  a  uniform  and  just 
restraint.  The  "  necessity  for  better  methods  "  is  admitted,  but 
"  better  Partizan  Party  Methods  "  is  what  is  meant.  The  in- 
dividual's attention  is  not  directed  to  a  consideration  of  our 
Principles  of  Action,  which  clearly  indicate  the  definite  kind  of 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  13 

restraint  on  individual  action  that  is  required,  but  is  diverted  to 
a  consideration  of  arguments  intended  to  show  how  The  Partizan 
Party  System  can  be  patched  up  and  made  to  serve.  Fmally, 
this  "  Opinion  "  is  driven  home  and  cHnched  by  the  statement  that 
were  such  a  science  possible,  it  would  have  been  constructed  and 
we  should  have  had  it  long  ago. 

To  such  as  hold  this  opinion  the  mere  fact  that  we  of  the  superior 
intelligence  have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  devise  a  logical  adminis- 
trative system  seems  to  warrant  the  conclusion  that  an  exact 
political  science  is  impossible,  notwithstanding  the  existence  of 
exact  Principles  of  Action.  The  author  contends,  however,  that 
such  mental  processes,  such  jumping  at  conclusions,  such  begging 
of  the  whole  question  discloses  a  lack  of  superior  intelligence. 
Successful  business  men  never  proceed  upon  the  assumption  that 
a  thing  can  never  happen  because  it  never  has  happened.  In  fact 
they  proceed  upon  the  very  opposite  assumption.  Competition 
bears  so  heavily  upon  economic  results  that  economic  success 
depends  more  and  more  upon  making  things  happen  that  never 
happened  before ;  and  it  is  the  realization  of  this  fact  that  has  in 
part  led  to  the  recent  great  development  of  economic  detail. 
From  this  development  of  economic  detail  we  can  learn  something 
about  developing  the  detail  of  political  administration.  One 
general  rule  holds  equally  good  in  each  of  these  departments  of 
human  effort.  This  rule  is,  that  results  are  always  logical.  The 
meaning  contained  in  this  rule  is,  that  correct  action  will  always 
'produce  correct  results ;  that  incorrect  action  will  always  produce 
incorrect  results ;  and  that  mistaken  action  will  always  produce 
puzzling  and  paradoxical  results  to  those  who  honestly  take  it. 

Now  there  is  nothing  mysterious  in  Administrative  Action  by 
which  intellection  is  paralyzed.  The  administrative  actions  of 
individuals  in  a  body  politic  must  necessarily  produce  just  as 
certain  and  definite  results  as  the  action  of  force  on  matter ;  and 
this  is  especially  true  in  bodies  politic  like  ours  wherein  the  nature 
of  political  power  and  the  objects  for  which  it  is  to  be  used  are  clearly 
stated,  and  wherein  the  manner  of  its  exercise  is  clearly  indicated. 
Effect  follows  action  in  politics  as  surely  as  in  physics.  Every 
science,  no  matter  what,  is  nothing  but  a  correct  statement  of  the 
sequence  between  cause  and  effect.  An  exact  knowledge  of  causes 
will  fully  explain  resultant  effects  whether  these  effects  are  pro- 
duced in  and  upon  matter  or  in  and  upon  the  individuals  who 
compose  a  body  politic. 

The  author  will  contend  that  the  evils  which  exist  in  our  present 


14  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

administrative  action  are  due  to  honest  but  unprescient  action 
by  the  people ;  that  one  of  the  causes  for  such  action  is  the  lack 
of  a  distinctive  Political  Science  ;  and  that  the  time  has  now  come 
when  that  lack  must  be  supplied. 

The  Lack  of  an  Authoritative  Political  Literature.  Lack  begets 
lack.  Nowhere  is  this  fact  better  illustrated  than  in  the  present 
chaotic  political  literature  of  the  American  People.  Lacking  in  a 
political  science  the  commonwealths  are  lacking  in  a  foundation 
for  an  authoritative  political  literature.  No  American  Common- 
wealth possesses  a  body  of  authoritative  political  literature,  or 
even  any  disquisitions  that  attempt  a  comprehensive  explanation 
of  its  distinctive  effort  at  self-government  in  the  same  way  that 
Blackstone's  Commentaries  reveal  the  structure,  purpose,  and 
detail  application  of  the  English  Common  Law.  As  a  consequence, 
the  individual  is  necessarily  left  to  find  out  for  himself  how  he  is 
to  act  properly  in  any  given  administrative  emergency,  or  what 
agencies,  means,  and  methods  are  proper  for  him  to  use  while 
endeavoring  to  put  the  Principles  of  The  State  Polity  into  effective 
operation. 

Now  if  in  this  predicament  the  individual  turns  for  assistance 
to  his  political  literature  he  will  not  find  in  it  the  authoritative 
help  he  seeks.  He  will  not  find  a  single  American  book  in  which 
the  subject  of  political  administration  is  comprehensively  con- 
sidered from  its  original  meanings  or  standpoint ;  or  in  which  the 
functions  of  administrative  methods  are  made  the  subject  of  careful 
examination.  He  will  find  in  this  literature  the  same  words  and 
terms  used  by  different  writers  to  express  diametrically  opposed 
ideas.  He  will  find  that  what  is  claimed  by  one  writer  as  the  truth 
is  denied  by  another.  He  will  find  no  general  agreement  either 
as  to  fundamentals  or  as  to  detail.  He  will  find  that  ideas  which 
are  correctly  expressed  by  the  word  "  Government  "  are  much 
more  often  than  otherwise  confounded  with  ideas  that  can  only 
be  properly  expressed  by  the  term  "  Political  Administration." 
In  this  literature  he  will  find  that  groups  of  individuals  who  are 
actuated  by  and  who  are  working  for  the  satisfaction  of  private 
and  selfish  desires  are  indiscriminatingly  spoken  of  as  "  Political 
Parties."  He  will  find  that  such  groups  are  described  as  being 
animated  and  kept  together  by  "  Political  Principles  " ;  while, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  the  utter  lack  of  such  principles  which 
keeps  them  together.  He  will  find  the  subject  of  political  adminis- 
tration approached  from  such  widely  differing  premises  as  to  bring 
about  widely  differing    conclusions   as   to  requisite  methods  of 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  15 

action.  From  end  to  end  he  will  find  it  abounding  in  argument 
supporting  the  use  of  expedients  which  necessarily  permit  the 
satisfaction  of  politically  immoral  desires.  And  finally,  he  will 
find  this  literature  teeming  with  an  idiom  in  which  vernacular 
meanings  are  attached  to  technical  terms,  thus  producing  inex- 
tricable confusion  of  thought  and  frustrating  his  every  attempt 
to  reduce  order  out  of  chaos. 

Such  a  condition  of  affairs  makes  it  almost  impossible  for  the 
average  individual  to  find  out  for  himself  what  is  the  truth  about 
our  administrative  action  both  past  and  present.  It  is,  however, 
ideal  for  the  spread  of  Opinion.  But  a  political  literature  is  one 
of  the  educational  factors  in  political  administration,  and  if  the 
literature  is  chaotic,  that  fact  may  be  accepted  as  a  partial  ex- 
planation of  a  chaotic  administrative  action. 

The  Lack  of  a  Logical  System  of  Political  Administration.  The 
lack  of  a  Political  Science  and  of  an  Authoritative  Literature 
and  of  an  adequate  Educational  System  (which  will  be  considered 
in  Chapter  XXII)  are  somewhat  remote  causes  for  illogical  ad- 
ministrative action.  We  pass  now  to  the  consideration  of  some 
more  immediate  causes  for  such  action. 

Because  the  people  of  the  original  thirteen  Commonwealths 
were  lacking  in  sufficient  information,  and  also  in  time  for  prepara- 
tion, they  were  perforce  unable  to  construct  a  logical  and  compre- 
hensive system  of  administrative  action  and  to  embody  it  within 
the  Fundamental  Law.  In  other  words,  the  Collective  Sovereigns 
failed  to  discharge  one  of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  before 
they  entered  upon  the  exercise  of  Sovereignty.  They  left  the 
opportunity  open  for  an  improper  exercise  of  Political  Prerogative 
and  Political  Power  by  failing  to  properly  regulate  its  exercise 
beforehand.  The  people  entered  upon  the  work  of  political  ad- 
ministration without  a  compulsory  Rule  of  Administrative  Action. 

As  will  more  fully  appear  in  Chapter  XXIII,  the  widespread 
inappreciation  of  true  administrative  requirements,  and  the  physi- 
cal conditions  then  existing  in  the  States  combined  to  interpose 
serious  obstacles  to  easy  and  logical  administrative  action.  The 
development  of  the  land  and  its  opportunities  demanded  the 
unremitting  attention  of  individuals.  Political  Administration 
bade  fair  to  become  an  onerous  work  because  of  the  time  and 
effort  required.  There  was  no  body  of  law  which  compelled  in- 
dividual electors  to  take  logical  administrative  action ;  and,  as  a 
means  for  avoiding  the  onerous  hardships  of  Politics,  the  Collec- 
tive Sovereigns  of  each  commonwealth  permitted  their  Sovereign- 


16  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

units  to  delegate  their  own  exercise  of  Political  Prerogative  to  a  few 
of  their  number  who  volunteered  to  act  as  Political  Leaders  in 
administrative  action. 

In  subsequent  chapters  we  shall  see  how,  for  the  sake  of  mere 
individual  convenience,  these  two  or  more  groups  of  State  leaders 
were  allowed  to  build  up  in  each  State  a  personal  following  of 
electors  into  two  or  more  organized  associations  of  partizan  voters, 
who,  at  the  direction  of  their  leaders,  would  vote  as  a  unit ;  and  in 
passing  it  may  be  well  to  say  here  that  it  is  these  separate  and 
ostensibly  opposed  associations,  similar  in  nature,  undemocratic 
in  organization,  in  no  true  sense  political  parties,  often  having 
non-political  ends  in  view,  and  often  working  together  in  accord 
for  self-preservation  and  in  self-interest,  that  are  hereafter  referred 
to  inclusively  as  "  The  Partizan  Party." 

We  shall  also  see  that  the  people  permitted  The  Partizan  Party 
to  be  established  as  a  quasi-permanent,  unconstitutional,  and 
uncontemplated  Political  Agency ;  that  they  permitted  it  to  lead 
and  to  organize  the  administrative  action  of  individual  electors ; 
to  gradually  absorb  the  exercise  of  the  political  prerogative  of  the 
electors  in  the  periodic  determination  of  administrative  policies, 
measures,  and  candidacies;  to  exercise  a  dominant  control  over 
the  periodic  performance  of  all  of  the  several  administrative 
processes;  to  obtain  and  exercise  a  dominant  control  over  the 
action  of  the  representatives  of  The  Electorate  in  public  office ; 
and  to  exercise  its  illogically  acquired  power  and  control  for  objects 
that  were  never  contemplated  in  the  original  Government  Agree- 
ments of  the  people. 

We  shall  see  how  all  this  came  about  as  a  natural  consequence 
of  the  lack  of  an  ordained  and  logical  system  of  administrative 
action.  Furthermore  we  shall  see  that  instead  of  then  devising 
and  ordaining  the  use  of  an  administrative  system  which  would 
meet  the  altered  requirements  of  their  altered  scheme  of  action 
the  people  imprudently  and  improperly  allowed  The  Partizan 
Party  to  prescribe  the  rules  and  practises  under  which  this  new, 
illogical,  and  originally  uncontemplated  kind  of  administrative 
action  was  to  be  taken ;  and  that  by  so  doing  the  people  also  im- 
prudently surrendered  the  exercise  of  their  proper  right  and  avoided 
their  obligation  to  regulate  the  internal  action  of,  and  control  the 
administrative  work  of,  The  Partizan  Party  considered  as  an 
Administrative  Agency. 

The  Transmutation  of  Political  Power  into  Partizan  Party  Pmver. 
The  folly,  not  to  call  it  the  political  immorality,  of  such  action  by 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  17 

the  people  does  not  stand  forth  clearly  upon  a  mere  statement  of 
such  action.  That  element  will  become  more  clearly  apparent 
when  we  consider  what  The  Partizan  Party  has  done.  In  sub- 
sequent chapters  we  shall  see  that  it  has  never  discharged  its 
illogically  acquired  functions  properly ;  that  through  an  improper 
exercise  of  an  unrestricted  authority  which  in  the  beginning  was 
hastily  and  imprudently  conferred  it  has  proceeded  step  by  step 
to  the  establishment  of  a  body  of  partizan  customs,  usages,  and 
practises  which,  when  put  into  active  use,  almost  completely 
nullifies  the  original  meanings  and  operative  force  of  our  ordained 
Principles  of  Political  Action ;  which  always  restricts  and  often 
completely  destroys  the  opportunity  for  free  administrative  action 
on  the  part  of  individual  electors  and  of  public  officials ;  which  in 
effect  transmutes  the  political  power  of  individuals  and  the  political 
authority  of  public  officials  into  Partizan  Party  Power ;  and  which 
enables  The  Partizan  Party  to  use  its  partizan  power  partly  for 
its  own  perpetual  maintenance  and  partly  for  the  private  and 
politically  immoral  advantage  of  its  active  members,  its  adherents, 
and  its  outside  sponsors  and  backers. 

Effects  of  this  Transmutation.  We,  the  American  Electorates, 
have  permitted  this  to  be  done.  Because  of  this  we,  as  individual 
Sovereign-units,  can  no  longer  either  freely  exercise  or  enjoy  the 
intended  fulness  of  our  Political  Rights.  Nor  can  we  transmit 
the  full  enjoyment  or  exercise  of  them  to  our  successors.  Where 
Justice  was  to  reign,  giving  to  each  his  rightful  dues,  "  restraining 
men  from  injuring  one  another  and  leaving  each  otherwise  eco- 
nomically free,"  grasping  Injustice  sits  enthroned,  taking  and  ever 
taking  from  the  political  power  and  economic  substance  of  the 
many  weak,  and  bestowing  unequal  advantage  upon  the  powerful 
few.  In  the  place  of  Democratic  Political  Equality  as  the  instru- 
ment of  Justice  stands  The  Power  of  The  Boss  as  the  instrument 
of  Privilege. 

The  Transmutation  of  Political  Action  into  Partizan  Party  Action. 
All  this  has  come  about  "  legally  " ;  in  the  name  of  American 
Democracy ;  and  as  the  result  of  an  alleged  exercise  of  The  Will 
of  The  People.  This  is  all  our  own  doing.  To  these  consequences 
we  are  obliged  at  present  to  submit,  not  because  submission  is 
right,  but  mainly  because  we,  in  our  political  shortsightedness, 
have  been  gradually  led  into  the  adoption  of,  the  development 
of,  and  the  use  of  the  illogical  partizan  party  system  of  political 
administration  which  to  a  preponderating  extent  transmutes 
Individual  Political  Action  into  Partizan  Party  Action. 


18  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Effects  of  This  Transmutation.  Even  the  action  of  individual 
electors  who  are  not  members  of  the  partizan  party  associations 
is  twisted  into  a  support  of  a  partizan  party  because  in  many 
administrative  acts  such  an  one  is  obliged  —  if  he  acts  at  all  — 
to  use  the  means,  methods,  and  instrumentalities  that  are  furnished 
by  The  Partizan  Party ;  and  if  he  does  not  act  then  his  inaction 
makes  Partizan  Party  Action  easier. 

As  for  The  Electorates,  they  are  forced  to  take  a  kind  of  action 
that  in  addition  to  minimizing  the  operative  force  of  their  ordained 
prmciples  of  action  also  alters,  impairs,  and  in  many  instances 
actually  destroys  the  very  conditions  of  individual  existence  which 
self-government  was  invoked  to  maintain  and  to  perpetuate. 

The  Ordained  Kind  of  Action.  In  free  democratic  communities 
the  true  moving  forces  in  administrative  action  are  the  Political 
Principles  of  the  community.  They  are  made  operative  or  not 
through  individual  action.  The  use  by  individuals  of  expediential 
agencies  and  methods  must  necessarily  diminish  the  operative 
force  of  the  principles  through  affording  opportunities  for  avoiding 
the  mandate  contained  in  the  principles  regarding  the  manner  of 
individual  action. 

But  even  if  the  people  use  expediential  agencies  and  methods, 
the  principles  themselves  do  not  change.  In  our  case  they  still 
continue  to  embody  our  Political  Truth.  They  were  ordained 
by  Common  Consent.  They  still  prescribe  the  ethics  of  our  ad- 
ministrative conduct.  They  still  declare  with  unabated  force  the 
results  sought  to  be  attained  through  our  administrative  effort. 
They  are  still  as  binding  upon  our  individual  administrative  action 
as  they  were  in  the  beginning.  And  when  taken  in  connection  with 
the  commonly  accepted  rules  of  Democratic  Action  they  leave  no 
question  open  but  that  the  results  desired  shall  be  obtained  in  the 
first  place  through  free,  equal,  just,  direct,  and  united  adminis- 
trative action  by  the  individuals  who  compose  The  Electorates ; 
and  in  the  second  place,  through  action  on  the  part  of  individual 
officials  that  is  thoroughly  responsible  and  responsive  to  The  Will 
of  The  Electorate,  and  not  to  the  Will  of  a  Partizan  Party. 

This  is  the  kind  of  administrative  action  which  we  profess  to 
desire.  But  desire  alone  can  never  produce  it.  The  mere  existence 
of  Principles  will  never  produce  it.  No  amount  of  mere  intent 
and  desire  will  ever  produce  it.  Nothing  will  ever  produce  it  but 
logical  action  on  the  part  of  individual  electors  and  of  individual 
officials ;  and  this  —  with  human  nature  in  its  present  stage  of 
development  —  will  never  be  even  reasonably  approximated  until 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  19 

individual  electors  and  officials  possess  an  adequate  system  of  ac- 
tion under  which  it  is  possible  for  a  majority  of  them  to  take  logical 
action  if  they  desire  to,  and  under  which  it  is  possible  for  The 
Commonwealth  to  reasonably  and  justly  compel  such  action  from 
a  majority  of  all  who  represent  it  in  an  administrative  capacity. 
Without  such  methods  our  political  capacity  can  never  equal  our 
political  power,  and  our  incapacity  will  necessarily  result  in 
maladministration. 

Now  our  expressions  of  intent  and  our  professions  have  drawn 
encomiums  from  all  lovers  of  Democracy ;  but  our  action  towards 
making  that  intent  operative  has  been  so  lacking  in  requisites  as 
to  deprive  that  intent  of  its  necessary  force.  When  for  the  sake 
of  individual  ease  we  adopted  the  use  of  the  partizan  party  system 
of  administration  we  departed  from  a  logical  exercise  of  adminis- 
trative power  and  a  logical  exercise  of  control  over  the  exercise 
of  administrative  authority.  We  left  the  opportunity  open  for 
an  improper  exercise  of  that  power  and  authority  in  every  step, 
stage,  and  process  of  administrative  action.  In  the  succeeding 
chapters  the  author  will  attempt  to  prove  that  this  opportunity 
has  been  improperly  exploited  by  The  Partizan  Party.  This  he 
will  do  through  showing  the  impropriety  of  the  objects  for  which, 
and  the  immorality  of  the  manner  in  which,  The  Partizan  Party 
leads,  organizes,  dominates,  and  controls  both  electoral  and  official 
administrative  action. 

The  Unceasing  Effort  of  The  Partizan  Party.  There  is  another 
partial  explanation  of  our  persistence  in  illogical  administrative 
action.  The  American  Electorates  are  subject  to  an  unceasing 
advocacy  by  The  Partizan  Party  of  the  continued  use  of  its  make- 
shift system  of  action.  It  argues  that  political  administration  is 
a  mj-sterious  and  an  occult  process  ;  that  it  requires  the  expenditure 
of  a  vast  amount  of  time  and  energy  by  the  individual ;  that  the 
great  body  of  the  electorate  does  not  possess  a  requisite  amount 
of  administrative  knowledge ;  that  it  is  unsafe  to  entrust  adminis- 
tration to  a  people  who  do  not  know  what  is  required  of  them ; 
that  The  Partizan  Party  possesses  this  information ;  that  the  re- 
sults of  political  administration  can  be  attained  just  as  well,  and 
much  better,  and  with  much  more  individual  ease  and  convenience 
providing  The  Electorate  will  entrust  the  transaction  of  its  onerous 
formative  and  constructive  work  to  The  Partizan  Party,  leaving 
nothing  for  The  Electorate  to  do  but  vote  at  the  elections ;  and 
that  even  this  work  can  be  made  more  easy  provided  the  electors 
will  vote  as  The  Partizan  Party  directs. 


20  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

So  far  in  our  governmental  experiment  these  arguments  have 
prevailed  with  the  majority  in  the  American  Electorates ;  and  in 
each  State  the  electorate  has  accepted  the  kindly  proffered  offices 
of  The  Partizan  Party  to  act  as  an  administrative  agency. 

But  let  us  look  a  little  more  closely  into  the  character  of  our 
action  in  this  respect,  and  also  into  the  nature,  objects,  and  internal 
workings  of  the  benevolently  importunate  partizan  party. 

A  paragraph  will  suffice  to  describe  the  character  of  our  action. 
Whenever,  as  is  the  case  in  the  American  Commonwealths,  the 
administrative  agencies  are  distinctly  set  forth  and  the  means  by 
which  administrative  electoral  action  must  be  taken  is  generally 
understood,  then  any  other  or  substituted  agency  or  means  must 
of  necessity  be  a  makeshift  or  an  expedient.  The  use  of  an  ex- 
pediential  agency  or  means  under  such  circumstances  is,  to  say 
the  least,  illogical ;  and  if  such  an  agency  or  means  is  taken  into 
use  for  the  purpose  of  satisfying  any  desires  other  than  those  which 
were  originally  sanctioned  by  the  people  as  moral,  or  if  its  use  is 
adopted  in  order  to  enable  individuals  to  avoid  obligations,  re- 
sponsibilities, and  duties  that  were  originally  assumed  by  them  in 
return  for  political  freedom  and  economic  liberty,  then  the  use  of 
the  expedient  becomes  immoral. 

The  Collusive  Action  of  Partizan  Parties.  In  each  State  there 
are  two  or  more  partizan  party  associations  working  under  prac- 
tically the  same  system  of  internal  management  and  for  the  same 
selfish  and  non-political  objects.  Each  is  actively  exploiting  the 
opportunity  left  open  by  an  insufficiently  regulated  restraint  upon 
human  action.  Whenever  the  sure  accomplishment  of  their  secret, 
selfish,  and  ulterior  purposes  is  seriously  threatened  by  an  attempt 
of  The  Electorate  to  provide  better  methods  of  action,  then  these 
ostensibly  opposed  associations  combine  collusively  for  mutual 
protection,  to  defeat  the  attempt,  and  to  maintain  the  precedent 
of  Partizan  Party  Control  over  administrative  action. 

Underlying  Cause  For.  Considered  as  an  Organization  the  parti- 
zan party  owes  its  existence  partly  to  the  deeply  rooted  natural 
human  propensity  to  escape  labor  whenever  it  is  possible  to  do  so. 

Its  Internal  Management.  Its  method  of  internal  management 
reflects  the  effect  of  this  propensity.  Each  partizan  association 
is  composed  of  two  classes  of  members,  namely  a  numerically  small 
but  active  class  and  a  numerically  large  but  passive  or  indolent 
class.  The  desire  to  escape  labor,  combined  with  ignorance  and 
greed,  has  led  the  large  indolent  class  to  allow  its  rightful  action 
to  be  so  completely  dominated  and  controlled  by  the  small  active 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  21 

class  that  now  the  great  body  of  the  membership  merely  serves  as 
a  medium  by  which  The  Managements  of  the  partizan  organiza- 
tions are  enabled  to  substitute  partizan  party  action  in  the  place 
of  true  political  action  on  the  part  of  the  passive  members. 

Not  Based  on  Political  Principles.  From  this  it  is  apparent  that 
the  partizan  Associations  of  "  voters  "  are  not  based  on  any  of  our 
ordained  principles  of  democratic  action.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they 
do  not  give  effect  to  any  such  principle.  The  Memberships  in 
these  associations  do  not  freely  elect  their  Managements ;  nor  do 
they  directly  decide  how  the  associations  shall  act.  Because  they 
submissively  do  as  they  are  told  to  do  these  passive  voters  are  in 
truth  nothing  but  the  private  means  by  which  the  individuals  who 
compose  the  Party  Managements  are  enabled  (under  the  false 
pretense  of  political  leadership  and  with  the  use  of  purely  partizan 
practises)  to  satisfy  the  selfish  and  private  desires  of  these  leaders 
and  those  upon  whom  they  are  dishonestly  dependent,  at  the  cash 
expense  of  The  Commonwealth,  the  degradation  of  public  and  of 
private  morals,  and  the  impairment  of  the  general  welfare. 

Composition  of  The  Managements.  As  matters  stand  to-day 
The  Managements  of  these  partizan  associations  exercise  an  al- 
most complete  degree  of  control  over  the  administrative  action  of 
individual  electors  whether  they  are  members  of  the  associations 
or  not.  These  Managements  are  almost  wholly  composed  of  men 
who  in  one  way  or  another,  directly  or  indirectly,  either  make  a 
living,  or  gain  political  "  honor  "  and  preferment  by  keeping  and 
exercising  this  control.  These  Party  Managements  have  not  been 
selected  by  The  People.  Considered  as  administrative  agencies 
they  have  never  received  the  positive  sanction  of  The  People  that 
is  necessary  to  logically  create  an  administrative  agency.  They 
are  self-constituted  bodies  which  maintain  their  position  by  the 
use  of  means  and  methods  that  are  opposed  in  nature  to  every 
Principle  of  Democratic  Action.  Specifically,  they  are  composed 
of  National,  State,  Local,  and  Lesser  partizan  party  Bosses,  Com- 
mitteemen, Office  Holders,  Office  Seekers,  and  party  patronage 
seekers.  They  work  secretly,  collusively,  and  for  their  own  private 
interests  through  self-appointed  administrative  boards  and  local 
partizan  party  Leaders,  Captains,  Workers,  Heelers,  Repeaters, 
and  Ballot-Box  Stuffers.  Under  their  regime  "  Practical  Politics  " 
and  "  Commercialized  Politics "  flourish  and  bear  the  baneful 
fruits  of  Bossism ;  Deals ;  Trades  in  votes,  offices  and  oppor- 
tunities for  dispensing  privileges  to  private  interests ;  Combines 
against  the  Public  Interest;    The  Gerrymander;    Log-Rolling; 


22  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Jobbery ;  "  Favorable  Legislation  " ;  "  Strike  Legislation  "  ;  Non- 
representation  ;  Misrepresentation  ;  Disfranchisement ;  Extrava- 
gance ;  Graft ;  Apathy  and  a  score  of  other  administrative  evils. 
Measured  by  the  standards  of  political  morality  the  men  who 
compose  the  Party  Managements  stand  forth  as  opportunists 
who,  disregardful  of  the  rights  of  others,  are  seeking  in  the  public 
exigency  their  own  private  welfare  ahead  of  the  General  Welfare. 
They  are  past  masters  in  the  use  of  legal,  moral,  and  adminis- 
trative expedients.  They  perceive  that  so  long  as  the  majority  of 
individual  electors  can  be  kept  in  doubt  or  ignorance  regarding 
the  requirements  of  proper  electoral  action,  just  so  long  will  their 
opportunities  be  left  open ;  and,  in  the  absence  of  any  authorita- 
tive rule  or  statement,  it  has  not  been  difficult  for  them  in  the 
past  to  persuade  the  opinion-bewildered  and  expedient-habituated 
electorates  to  use  the  partizan  party  system  of  administrative 
action.  — 

At  last,  however,  partly  because  of  the  extent  of  the  evils  men- 
tioned and  partly  because  of  intolerable  injustices  that  have  been 
perpetrated  by  party-dominated  action,  attention  is  being  more 
and  more  widely  focused  upon  the  partizan  party  and  its  system. 
Condemnations  of  some  of  the  partizan  party  practises  have  for 
years  issued  from  all  departments  of  The  Press ;  but  its  utterances 
never  reach  the  limit  of  demanding  the  abolishment  of  The  Partizan 
Party  and  its  system  or  the  construction  and  use  of  a  logical  system 
of  political  administration.  Unfortunately  its  force  is  expended 
in  advocating  the  substitution  of  one  expedient  for  another.  The 
people,  however,  have  gradually  growTi  restive  under  the  successive 
failures  of  these  expedients ;  and  signs  are  not  wanting  of  a  growing 
resolution  on  their  part  to  shake  off  their  "  Invisible  Government  " 
and  resume  the  exercise  of  their  rightful  powers  if  possible.  But 
this  growing  dissatisfaction  within  the  body  politic  naturally  in- 
cites The  Partizan  Party  to  renewed  exertions.  By  every  possible 
instrumentality  at  its  command  it  holds  itself  forth  as  the  only 
possible  means  for  producing  administrative  action,  and  proclaims 
its  system  to  be  the  only  system  possible  under  the  circumstances. 

The  Coming  Public  Debate.  The  author  takes  direct  issue  with 
these  partizan  party  claims.  In  the  first  place  he  contends  that 
The  Electorate  as  the  acting  Sovereign  is  under  the  obligation  to 
exercise  all  of  its  administrative  powers  freely,  directly,  and  without 
the  interposition  of,  or  dominance  of,  any  intermediary  whatso- 
ever ;  and  in  the  second  place  he  contends  that  notwithstanding 
past  action  it  is  now  not  only  possible  but  that  it  is  incumbent  upon 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  23 

The  Electorate  as  the  Collective  Sovereign  to  construct  and  ordain 
the  use  of  a  logical  system  of  administrative  action  by  its  sovereign 
units ;  that  is,  a  system  which  will  compel  its  units  while  engaged 
in  the  exercise  of  Political  Power  or  Political  Authority  to  act 
solely  m  a  political  capacity  and  not  in  the  capacity  of  a  member 
of  any  permanently  organized  association  of  voters. 

The  time  has  arrived  when  the  American  Electorates  must 
choose  between  the  alternatives  of  retaining  the  partizan  party 
system  with  its  attendant  train  of  corroding  and  disrupting  evils, 
or  of  constructing  a  logical  system  of  political  administration  with 
its  opportunities  for  proper  exercise  of  Political  Power  and  of  Po- 
litical Authority.  Progress  has  made  the  United  States  a  "  World 
Power."  If  it  is  to  exist  in  its  present  territory  as  a  Nation,  it  must 
from  now  on  accept  its  altered  status  and  act  as  and  like  a  world 
power  in  the  maintenance  of  that  status.  The  success  of  its  action 
depends  upon  its  ability  to  exert  its  full  moral  strength.  Unless 
its  individuals  act  freely,  unitedly,  and  with  a  common  purpose, 
it  cannot  exert  its  full  moral  strength ;  for  the  strength  of  demo- 
cratic action  is  united  moral  action.  At  present  the  moral  strength 
of  The  State  is  weakened  by  the  presence  of  two  codes  of  individual 
administrative  action  ;  the  one  moral  but  unsupported  by  a  logical 
system  of  operation,  the  other  immoral  and  supported  by  an  im- 
moral exercise  of  Partizan  Party  Power.  Under  the  latter  The 
State  attempts  to  make  political  progress  by  supplanting  an  un- 
bearable conduct  of  its  affairs  by  one  partizan  party  with  a  manage- 
ment of  its  affairs  by  another  partizan  party  that  soon  becomes 
intolerable.  Depending  for  initiative  in  action  upon  the  outcome 
of  an  immoral  struggle  between  two  partizan  parties  for  "  party  " 
advantage,  it  can  neither  defend  itself  quickly  or  effectively  if 
attacked  nor  even  reasonably  prepare  itself  against  possible  attack 
by  any  nation  that  may  become  actuated  by  the  greed  of  territory 
or  dominion.  Reasonably  rapid  administrative  action  is  impos- 
sible where  the  management  of  affairs  is  entrusted  to  a  partizan 
party.  At  all  times  such  a  party  is  unavoidably  an  obstacle  to 
normal  political  progress.  Striving  for  "  Party  "  advantage,  it  is 
necessarily  timid  and  slow  to  act ;  but  if  we  consider  it  as  a  State 
Agency,  then,  in  times  of  emergencies,  its  slow  action  for  private 
reason  becomes  nothing  short  of  criminal  dilatoriness ;  and  at  all 
times  its  action  produces  unrest  and  bitterness.  The  happiness 
and  patriotism  that  in  early  days  accompanied  the  reasonably 
free  and  direct  exercise  of  political  power  have  vanished  with  the 
vanished  opportunity  for  freely  participating  in  political  adminis- 


24  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

tration.  The  Electorate  is  no  longer  united.  Nor  does  the  Col- 
lective Sovereign  act  unitedly.  Numbers  of  its  units  are  by  the 
exercise  of  fear,  fraud,  and  favor  kept  permanently  segregated 
within  two  or  more  permanent  camps  that  are  utilized  as  head- 
quarters by  as  many  groups  of  political  brigands  who  prey  upon 
each  other  and  the  public.  Society  is  rent  by  dissension  and 
divided  into  classes.  Class  feeling  is  engendered  and  ripened  into 
class  hatred.  The  doctrine  of  force  is  supplanting  the  doctrine  of 
harmonious  cooperation.  Already  millions  of  citizens  reasonably 
deem  themselves  discriminated  against  by  a  partizan  party-filled 
Judiciary.  A  greater  number  of  millions  reasonably  consider  them- 
selves aggrieved  by  the  privileges  that  are  granted  to  the  influential 
wealthy  by  the  partizan  party-filled  Legislatures.  The  standard 
of  public  political  morals  has  been  lowered  through  the  debase- 
ment of  the  political  morals  of  individual  electors.  This  debase- 
ment is  to  a  large  degree  directly  attributable  to  the  enforcement 
by  The  Partizan  Party  of  political  immoralities  that  are  possible 
under  its  system  of  administrative  action.  Morally,  The  State 
is  lamentably  weak.  This  phase  of  its  condition,  however,  is  not 
yet  desperate,  for  it  can  regain  the  full  measure  of  its  moral 
strength;  but  not  unless  it  returns  to  a  moral  exercise  of  its 
Political  Power  by  which  alone  it  can  compel  a  moral  exercise  of 
Individual  Power. 

Effect  of  Ambiguity.  The  choice  between  these  alternatives  will 
naturally  follow  a  discussion  that  will  assume  the  character  of  a 
public  debate.  Every  debate  should  be  an  exercise  of  reason,  and 
should  result  in  a  conviction  one  way  or  another.  But  this  is  im- 
possible if  the  terms  used  by  the  contestants  are  vague,  uncertain, 
and  ambiguous.  The  use  of  such  terms  invariably  produces  con- 
fusion in  thought,  inconclusive  conclusions,  and  irritating  personal 
disagreements  that  do  more  harm  than  good.  If,  however,  the 
exact  meanings  underlying  our  political  Principles  and  Doctrines 
can  be  ascertained  and  determined  beforehand,  then  we  shall  pos- 
sess an  authoritative  standard  by  which  to  measure  the  worth  of 
the  arguments  advanced,  to  determine  the  propriety  or  impro- 
priety of  the  instrumentalities  we  now  use  in  administrative  action, 
and  the  fitness  of  such  means  and  methods  as  may  be  proposed 
for  future  use.  The  task  of  attaching  precise  meanings  to  our  polit- 
ical generalizations  is  neither  easy  nor  short.  It  must  be  done, 
however,  before  we  can  either  locate  the  faults  in  our  administrative 
procedure,  or  approach  the  work  of  rectification  with  a  reason- 
able  hope  of  success ;   and  that  is  why  so  much  space  will  be 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  25 

given  in  this  book  to  the  unpalatable  but  wholesome  work  of 
definition. 

Remoteness  of  "  Government."  Everywhere  the  feeling  exists 
that  "  Government  "  —  as  it  is  loosely  called  —  is  a  thing  apart 
from  the  individual,  mysterious,  remote,  unapproachable.  Even 
with  Representatives  in  The  Legislature  the  average  man  does  not 
feel  a  bond  between  himself  and  "  the  government."  With  many 
there  is  no  such  bond ;  for  the  bond  they  feel  ties  them  to  a  Partizan 
Party  which  works  secretly  and  often  mysteriously  and  stands 
between  them  and  "  the  government."  Reason  enough  for  the 
appearance  of  remoteness  from  "  Government." 

But  the  author's  experience  with  all  sorts  and  conditions  of 
men  is,  that  the  haze  of  mystery  and  uncertainty  concerning  their 
connection  with  "  Government  "  is  dispelled  the  moment  they 
realize  two  facts ;  namely,  first,  that  they  are  Sovereign-units 
bound  by  obligation  to  use  Political  Power  continuously ;  and  sec- 
ond, that  the  component  parts  of  political  power  are  to  be  used 
by  them  in  a  regular  order  of  use,  at  certain  times,  for  specific  pur- 
poses, and  in  each  period  of  administration.  WTien  these  facts 
are  realized,  then  "  government  "  appears  as  a  process  that  derives 
its  energy  and  force  from  Individual  Action. 

Now  "  Government  "  —  using  the  term  loosely  —  is  merely 
the  performance  by  individuals  of  the  various  Processes  of  Ad- 
ministration ;  and  in  order  to  make  this  fact  appear  more  clearly 
the  author  has  in  Chapter  IV  executed  the  idea  of  separating 
political  power  into  its  component  parts,  and  in  Chapter  XXIII 
has  roughly  outlined  a  logical  system  of  administration  showing 
how  each  part  should  be  used  by  The  Individual  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  one  specific  purpose. 

There  can  be  no  mystery  connected  with  the  orderly  exercise 
by  Sovereign-units  of  one  "  governmental  "  power  after  another 
and  each  for  a  specific  purpose ;  nor  will  "  Government  "  appear 
remote  when  individuals  realize  that  it  is  they  who  continuously 
exercise  Administrative  Power. 

"  Government  "  can  only  appear  remote  to  Sovereign-units  who 
have  delegated  the  exercise  of  Prerogative  and  Power  to  an  agency 
over  which  they  have  and  exercise  no  efficient  control ;  and  under 
Democracy,  the  very  sense  of  remoteness  should  be  a  warning  of 
something  radically  wrong  in  The  State. 

The  absence  of  an  originally  ordained  and  logical  system  of 
administrative  action  does,  however,  present  the  opportunity  for 
uncertainty  to  exist  regarding  the  means  and  methods  by  which 


26  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

a  "  Government  by  Public  Opinion  "  is  to  be  administered.  Public 
Opinion  must  be  formed,  ascertained,  expressed,  put  into  operation 
by  The  People,  and  enforced  by  The  Government.  But  any  un- 
certainty as  to  the  way  in  which  this  should  be  accomplished  is 
largely  dispelled  if  we  but  remember  that  our  Democratic  Prin- 
ciples of  Action  indicate  that  the  only  permissible  administrative 
means  and  methods  are  those  which  continuously  afford  each 
Sovereign-unit  an  absolutely  free  and  equally  effective  exercise 
of  his  reason,  conscience,  and  will  while  he  in  common  with  others 
is  attempting  to  put  the  Principles  of  The  State  Polity  into  effective 
operation.  Any  means  or  methods  which  impair  or  destroy  his 
ordained  status  while  so  engaged  are  certainly  illogical  in  character ; 
and  in  view  of  our  original  professions  their  use  is,  to  say  the  very 
least,  foolish  and  ridiculous. 

Space  here  forbids  a  recapitulation  of  what  we  have  done  in  de- 
tail. That  will  appear  in  the  following  chapters  ;  but  the  substance 
of  what  we  have  done  is  this.  In  our  misplaced  confidence  and 
trust  we  have  practically  delivered  The  Electorate  and  The  Gov- 
ernment over  into  the  hands  of  The  Partizan  Party  for  management 
and  control ;  and,  in  so  far  as  sins  of  omission  can  bestow  a  status, 
we  have  in  effect  created  a  partizan  party  as  an  administrative 
agency  in  the  place  of  The  Electorate,  which  we  have  made  its  tool. 

In  view  of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  which  we  originally 
assumed ;  and  of  the  Duties  of  Citizenship  which  we  have  promised 
to  perform,  can  what  we  have  done  be  considered  as  right,  as 
sapient,  as  prudent,  or  even  as  honest  action  on  our  part?  Has 
our  confidence  in  The  Partizan  Party  as  an  administrative  agency 
been  justified  ?  Is  Patriotism  its  ruling  motive  ?  Do  its  customs 
and  practises  secure  to  each  elector  a  free  and  equal  and  effective 
participation  in  political  administration  ?  Do  they  tend  to  main- 
tain the  exercise  of  Political  Power  in  the  hands  of  The  People? 
Taken  together  are  they  based  upon  Democratic  ideas  concerning 
the  exercise  of  political  sovereignty?  Does  The  Partizan  Party 
work  solely  for  the  promotion  of  the  General  Welfare? 

All  of  these  questions  must  be  answered  in  the  negative.  By 
the  use  of  the  partizan  party  system  the  exercise  of  a  large  part  of 
the  political  power  has  been  removed  from  the  hands  of  individual 
electors  —  who  together  are  The  Sovereign  —  into  the  grasp  of  the 
immoral  few  who  at  present  manipulate  electoral  and  governmental 
action  for  private  and  personal  gain.  This  indefinite,  self-consti- 
tuted, and  self-perpetuating  body  existing  within  the  body  politic 
but  not  a  constituent  part  of  the  plan  or  frame  of  Government; 


INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY  27 

independent  of  The  Commonwealth  because  it  is  allowed  to  make 
and  apply  its  own  private  rules  of  conduct  and  action ;  in  no  true 
sense  a  Political  Party;  destroying  the  opportunity  for  the  free 
formation,  ascertainment,  and  expression  of  Public  Opinion  and  at 
the  same  time  hypocritically  posing  as  the  "  Official  IMouthpiece  " 
of  Public  Opinion,  is  actively  engaged  not  in  providing  individuals 
with  proper  methods  of  administrative  action,  but  in  exploiting 
every  selfish  personal  desbe  of  the  individual,  every  human  weak- 
ness, every  ignoble  ambition,  and  in  perpetrating  every  conceivable 
fraud  on  individual  rights  and  true  administration.  All  this  it 
does  in  order  to  reach  the  position,  not  where  it  can  promote  the 
General  Welfare,  but  where  it  can  manipulate  The  Government, 
its  revenues,  its  offices,  and  also  the  greed  of  the  individuals  who 
compose  the  unconscientious  and  powerful  material  "  Interests." 
This  is  the  character  of  the  body  which,  while  serving  as  a  "  politi- 
cal "  agency  for  the  proper  discharge  of  the  Obligations  of  Sover- 
eignty and  the  proper  performance  of  the  Duties  of  Citizenship, 
in  reality  imposes  upon  electors  and  officials  alike  its  partizan  rules 
and  usages  that  are  diametrically  opposed  to  the  Spirit  of  De- 
mocracy, and  the  use  of  which  undermines  the  political  power,  the 
political  capacity,  and  the  morals  of  the  body  politic. 

Now  as  for  ourselves.  We  have  allowed  The  Partizan  Party  to 
become  the  dominating  factor  in  our  administrative  work.  We 
continue  to  use  this  non-political  and  unconstitutional  intermediary 
for  the  discharge  of  those  political  obligations  and  duties  which 
our  theory  of  government  proclaims  must  be  discharged  directly 
and  by  individuals  alone  ;  and  we  continue  to  use  its  undemocratic 
scheme  of  procedure  which  destroys  individual  freedom  in  adminis- 
trative action.  This  is  the  parent  inconsistency  of  all  the  lesser 
inconsistencies  th^  permeate  our  administrative  effort. 

The  Remedy.  Is  there  any  Remedy?  Yes  I  The  remedy  of 
the  knife ;  for  the  reader  must  remember  that  a  Partizan  Party  is 
not  a  constituent  part  of  our  political  organism  and  as  such  ac- 
tually necessary  to  our  political  health  and  welfare.  On  the 
contrary !  It  is  a  parasitic  growth  which  saps  the  vigor  of  our 
political  body  and  threatens  a  premature  political  death.  Neither 
with  safety  nor  with  honor  can  The  Reserved  or  The  Delegated 
Powers  of  Administration  be  placed  under  the  control  of  any  parti- 
zan agency  whatsoever,  and  both  The  Partizan  Party  and  its  Sys- 
tem must  be  dropped  from  our  scheme  of  administrative  action 
before  we  can  hope  to  obtain  and  to  transmit  the  "  Blessings  " 
promised  in  the  name  of  American  Democracy. 


CHAPTER  II 
POLITICAL  PRINCIPLES 

Principles  of  Association :  Individuals  in  free  bodies  politic 
associate  together  for  two  main  objects : 

First,  To  establish  the  desired  conditions  of  individual 
existence. 

Second,  To  maintain  and  perpetuate  them. 

Principles  of  Association,  therefore,  fall  into  two  classes.  One 
class  sets  forth  the  desired  conditions  of  existence.  The  basic 
concepts  of  these  conditions  are  called  First  Principles. 

First  Principles  are  those  distinctive  fundamental  beliefs  con- 
cerning social  existence  which  are  accepted  as  true  by  the  majority 
of  the  individuals  who  compose  the  body  politic. 

The  other  class  indicates  the  manner  in  which  the  desired  con- 
ditions are  to  be  maintained  and  perpetuated,  and  are  called 
Political  Principles.  In  theory  these  last-named  principles  pre- 
scribe the  right  administrative  action  of  individuals  when  the  body 
politic  is  called  upon  to  decide  the  social,  economic,  and  political 
questions  that  constantly  arise  during  the  progress  of  Society. 

The  Need  of  Definitions.  For  the  sake  of  consistent  action  by 
The  State  each  of  these  concepts  should  be  framed  in  the  form  of 
a  distinct  proposition.  The  detail  meanings  attached  to  the  terms 
Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice  are  nq|i  the  same  in  any 
two  States  in  the  Union ;  the  political  power  possessed  and  exer- 
cised by  the  average  citizen  of  Virginia,  for  instance,  differing 
greatly  from  that  had  and  used  by  the  average  citizen  of  Massa- 
chusetts. But  the  abstract  ideas  expressed  by  these  terms  mean 
pretty  much  the  same  in  Virginia  as  in  Massachusetts,  the  dif- 
ference lying  mainly  in  the  systems  by  which  these  ideas  are  to  be 
made  effectual. 

American  Meanings.  Our  first  attempt  must  be  to  attach  pre- 
cise American  meanings  to  these  general  terms.  This  is  not  so 
difficult  as  it  appears ;  for  although  each  of  these  terms  has  from 
time  to  time  in  the  past  possessed  very  different  meanings,  never- 
theless the  American  Colonists  succeeded  in  attaching  to  each  of 

28 


POLITICAL   PRINCIPLES  29 

these  terms  a  broad  general  American  meaning.  Also,  and  because 
they  differed  between  themselves  concerning  the  objects  of  exist- 
ence, they  succeeded  in  attaching  several  Commonwealth  Meanings 
regarding  social,  economic,  and  political  action. 

First  Principles :  Space  forbids  an  attempt  to  define  separately 
the  first  principles  of  the  forty-eight  States.  But  a  knowledge 
of  the  fundamental  meaning  of  each  is  necessary.  Before  The 
Individual  can  determine  with  certainty  whether  present  condi- 
tions of  existence  are  those  originally  intended,  and  before  he  can 
determine  with  certainty  how  he  is  required  to  act  in  settling  the 
questions  of  the  day,  he  must  know  what  was  originally  intended 
regarding  Government  and  Political  Administration. 

Freedom,  Early  Meanings :  In  the  early  stages  of  individual 
enfranchisement  the  terms  freedom  and  liberty  were  used  synony- 
mously to  mean  the  absence  of  all  restraint ;  the  condition  in  which 
a  man  could  do  as  he  willed  whether  or  not  it  brought  injury  to 
others.  Such  freedom  is,  however,  destructive  of  society ;  and 
organized  Government  was  in  part  instituted  over  society  as  a 
means  by  which  to  put  a  restraint  upon  it. 

Middle  Ages  :  As  society  progressed  the  term  freedom  acquired  a 
distinctively  political  meaning.  In  the  middle  ages  it  meant  more 
particularly  the  possession  and  exercise  (as  they  were  gradually 
extended)  of  those  specific  powers  and  authorities  that  were  then 
had  and  exercised  by  the  nobles,  the  church,  and  the  cities,  as 
distinguished  from  the  sweeping  power  exercised  by  the  monarch. 
The  claims  made  by  these  three  classes  of  society  were  often  dia- 
metrically opposed  to  each  other,  but  all  agreed  on  one  point; 
namely,  that  Freedom  meant  immunity  in  some  degree  from  an 
oppressive  exercise  of  monarchical  power. 

Modern  Meanings  :  Under  a  popular  form  of  Government,  that 
is,  where  the  people  are  the  sovereign,  Freedom  means  individual 
immunity  from  oppressive  political  administration  by  any  and  all 

officials.  ~   *^  '^  •^"•^'       cC^;,  ..v»u>Y-.' 

Under  a  representative  form  of  Government  it  more  particularly 
means  individual  immunity  from  oppressive  legislation. 

Social  Freedom :  In  a  narrower  sense.  Freedom  means  that  an 
individual,  while  engaged  in  transacting  his  part  of  the  social  af- 
fairs of  the  community,  shall  be  immune  from  all  restraint  except 
that  established  by  the  State.  It  also  means  the  exemption  of 
the  individual  from  the  restraints  of  slavery,  of  involuntary  servi- 
tude, or  of  confinement  except  as  the  result  of  due  process  of  law. 
Enough  has  been  said  by  way  of  illustration.     Regarded  as  a  con- 


30  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

dition  of  social  existence,  Social  Freedom  is  not  an  inalienable 
possession.  It  is  bestowed  by  the  State.  It  can  be  destroyed 
by  the  action  of  the  individual  himself ;  and  it  can  be  taken  away 
by  the  State. 

Economic  Freedom:  The  particular  immunity  from  restraint 
which  an  individual  enjoys  while  engaged  in  "  making  a  living  " 
is  now  most  frequently  called  Liberty ;  and  we  will  consider  this 
aspect  of  freedom  under  that  head.  It  is  not  an  inalienable  pos- 
session and  can  be  destroyed  and  lost  in  the  same  way  as  social 
freedom. 

Political  Freedom :  Because  our  system  of  Government  provides 
an  opportunity  for  each  individual  to  act  politically  (as  well  as 
socially  and  economically)  the  freedom  of  an  American  citizen 
means  that  particular  state  of  immunity  from  control  which  is 
prescribed  for  him  by  the  terms  and  intent  of  the  original  govern- 
mental agreement,  and  which  he  is  to  enjoy  while  he  is  engaged  in 
exercising  either  political  power  or  authority. 

It  means  that  while  he  is  engaged  in  the  various  stages  of  politi- 
cal action  he  shall  be,  and  shall  at  all  times  remain,  exempt  from  the 
exercise  of  any  improper  restraint  by  any  other  individual,  or  by 
any  association  of  individuals.  A  consideration  of  the  propriety 
of  the  restraints  upon  such  action  which  exist  at  present  will  be 
found  in  subsequent  chapters ;  at  present  we  are  merely  defining 
an  ordained  status. 

One  of  the  objects  of  Political  Action  is  the  establishment  of  a 
proper  restraint  on  individual  action.  Another  is  the  proper  ad- 
ministering of  the  established  restraint.  After  Government  is 
established,  questions  of  Administration  come  to  the  fore ;  and 
the  function  of  political  freedom  is  to  enable  each  individual  to 
freely  and  effectively  participate  in  the  administration  of  restraint 
according  to  his  principles  of  association,  and  so  long  as  his  par- 
ticular governmental  regime  shall  last. 

Finally  it  means  an  ideal  condition  of  society  in  which  no  re- 
straint whatsoever  shall  be  put  upon  the  individual  exercise  of 
reason,  the  play  of  conscience,  and  the  formation  and  expression 
of  volition  regarding  any  question  that  may  be  up  for  decision 
before  the  body  politic. 

Moral  Freedom :  Because  of  the  manner  in  which  our  political 
power  is  used,  freedom  has  a  much  more  significant  meaning. 
Because  the  individual,  considered  as  one  of  the  Collective  Sov- 
ereign, is  in  part  responsible  for  right  political  action,  he  is  given 
the  moral  freedom  that  is  essential  to  moral  responsibility.     He 


POLITICAL   PRINCIPLES  31 

is  at  all  times  to  remain  immune  from  the  exercise  of  restraint  upon 
his  volition  because  without  such  immunity  the  will  cannot  be 
freely  formed. 

Such  freedom  is  moral  freedom.  It  presupposes  action  taken 
in  accordance  with  the  declared  principles  of  association  and  of 
action,  and  it  means  the  freedom  to  act  and  speak  politically  — 
that  is,  for  the  general  welfare  —  as  reason  and  conscience  dictate. 

Liberty :  By  modern  usage  the  meanings  attached  to  the  term 
Liberty  differ  from  those  which  distinguish  the  term  Freedom. 

Liberty  expresses  a  social  condition  which  pertains  more  es- 
pecially to  the  exercise  of  inherent  individual  power  than  to  the 
exercise  of  acquired  political  power. 

It  also  has  an  individual  rather  than  a  communal  meaning.  In 
the  abstract,  it  can  be  defined  as  freedom  to  choose  from  the  par- 
ticular range  of  economic  effort  that  is  permitted  by  the  community 
whatever  line  of  activity  the  individual  prefers,  and  to  enforce  his 
individual  will  in  the  management  of  his  own  affairs. 

Civil  Liberty :  But  free  Communities  generally  impose  some 
conditions  upon  their  individual  members  in  this  respect.  The 
People  usually  declare  beforehand  that  while  in  the  exercise  of  his 
liberty  the  individual  must  not  interfere  with,  or  impair  the  extent 
of  the  liberty  and  rights  of  others,  and  by  so  doing  either  produce 
discord  in  the  community,  or  harmfully  affect  the  general  welfare. 

The  Community  prohibits  license,  or  unrestrained  action ;  but 
on  the  other  hand  it  agrees  to  protect  the  rightful  liberty  of  the 
individual  so  long  as  he  continues  to  observe  the  restraints  imposed. 

The  imposition  of  conditional  limitations  by  the  community 
produces  a  social  condition  that  is  now  commonly  called  Civil 
Liberty ;  which  means  the  freedom  of  the  individual  to  conduct 
his  own  affairs  as  he  pleases,  subject,  however,  to  only  such  re- 
straint as  the  community  declares  the  public  good  or  private  welfare 
may  require. 

The  limitations  put  upon  the  exercise  of  inherent  individual 
power  by  the  community  before  government  is  established  are 
generally  considered  to  be  universally  beneficial ;  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  social  condition  created  by  this  action  is  commonly 
regarded  as  a  right  due  the  individual  from  the  community. 

Civil  liberty  so  defined  is  not  inherent  in  the  individual.  Neither 
is  its  possession  inalienable.  The  State  creates  it,  and  The  State 
can  deprive  an  individual  of  his  possession  of  it  if  he  intentionally 
and  grossly  misuses  it. 

Defined :    From  the  above  it  appears  that  individual  liberty, 


32  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

according  to  American  ideas,  means  primarily  the  ordained  scope 
of  the  exercise  of  individual  power  in  economic  action. 

"  Political  Liberty  "  :  Of  course  inherent  individual  power  can  be 
exerted  in  social,  moral,  and  political  matters  as  well  as  in  economic 
matters.  Without  going  deeply  into  this  phase  of  the  subject, 
and  while  deferring  for  a  moment  to  popular  usage,  it  may  be 
permissible  to  consider  the  right  of  an  individual  to  use  properly 
whatever  elements  of  individual  power  he  may  possess  in  the  deci- 
sion of  administrative  questions  as  "  political  liberty."  Actions 
so  taken  necessarily  determine  or  modify  the  extent  or  the  char- 
acter of  the  individual's  private  activities  in  society.  But  as  such 
actions  are  only  taken  when  the  individual  is  acting  in  the  capacity 
of  a  Sovereign,  and  not  in  the  capacity  of  a  subject  or  citizen,  it 
will  help  to  a  clearer  understanding  if  we  habitually  think  of  the 
right  to  participate  in  political  action  as  springing  from  Political 
Freedom. 

The  Body  of  Liberties :  There  are  many  specific  privileges  and 
rights  enjoyed  by  Americans  which,  when  enumerated  together, 
are  commonly  called  "  The  Body  of  Liberties."  Each  State  has  its 
own  body  of  liberties,  expressed  in  one  form  or  another.  The  con- 
ditions of  existence  ordained  by  The  People  were  considered 
"  privileges  "  because  they  flowed  from  the  adoption  of  self-govern- 
ment and  were  then  not  to  be  enjoyed  under  monarchical  forms  of 
government. 

As  they  are  in  themselves  but  special  modifications  of  this,  that, 
or  another  general  social  condition  as  ordained,  we  will  defer  their 
consideration  until  we  reach  the  chapter  on  Rights. 

Equality :  The  diverse  combinations  of  the  elements  of  in- 
dividual power  in  men  precludes  the  idea  of  an  absolute  equality 
between  individuals  either  in  a  physical,  mental,  or  moral  sense. 
Some  men  are  always  superior  to  others  in  whatever  situation  they 
may  be  placed;  and  the  only  equality  which  can  possibly  exist 
between  the  individuals  of  any  community  must  necessarily  be 
that  particular  degree  of  equality  which  The  Community  bestows. 

Political  Equality:  This  is  Political  Equality.  It  implies  an 
equality  in  Freedom,  in  Liberty,  and  in  Rights ;  but  it  more  par- 
ticularly means  an  equal  opportunity  for  each  individual  to  effi- 
ciently participate  in  shaping  and  administering  public  and  private 
affairs. 

What  the  majority  of  the  individuals  of  any  given  free  com- 
munity desire  is  supposedly  embodied  in  The  Law ;  and  the  general 
meaning  of  political  equality  is,  that  each  individual  falling  within 


POLITICAL   PRINCIPLES  33 

certain  provisions  of  the  law  has  exactly  the  same  standing  as  all 
other  individuals  falling  within  the  same  provisions.  But  no  mat- 
ter within  what  provisions  of  the  law  a  man  may  stand,  each  in- 
dividual has  an  equal  right  and  an  equal  opportunity  with  every 
other  individual  of  the  community  to  invoke  the  poM^er  of  the 
community  to  protect  his  civil  and  political  rights,  to  protect 
the  rights  of  others,  and  to  prevent  the  misuse  of  political  power 
either  by  individuals  or  by  associations  of  individuals. 

WTiile  the  community  can  bestow  political  equality  upon  men, 
the  retention  of  this  condition,  however,  rests  entirely  with  the 
individual.  He  may  by  his  own  acts  entirely  change  the  relations 
normally  existing  between  himself  and  his  fellow-citizens  and  be- 
come deprived  through  judicial  action  of  that  which  the  community 
bestowed. 

He  may  do  infinitely  worse ;  for  through  joining  with  others  in 
the  misuse  of  political  power  he  and  they  can  succeed  in  destroying 
equality  of  political  power  in  the  remainder ;  but  (and  the  point 
cannot  be  overemphasized)  whether  the  opportunity  for  the  misuse 
of  political  power  exists  or  not  will  depend  entirely  upon  the  es- 
tablished system  for  the  use  of  such  power.  If  the  system  is  not 
correct  in  every  particular,  then  the  tenure  of  the  individual  upon 
political  equality  must  necessarily  be  feeble  and  precarious. 

Justice  :  In  the  abstract,  justice  may  be  defined  as  an  impartial 
adherence  to  truth  as  apprehended.  We  have  to  say  "  truth  as 
apprehended  "  because  the  truth  about  truth  is  that  it  has  no  uni- 
versally recognized  concept.  From  this  fact,  however,  we  may 
extract  one  very  important  truth  for  our  guidance,  viz.  that  the 
terms  freedom,  liberty,  equality,  and  justice  possess  only  such 
meanings  as  are  attached  to  them  by  various  communities. 

Political  Justice :  Consequently,  justice,  in  a  political  sense,  is 
conformity  to  that  which  the  community  has  declared  to  be  its 
polity  and  finidamental  law.  The  conformity  must  be  reciprocal 
both  on  the  part  of  the  community  and  on  the  part  of  the  individual ; 
and  it  must  also  be  conformity  to  the  spirit  of  the  law  and  not 
merely  to  its  letter.  Hence  the  necessity  for  knowing  the  exact 
meanings  of  the  principles  of  the  state  polity. 

Benjamin  Franklin  defined  justice  as  the  rendering  to  every  one 
of  his  due  ;  but  of  course  this  must  be  understood  as  the  rendering 
to  every  one  of  his  due  according  to  the  established  polity  and  law 
of  any  given  community. 

With  us  the  rendering  is  done  by  the  community  which  is  a 
freely  acting  collective  unit.     Justice  then  must  mean  for  us  a 


34  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

given  state  or  condition  of  human  existence  in  which  each  individual 
not  only  receives  that  which  is  agreed  to  be  his  due,  but  is  made 
secure  in  its  continuous  possession.  Continued  possession  de- 
pends most  largely  upon  the  administrative  action  of  individuals. 
Hence  the  bestowal  upon  individuals  of  an  equal  opportunity  to 
invoke  the  assistance  of  other  individuals  in  maintaining  the  status 
originally  ordained.  But  no  political  right  exists  that  does  not 
carry  with  it  its  corresponding  obligation,  and  because  the  indi- 
vidual acts  as  one  of  the  collective  sovereign  he  is  at  all  times  under 
the  moral  obligation  to  maintain  the  original  status  in  every  respect. 

Justice  being  defined  as  an  impartial  adherence  to  truth,  it  be- 
comes necessary  to  attach  some  definite  meaning  to  the  term  truth. 
As  in  the  abstract  truth  may  be  considered  that  which  is  in  con- 
formity to  natural  law,  so  in  a  political  sense  truth  may  be  con- 
sidered that  which  is  in  conformity  to  the  polity  and  fundamental 
law  of  any  community.  In  a  narrower  sense,  and  considered  as  a 
guide  to  proper  political  action,  truth  must  be  considered  as  a 
correct  statement  of  the  relations  which  exist  between  cause  and 
effect  in  the  political  phenomena  of  any  given  community.  In 
other  words,  political  truth  must  be  pure  logic ;  and  hereafter  the 
word  logical  will  be  used  to  express  the  truth  concerning  political 
action. 

Civil  Justice  :  Civil  Justice  is  any  form  of  Justice  that  is  ordained 
by  any  State.  It  is  at  best  but  a  human  conception.  Its  meaning, 
however,  is  capable  of  being  applied  in  the  regulation  of  every  in- 
dividual action.  Free  communities  attempt  to  attach  practical 
definiteness  to  its  meanings  through  constructing  a  system  of  rules 
which  are  to  govern  the  administrative  action  of  individuals. 

Here,  in  the  construction  of  an  administrative  system.  Democ- 
racy, considered  as  a  regime  of  reason,  balances  between  success 
or  failure. 

Here,  in  this  work,  a  democracy,  considered  as  a  self-governing 
community  exercising  political  power  and  authority,  can  either 
make  its  Principles  of  Association  fully  operative,  partially  so,  or 
inoperative ;  that  is,  it  can  provide  agencies,  means,  and  methods 
which  will  produce  these  effects.  But,  unless  it  succeeds  in  con- 
structing a  system  of  administrative  procedure  that  is  both  com- 
prehensive and  logical,  the  Justice  which  has  been  ordained  by 
The  State  will  inevitably  become  perverted  through  attempts  to 
maintain  it  by  means  of  an  illogical  system.  Individuals  can  never 
produce  intended  political  results  unless  they  work  with  logical 
agencies,  means,  and  methods  of  political  administration. 


POLITICAL   PRINCIPLES  35 

Political  Principles  :  Let  us  now  consider  the  second  set  of  Prin- 
ciples mentioned  on  the  first  page  of  this  chapter.  These,  taken 
together,  relate  to  the  continuous  maintenance  of  the  composite 
status  set  forth  in  the  Principles  of  Associations ;  and  which  main- 
tenance is  to  be  accomplished  through  the  consistent  use  of  political 
power  and  authority  during  political  administration. 

Principles  of  Association  determine  the  desired  nature,  char- 
acter, and  object  of  Government. 

Political  Principles  indicate  the  nature,  character,  and  kind  of 
administrative  action  to  be  taken.  They  possess  and  should 
continually  exert  a  binding  force  and  obligation  upon  the  indi- 
viduals who  compose  a  State. 

Defined.  Political  Principles  are  the  basic  concepts  of  any  com- 
munity regarding  the  continuous  exercise  of  political  power  and 
authority.  As  such,  they  are  the  principles  of  Political  Adminis- 
tration, 

They,  in  connection  with  the  First  Principles,  form  the  basis  of 
the  community's  Plan  of  Administration. 

They  necessarily  restrict  The  Community  while  engaged  in  the 
endeavor  to  make  its  principles  of  association  fully  operative,  to 
the  use  of  certain  definite  administrative  agencies  and  means. 

They  are  Supposed  to  fully  reflect  the  nature  and  character  of 
the  First  Principles,  and  thus  to  fix  in  advance  of  administrative 
action  the  character  of  each  agency,  means,  and  method  used 
therein. 

Taken  together  they  embody  the  fundamental  rules  of  adminis- 
trative action  in  its  various  stages  of  progression. 

Combined  with  stated  rules  of  detail  application,  they  will  natu- 
rally constitute  a  System  of  Political  Administration,  showing  its 
salient  divisions. 

We  must  now  briefly  review  some  of  the  more  important  prin- 
ciples of  our  administrative  procedure,  at  the  same  time  remem- 
bering that  we,  through  the  action  of  The  Fathers,  are  solemnly 
bound  to  give  them  full  force  and  effect  in  our  individual  adminis- 
trative action. 

Freedom  and  Liberty :  Enough  has  already  been  said  regarding 
the  freedom  and  liberty  of  the  individual  while  engaged  in  ad- 
ministrative work  to  render  any  further  remarks  unnecessary  at 
this  point. 

Common  Consent :  The  Supreme  Power  is  the  Power  to  Govern. 
The  Power  to  Govern  includes  the  power  to  command,  and  to  en- 
force obedience  from  The  Individual.     The  Fathers  held  that  all 


36  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Political  Power  proceeds  from  The  People,  and  that  the  Right  to 
Govern  rests  on  the  common  consent  of  the  governed ;  and  they 
placed  the  exercise  of  the  Supreme  Power  over  themselves  on  the 
basis  of  Common  Consent. 

Happiness,  an  Object  of  Administration :  Among  other  beliefs 
the  Colonists  also  held  that  the  jree  opportunity  to  exercise  Politi- 
cal Power  was  in  itself  one  of  the  chief  sources  of  individual  hap- 
piness ;  but  they  went  no  further  in  maintaining  and  perpetuating 
such  an  opportunity  than  to  merely  declare  that  while  the  individ- 
ual was  engaged  in  the  exercise  of  Political  Power  or  of  Authority 
he  should  be  immune  from  all  restraints  except  those  exercised  by 
his  reason  and  conscience. 

Equality,  an  Object  of  Administration :  The  free  formation, 
expression,  and  application  of  The  Will  of  The  People  is  one  of  the 
chief  objects  of  administrative  action.  Public  Opinion  is  being 
formed  all  of  the  time.  As  Sovereign-units  we  have  agreed  that 
this  Will  cannot  be  formed  and  applied  properly  unless  each  indi- 
vidual unit  shall  have  an  equal  opportunity  with  every  other  like 
unit  to  freely  express  his  ideas  during  its  formation,  and  to  freely 
express  his  individual  will  concerning  its  expression  and  its  appli- 
cation. 

This  consensus  of  belief  establishes  Equality  as  a  basic  principle 
of  our  political  administration. 

The  restrictions  which  we  have  put  upon  individuals  in  the 
exercise  of  Administrative  Power,  and  which  necessarily  divide 
individuals  into  classes,  will  be  considered  later.  At  present  we 
are  merely  considering  general  principles. 

Justice,  an  Object  of  Administration :  We  have  seen  that  every 
exercise  of  our  political  power  is  in  theory  sanctioned  by  our  original 
governmental  agreement ;  the  prime  object  of  which  is  to  establish 
and  place  such  a  just  restraint  upon  the  natural  freedom  and  lib- 
erty in  individual  action  as  will  promote  the  general  welfare  of 
society,  and  the  private  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  individual. 
With  us  this  agreement  declares  that  the  exercise  of  the  Supreme 
Power  shall  be  had  for  the  express  purpose  of  securing  to  each 
individual  all  of  the  benefits  which  are  rightfully  his  under  the 
agreement. 

This  in  effect  makes  ordained  Justice  not  only  an  ultimate  object 
of  administrative  action;  but  an  indispensable  requisite  to  its 
orderly  continuance.  If  men  do  not  receive  the  justice  which  is 
their  due  under  their  State  Polity,  they  will  naturally  strive  to 
change  the  administrative  system  which  aids  in  producing  injustice 


POLITICAL   PRINCIPLES  37 

to  some  of  them.  Either  that,  or  they  will  strive  to  change  their 
Form  of  Government  entirely. 

Representation:  In  administering  restraint  The  People  have 
agreed  to  use  a  subsidiary  body  called  The  Government  as  a  helpful 
agency  in  ascertaining :  first,  what  is  necessary  to  be  done  from 
time  to  time  by  the  community ;  and  second,  in  providing  the 
necessary  rules  of  action,  or  laws.  The  effect  of  the  agreement 
in  this  respect  is  to  establish  Representation,  or  an  indirect  use  of 
a  part  of  their  supreme  power,  as  a  principle  governing  their  ad- 
ministrative procedure. 

Responsibility :  In  a  political  sense  the  term  Responsibility  is 
nearly  the  equivalent  of  the  two  terms  liability  and  accountability. 

It  is  the  state  or  condition  which  the  individuals  of  free  com- 
munities voluntarily  assume  when  they  enter  into  the  govern- 
mental agreement,  —  the  condition  in  which  one  is  bound  to  act  in 
accordance  with  the  intent  of  the  agreement  or  suffer  the  conse- 
quences. 

Direct  Responsibility.  In  free  communities  the  exercise  of  au- 
thority is  supposed  to  be  continuously  under  the  control  of  the 
people.  In  order  to  enable  the  people  to  enforce  a  proper  exercise 
of  authority  from  all  who  are  in  the  public  service,  the  people  agree 
that  all  such  individuals  shall  be  personally  accountable  to  The 
Communitv  for  malfeasance  in  office  or  dereliction  in  official  dutv. 
The  eflPect  of  this  agreement  is  to  establish  the  principle  that 
Responsibilit}'  on  the  part  of  public  officials  shall  be  direct  to  the 
people ;  and  not  to  any  political  party,  much  less  to  any  partizan 
party,  or  any  other  intermediary  whatsoever. 

Individual  Responsibility.  When  entering  upon  the  exercise  of 
political  power,  the  individual  assumes  the  responsibilities  of  a 
sovereign.  He  binds  himself  to  use  his  political  power  solely  for 
the  promotion  of  the  general  welfare.  This  is  his  individual  re- 
sponsibility. The  community  can  enforce  it  provided  it  has  the 
methods  for  doing  so.  These  methods  are  usually  contained  in 
the  administrative  system.  In  effect  they  define  the  duties  of 
citizenship.  The  community  is  under  the  obligation  to  state  and 
to  define  these  duties  beforehand,  for  otherwise  it  cannot  properly 
enforce  their  discharge.  This  subject  will  be  taken  up  again.  For 
the  present  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  principle  of  individual 
responsibility  for  proper  political  action  exists  whether  the  com- 
munity has  succeeded  in  making  it  fully  operative  or  not. 

Allegiance :  In  return  for  the  protection  he  receives  each  indi- 
vidual is  placed  under  the  obligation  to  support  his  governmental 


38  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

institutions  and  to  obey  the  laws  made  by  his  regularly  constituted 
authorities.  The  part  of  the  obligation  which  relates  to  obedience 
establishes  the  principle  that  the  individual  shall  not  oppose  the 
operation  of  a  law  which  works  a  private  injury  to  him  with  an 
exercise  of  physical  force,  and  that  he  shall  not  incite  others  to  join 
him  in  the  exercise  of  the  power  of  Revolution  as  the  means  to 
redress  private  grievances  or  public  wrongs  until  all  other  peace- 
able means  have  been  exhausted. 

Allegiance,  however,  does  not  mean  that  the  individual  is  to 
forever  remain  passively  inert  either  under  a  law  which  he  may 
believe  is  not  in  accord  with  some  first  principle  of  his  community, 
or  under  a  system  of  action  which  does  not  give  full  effect  to  the 
political  principles  of  the  community.  Such  inertia  might  easily 
result  in  despotism.  In  this  respect  allegiance  merely  means  that 
until  such  time  as  he  can  through  the  force  of  reason  and  the  spread 
of  ideas  bring  about  a  reversal  of  the  obnoxious  law  or  a  change  in 
the  inoperative  system  he  shall  peaceably  submit  to  them.  He  is 
free  at  all  times  to  peaceably  oppose  them.  Indeed,  he  is  under  a 
moral  obligation  to  oppose  them  because  the  allegiance  to  principle 
is  supreme. 

The  spirit  of  the  people  manifests  itself  primarily  in  and  through 
its  declared  Principles  of  Association.  No  American  citizen  owes 
allegiance  to  any  political  principle  beyond  those  included  within 
the  State  Polity.  No  man  owes  support  to  any  agency  or  system 
that  in  any  way  weakens  the  original  force  of  the  governmental 
agreement. 

In  theory,  no  man  is  permitted  to  give  support  to  outside  prin- 
ciples or  unordained  instrumentalities,  because,  if  given,  such  sup- 
port tends  to  produce  administrative  action  that  is  not  in  accord 
with  the  spirit  of  the  people  as  originally  declared. 

The  Principle  of  Union :  For  a  long  time  prior  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  the  British  government  sought  to  obtain  the  de- 
pendence of  the  American  colonies  upon  England ;  claiming  that 
this  was  for  the  best  interests  of  the  colonists.  Parliament  legis- 
lated to  this  end,  and  sought  to  enforce  this  legislation  in  the  colo- 
nies by  means  of  the  colonial  governmental  agencies,  the  character 
of  which  it  molded  as  far  as  possible  to  suit  its  purposes.  Parlia- 
ment, as  then  constituted  and  swayed,  was  but  an  agency  of  the 
King.  Immediately  before  The  Declaration  it  resorted  to  an 
exercise  of  military  force  to  maintain  a  fictitious  "  unity  of  interest" 
between  the  colonists  and  their  governmental  agencies  as  then 
constituted.     The  colonists  considered  this  course  most  grievous. 


POLITICAL   PRINCIPLES  39 

By  it  their  "  liberties  "  were  practically  destroyed.  They  claimed 
the  right  to  decide  for  themselves  what  was  for  their  best  interests 
—  or  welfare  as  they  termed  it.  When  they  threw  off  "  The  Brit- 
ish Yoke,"  they  had  to  reorganize  political  society ;  create  a  new 
governmental  agency;  and  supply  a  new  uniting  bond  between 
themselves  and  it. 

Familiar  with  democratic  principles  of  action  (which  exclude 
the  idea  of  applying  physical  force  to  political  action)  they  decided 
to  supplant  the  monarchical  principle  of  unity  —  harmony  through 
compulsion  —  with  the  democratic  principle  of  union  —  harmony 
tlirough  agreement  —  and  to  secure  the  united  action  necessary 
to  a  satisfactory  exercise  of  political  power  by  reaching  a  free  agree- 
ment of  wills  beforehand  concerning  all  matters  of  government 
and  political  administration.  This  agreement  expressed  The  Will 
of  The  People.  So  long  as  it  remained  unaltered  by  concerted 
action  on  the  part  of  the  people  it  was  to  be  equally  binding  upon 
all  of  the  individuals  who  compose  the  body  politic;  all  being 
equally  bound  to  carry  out  its  intent. 

The  Bond  of  Union :  The  common  purpose  of  the  people  was  to 
secure  the  greatest  possible  happiness  and  welfare  of  all  by  means 
of  Representative  Government ;  and  the  desire  to  promote  the 
"  General  Welfare  "  according  to  their  ideas  of  right  political  action 
supplied  the  bond  uniting  the  community  with  its  administrative 
agencies. 

Besides  the  Principles  mentioned  above  there  are  other  generally 
accepted  ideas  regarding  the  proper  exercise  of  political  power  and 
authority  which  are  binding  upon  individual  Americans  while 
acting  in  the  dual  capacity  of  Sovereign  and  citizen. 

Some  of  these  exist  in  the  character  and  form  of  Rights ;  some 
in  the  shape  of  Obligations  and  Duties ;  and  some  have  taken  the 
form  of  a  Doctrine ;  that  is,  an  inclusive  body  of  beliefs  which  are 
held  to  be  true. 

Each  of  these  separate  rights,  obligations,  duties,  and  doctrines 
has  a  peculiar  and  distinctive  American  meaning. 

Each  of  them  has  an  important  bearing  upon  the  manner  in 
which  our  political  power  and  authority  is  to  be  used. 

Each  of  their  meanings  is  the  result  of  gradual  perception, 
growth,  and  acceptance. 

The  establishment  of  their  true  meanings  is  necessary  to  the 
clear  perception  of  our  true  political  action  ;  and  inasmuch  as  this 
will  require  some  research  we  will  consider  them  separately  in  the 
following  chapters. 


CHAPTER  III 
POLITICAL   RIGHTS 

Principles  of  Duty :  In  the  early  stages  of  human  progress  and 
of  civilization  the  moral  strength  of  The  Community  depended 
upon  two  sets  of  principles ;  namely,  those  relating  to  Duty  and 
those  relating  to  Rights. 

Principles  of  Duty  were  generally  divided  into  two  classes  by 
their  objects. 

Principles  of  Religion.  The  first  class  contained  principles  of 
religion.  They  prescribed  the  duty  which  man  —  considered  as  a 
being  dependent  for  his  existence,  welfare,  and  happiness  upon 
some  higher  intelligence  supposed  to  control  the  forces  of  good 
and  evil  —  owed  to  that  superior  being. 

Principles  of  Ethics.  The  second  class  contained  the  principles 
which  prescribed  man's  duty  to  his  fellow  associates.  These  have 
been  called  the  principles  of  ethics.  Later  on  in  progress  these 
principles  were  extended  to  include  ideas  concerning  man's  duty  to 
those  outside  of  his  immediate  association ;  briefly,  to  Humanity 
at  Large.  The  character  of  these  principles  has  everywhere  been 
affected  more  or  less  by  the  religious  concepts  held  by  society. 
Some  of  them  are  a  direct  outgrowth  from  man's  religious  belief. 
In  some  instances,  however,  they  have  been  brought  into  existence 
by  the  tyranny  exercised  in  the  name  of  Religion.  But  be  this  as 
it  may,  both  sets  of  principles  were  originally  devised  with  but  one 
object ;  namely,  to  promote  the  true  welfare  and  happiness  of  The 
Individual  as  the  same  was  understood  when  the  principles  were 
devised. 

F*rinciples  of  Right :  Leaving  religion  out  of  consideration,  we 
shall  find  the  original  conception  of  Duty  and  of  Right  to  be  simple, 
clear,  and  direct.  Man,  in  common  with  all  living  organisms,  is 
impelled  to  perpetuate  his  species.  In  common  with  all  animals 
he  is  impelled  to  preserve  his  life,  and  that  of  his  young.     In  that 

40 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  41 

way  the  species  is  perpetuated.  Considered  as  a  species,  primi- 
tive man  had  to  contend  for  existence  against  many  other  groups 
of  animals,  the  individuals  of  which  far  exceeded  individual  man 
in  size,  strength,  and  the  means  of  offense  and  defense.  The  real- 
ization of  his  comparative  defenselessness  originally  impelled 
primitive  man  to  associate  with  his  fellows. 

Welfare  and  Happiness.  Primitive  Meanings.  Association 
meant  United  Action  in  times  of  individual  peril.  By  means  of 
united  action  the  adults  of  The  Association  secured  a  longer  lease 
of  life,  and  the  young  an  increased  chance  to  live.  Association 
accomplished  three  results.  First,  it  brought  the  strength  of 
numbers.  Second,  it  increased  personal  security  from  physical 
injury  which  in  the  main  then  constituted  welfare.  Third,  it 
decreased  the  dread  of  physical  injury  which  in  the  main  was 
then  the  chief  source  of  unhappiness. 

Cooperation.  Association  was  originally  prompted  by  the  de- 
sire for  mutual  support.  The  desire  sprang  from  the  realization 
of  mutual  dependence.  Here,  then,  we  get  at  the  original  essence 
of  Association  ;  for  by  mutual  support  and  through  cooperation 
the  peril  of  individual  weakness  is  in  part  averted. 

Social  Instinct.  During  the  long  periods  in  which  man  found 
comparative  safety  in  association,  the  appreciation  of  the  benefits 
to  be  secured  through  mutual  support  became  more  and  more 
acute,  and  created  a  fixed  desire  in  man  for  association  with  his 
kind.  Out  of  the  long-continued  and  habitual  satisfaction  of  this 
desire  the  so-called  "  Social  Instinct"  arose ;  instinct  being  in- 
herited habit. 

Primitive  Progress.  By  the  time  man  had  reached  the  savage 
state,  he  —  considered  as  a  destroying  force  —  had  acquired 
ascendency  over  the  other  animals  and  the  force  of  the  original 
reason  for  Association  was  somewhat  weakened  by  the  sense  of 
this  independence.  The  form  of  The  Association  had  also  changed. 
Permanency  had  produced  related  families ;  and  the  natural 
attraction  of  relationship  had  brought  about  the  grouping  of 
related  families  into  tribes.  The  same  attraction  working  in  a 
wider  range  had  tended  to  cement  the  tribes  into  the  larger  associa- 
tion called  The  Community,  or  The  Nation. 

Primitive  Society.  But  while  fear  was  being  eliminated  as  one 
of  the  reasons  for  association  other  considerations  developed  and 
took  its  place.  The  appreciation  of  the  benefits  flowing  from  the 
exercise  of  authority  on  the  part  of  parents  and  the  practise  of 
obedience  on  the  part  of  the  young  grew  stronger  and  finally 


42  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

acquired  the  force  of  a  controlling  idea.  Gradually  the  meanings 
of  authority  and  obedience  were  extended  to  apply  to  individuals 
when  acting  in  the  capacity  of  members  of  the  tribe  or  nation. 
Moreover,  crude  notions  concerning  the  property  and  rights  of 
individuals,  of  families,  of  tribes,  and  of  nations  were  forming. 
These  in  turn  produced  new  ideas  concerning  the  objects  for  which 
united  action  was  to  be  had.  In  short,  new  meanings  were  at- 
tached to  the  original  principle  of  cooperation.  But  from  now  on 
these  meanings  were  to  receive  the  sanction  of  approval  from  the 
community ;  were  to  be  enforced  by  the  community ;  and  the 
community,  in  its  new  aspect,  must  be  considered  hereafter  as 
Society. 

Society  and  Progress.  Society  has  existed  during  all  stages  of 
human  progress  about  which  any  positive  knowledge  exists.  It 
has  at  one  and  the  same  time  been  the  prime  means  for  the  satis- 
faction of  the  social  instinct  and  the  prime  cause  of  individual 
development ;  upon  which  human  progress  depends. 

Individual  development  has  been  promoted  by  Society  first, 
because  through  orderly  association  individuals  are  afforded 
additional  opportunities  to  develop  their  special  powers  of  body 
and  brain,  which  development,  of  itself,  increases  desire  on  the 
part  of  all  who  make  it,  and  on  the  part  of  many  who  witness  it ; 
and  second,  because  through  the  attempted  satisfaction  of  in- 
creasing desire  the  mental  powers  of  individuals  are  continually 
raised  to  a  better  appreciation  of  the  true  relation  of  things  in 
general. 

Factors  in  the  Strength  of.  Whether  a  free  community  accom- 
plishes its  desired  purposes  or  not  will  depend  upon  its  adminis- 
trative action  and  its  strength.  Its  strength  confers  endurance, 
thus  prolonging  the  opportunity  for  action.  Its  strength  is  a 
compound  of  material  strength,  moral  strength,  and  intellectual 
strength. 

Its  material  strength  is  founded  upon  its  numbers  and  re- 
sources. 

Its  moral  strength  is  founded  upon  its  Principles  of  Action. 

Its  intellectual  strength  is  founded  upon  the  Knowledge  and 
Wisdom  of  the  individuals  who  compose  it. 

Since  all  of  its  purposes  are  declared  Right  by  reason  and 
morality,  it  is  apparent  that  the  ultimate  success  of  society  will 
depend  in  the  first  place  upon  its  intellectual  strength,  but  ulti- 
mately it  must  depend  upon  its  moral  strength,  which  alone  will 
determine  the  moral  character  of  its  administrative  action. 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  43 

Individual  Rights,  Bands  of :  ]\Ian  originally  resorted  to 
Association  as  a  means  of  reenforcing  Individual  Power.  Later 
on  Association  was  used  as  a  means  for  developing  individual 
power.  Association  is  impossible,  however,  without  agreement; 
and  agreement  implies  mutuality.  The  Individual  agrees  to  act 
in  unison  with  his  fellows  in  determining  what  shall  be  done  by 
Society,  how  it  shall  be  done,  and  finally  in  doing  it.  He  relin- 
quishes somewhat  of  natural  independence  in  action  in  return  for 
added  safety  and  opportunity.  He  substitutes  one  kind  of 
happiness  for  another. 

What  he  is  bound  to  do  under  the  new  circumstances  are  for  the 
future  his  Duties. 

What  he  is  to  receive  in  return  are  his  Rights. 

Without  going  further  into  the  philosophy  of  the  subject  let  us 
broadly  define  an  American  Individual  Right  as  a  just  claim  of 
an  individual  to  anything  which  his  Governmental  Agreement 
declares  is  his  either  because  of  his  nature  or  because  of  the 
agreement. 

Natural  Rights.  Acquired  Rights.  LTnder  this  definition  in- 
dividual rights  must  be  divided  into  two  kinds ;  namely,  Natural 
Rights  and  Acquired  Rights. 

Natural  rights  are  those  which  belong  to  an  individual  con- 
sidered as  a  separate  and  independent  being. 

Acquired  rights  are  those  which  belong  to  an  individual  con- 
sidered as  one  of  the  Collective  Unit,  or  Community. 

Natural  rights  differ  in  origin  from  acquired  rights  in  that  the 
former  spring  from  the  impulse  of  self-preservation  and  pro- 
tection, while  the  latter  spring  from  the  desire  for  the  benefits 
accruing  from  mutual  protection  and  preservation. 

A  natural  right  may  be  considered  as  a  just  claim  to  satisfy 
human  necessities  without  molestation  by  other  individuals; 
while  an  acquired  right  may  be  considered  as  a  just  claim  to 
assistance  from  other  individuals  in  maintaining  mutual  rights. 
The  Agreement  of  Association  fixes  the  justness  of  the  claims  and 
determines  the  specific  individuals  upon  whom  these  respective 
claims  must  be  made. 

Natural  rights  are  claims  against  the  other  Individuals  of  the 
Association. 

Acquired  rights  are  claims  upon  such  individuals. 

The  one  are  rights  of  non-interference  ;  the  others,  of  cooperation. 
The  one  are  liberties  and  immunities ;  the  others,  privileges  and 
advantages.     The  one  are  ungranted ;  the  others,  granted.     The 


44  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

one  exist  because  man  exists ;  the  others,  because  man  has  created 
them.  The  one  are  equally' applicable  to  all  mankind;  the  others, 
only  specially  applicable  to  the  individuals  of  any  given  com- 
munity. 

The  Community.  Regarding  a  right  as  a  claim,  there  must  be  a 
something  upon  which  the  claim  can  be  made.  In  free  societies 
the  only  recognized  body  or  thing  superior  in  power  to  the  indi- 
vidual and  upon  whom  the  individual  can  rest  for  justice  is  the 
community  which  the  individuals  have  created  through  joint 
action.  A  right  without  its  benefit  is  valueless.  The  community, 
however,  is  powerful  enough  to  secure  the  benefit  to  its  claimant, 
and  it  was  formed  voluntarily  by  its  individuals  and  invested  with 
the  power  to  secure  certain  benefits  to  them. 

The  first  claims  that  individuals  made  on  primitive  society  were 
that  when  extraordinary  peril  of  lif^  threatened  the  individual, 
society  should  act  to  avert  it;  and  that  when  the  individual  was 
restricted  in  his  ordinary  and  proper  action,  society  should  act  to 
restore  the  original  conditions  of  existence.  Later  on,  and  because 
of  individual  development  and  human  progress,  the  individual 
claimed  the  benefit  of  action  by  society  concerning  personal, 
property,  moral,  and  political  rights ;  and  before  a  man  can  know 
now  how  he  is  to  act  properly  as  one  of  the  collective  sovereign 
in  the  maintenance  of  these  declared  rights  he  must  know  exactly 
what  each  of  them  are. 

Inherent  Human  Rights :  Concerning  natural  rights,  develop- 
ment and  progress  having  gradually  changed  the  status  of  primi- 
tive man  into  that  of  a  social  and  civil  being,  have  also  at  the  same 
time,  gradually  increased  his  powers  of  understanding  his  own 
nature,  its  needs,  and  the  claims  of  non-interference  which  he  can 
rightfully  make  upon  his  fellow  associates.  Such  rights,  however, 
must  not  be  considered  as  acquired  rights  merely  because  they 
have  not  always  been  perceived  and  enforced.  They  are  in  fact  the 
natural  rights  that  development  and  progress  have  enabled  man  to 
perceive  were  inherently  his  because  of  his  nature.  They  pass  from 
dormancy  into  dominancy  during  the  awakening  consciousness  of 
human  needs  and  while  man  advances  through  the  stages  of  prog- 
ress commonly  called  "  Society"  and  "  Civilization."  Their  estab- 
lishment depends,  of  course,  upon  their  general  perception  and 
the  general  acquiescence  in  their  existence.  Because  their  in- 
cipiency  and  recognition  is  contemporaneous  with  the  advanced 
stages  of  human  progress  they  are  usually  distinguished  from  the 
natural  rights  that  are  perceived  in  the  primitive  stage  by  the  term 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  45 

"  Inherent  Human  Rights."  Furthermore,  and  because  they 
cannot  with  safety,  either  to  the  community  or  to  the  individual, 
be  ignored,  violated,  or  set  aside,  they  are  generally  considered  as 
"  Inalienable  and  Indefeasible  Rights." 

Progress,  however,  has  not  altered  the  original  meanings  of 
natural  individual  rights  when  once  established.  It  has  merely 
modified  ideas  concerning  how,  and  when,  under  the  chosen  con- 
ditions of  existence,  and  within  any  given  community,  a  human 
being  may  exercise  individual  power  to  secure  self-preservation, 
self-protection,  and  self -development. 

Two  Classes  of  Individual  Rights  :  Now  if  we  consider  a  Right 
to  be  a  just  claim  to  any  and  every  benefit  which  either  belongs  to 
an  individual  inherently,  or  which  may  accrue  to  him  through 
association,  then  individual  rights  fall  naturally  into  two  classes; 
namely.  Civil  Rights,  and  Political  Rights ;  the  one  determining 
in  advance  the  status  of  his  bodily  and  material  welfare,  the  other 
determining  in  advance  his  political  status  and  the  peculiar 
political  advantages  he  may  enjoy  under  his  established  form  of 
Government. 

Civil  Rights  :  Civil  Rights  are  those  natural,  inherent,  inalien- 
able, and  indefeasible  rights  which  are  set  apart  and  distinguished 
from  other  rights  by  the  First  Principles  of  the  community,  and 
which  are  deemed  to  belong  to  each  individual  thereof  as  of  no 
question,  and  which  exist  irrespective  of  Government. 

In  order  to  escape  a  possible  confusion  of  ideas  which  such  a 
general  statement  might  create,  the  reader  must  bear  the  following 
points  in  mind.  A  distinction  exists  between  the  people  of  the 
United  States  and  the  people  of  the  various  States.  Rights, 
considered  as  just  claims,  are  only  enforceable  within  the  com- 
munity which  establishes  them.  Before  The  Constitution  was 
adopted  the  people  of  the  original  thirteen  States  had  adopted 
their  own  distinctive  Governments  under  which  dissimilar  indi- 
vidual rights  were  established  by  the  different  commonwealths. 
After  The  Constitution  was  adopted  it  was  amended  to  include  a 
distinct  expression  of  the  will  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
regarding  the  future  action  of  the  United  States  Government 
concerning  certain  individual  rights  then  deemed  to  be  established. 

The  Bill  of  Rights:  An  American  bill  of  rights  is  a  concise 
declaration  of  the  people  in  any  State  of  the  separate  individual 
rights  which  The  Commonwealth  is  to  maintain.  It  is  usually 
made  at  the  same  time  that  Government  is  established  and  is 
included  in   the  State  Constitution  mainly  for  the  purpose  of 


46  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

indicating  the  restrictions  which  are  to  be  placed  upon  the  exercise 
of  political  authority  by  the  governmental  agencies.  In  the  case 
of  the  original  thirteen  American  States  the  bill  of  rights  was 
intended  not  so  much  to  set  forth  new  ideas  of  political  action  as 
to  secure  against  future  violation  the  rights  for  which  the  American 
colonists  had  fought  because  the  possession  of  which  had  been 
denied  them  by  the  Government  previously  exercising  jurisdiction 
over  them. 

In  one  way  such  declarations  are  regarded  as  restrictions  put 
upon  the  use  of  the  Supreme  Power  in  connection  with  matters 
which  the  people  declare  belong  to  individuals  as  of  right;  and 
which  the  governmental  agency  in  the  exercise  of  authority  is 
prohibited  from  interfering  with  except  as  the  people  may  from 
time  to  time  expressly  permit  and  direct. 

As  against  the  governmental  agency  they  are  a  reservation  of 
sovereignty  contained  in  a  grant  of  authority. 

Considered  as  incorporations  in  the  fundamental  law  they  are 
self-executory.  Their  purpose  cannot  be  altered  or  affected 
permanently  by  legislative  enactment.  They  nullify  all  Statutes 
thereafter  passed  which  are  inconsistent  with  them. 

Considered  as  parts  of  the  governmental  agreement  they  serve 
other  purposes.  First :  by  attaching  definitive  meanings  to  such 
terms  as  civil  liberty ;  religious  liberty ;  personal  liberty,  security, 
and  safety ;  indictment,  trial  by  jury,  twice  put  in  jeopardy,  the 
impairment  of  contracts ;  retroactive  laws,  ex  post  facto  laws ;  bills 
of  attainder  ;  due  process  of  law ;  freedom  of  speech ;  freedom  of  the 
press ;  the  right  of  assembly ;  the  right  to  petition ;  the  right  to 
bear  arms ;  the  right  to  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  etc.,  they  serve 
in  part  to  strictly  define  the  four  general  conditions  of  individual 
existence  described  in  Chapter  II ;  and  second :  they  serve  to 
indicate  the  general  obligations  of  sovereignty,  the  general  duties 
of  citizenship,  and  the  kinds  of  means  and  methods  to  be  employed 
in  political  action  by  individuals  acting  either  in  a  private  or  in  a 
public  capacity. 

Equality  in  Rights :  Now  as  we  pass  to  a  consideration  of  the 
political  rights  which  our  forefathers  established,  a  word  concern- 
ing the  development  of  the  idea  of  political  freedom  becomes 
advisable.  And,  as  the  desire  for  self-government  has  in  the  past 
been  largely  stimulated  by  the  injustices  produced  through  the 
exercise  of  the  supreme  power  by  the  monarchs  or  by  ruling 
classes,  our  attention  is  unavoidably  attracted  to  the  reasons 
bringing  about  changes  in  the  form  of  Government. 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  47 

Briefly  then,  and  as  far  as  the  people  of  modern  communities 
are  concerned,  it  is  the  desire  on  the  part  of  individuals  to  be 
secure  in  the  continued  maintenance  and  possession  of  their 
admitted  rights  that  chiefly  leads  to  the  establishment  of  Govern- 
ment as  a  means  to  that  end.  Indeed,  it  has  been  the  desire  on  the 
part  of  men  to  be  secure  in  the  possession  and  benefits  of  newly 
perceived  rights  that  has  often  led  to  the  establishment  of  new 
societies  and  new  forms  of  Government.  Community  government, 
which  was  originally  intended  to  be  the  continuous  exercise  of  a 
necessary  but  beneficial  restraint  over  individuals,  was  originally 
patriarchal  in  form.  The  father  of  the  family,  who  ruled  by 
paternal  right  (by  reason  of  his  relationship,  his  superior  knowl- 
edge, or  his  reputed  wisdom),  naturally  succeeded  to  the  added 
responsibilities  and  obligations  of  the  Patriarch  when  the  related 
families  grouped  themselves  into  tribes.  When  acting  in  the 
capacity  of  a  general  chieftain  or  war  lord,  or  as  the  leader  or 
counselor  in  times  of  peace,  the  patriarch  may  either  have  assumed, 
or  have  been  permitted,  to  exercise  the  civil  power  over  the  con- 
federated tribes  or  nation.  He  may  also  have  claimed  the  right 
to  name  his  successor  in  office ;  and  unless  this  claim  were  success- 
fully opposed  it  might  easily  transpire  in  the  course  of  time  that  a 
certain  family  in  all  the  nation  was  held  to  possess  the  right  to 
supply  a  ruler  to  the  nation ;  thus  establishing  a  dynasty,  the 
members  of  which  were  neither  under  the  same  obligations  to  the 
people  which  the  patriarch  was,  or  wholly  dependent  upon  the 
people  for  the  office. 

In  such  a  state  of  affairs  inequality,  considered  as  a  condition  of 
existence,  was  admitted,  recognized,  maintained,  and  perpetuated. 
Under  such  a  condition  Government  frequently  degenerated  from 
an  exercise  of  wisdom,  reason,  and  justice  into  an  exercise  of 
physical  force  for  the  satisfaction  of  private  desires.  The  trans- 
ition as  it  took  place  was  usually  a  natural  one.  The  rulers  were 
peculiarly  exposed  to  the  temptations  of  the  love  of  power,  which 
is  the  root  of  all  political  evil.  They  were  in  a  position  for  the  time 
being  at  least  where  adequate  restraint  could  not  be  put  upon  them. 
Possessing  a  power  superior  to  that  of  the  many,  they  frequently 
used  it  to  gratify  their  personal  desires  and  often  through  the  wilful 
destruction  of  the  life  or  liberty  of  an  individual  or  through  the 
absorption  of  his  property.  The  masses  were  placed  under  a  hard 
disadvantage.  They  were  rendered  unhappy  either  through  the 
actual  destruction,  or  the  dread  of  the  destruction,  of  that  happiness 
which  consists  in  the  satisfaction  of  the  desire  to  freely  exercise 


48  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

individual  power  according  to  the  received  principles  of  association. 
In  short,  cooperation  between  individuals  as  a  means  for  maintain- 
ing individual  rights  was  destroyed,  and  the  right  of  the  individual 
to  the  assistance  of  the  acquired  power  of  united  action  was  denied 
for  many  purposes. 

But  throughout  the  slow  course  of  the  centuries  the  great  body 
of  men,  as  compared  with  the  few  who  claimed  the  possession  and 
exercise  of  superior  rights,  have  slowly  enlarged  the  field  of  action 
in  which  they  claim  to  possess  rights  in  common  with  all  men,  until, 
at  last,  and  in  some  communities,  they  have  succeeded  in  establish- 
ing the  justice  of  the  claim  of  an  equal  right  in  all  men  to  participate 
in  the  government  of  men. 

Equality.  In  free  communities  "  Equality"  takes  on  new  mean- 
ings. It  means  that  there  are  no  inherently  superior  political  class 
in  the  community,  and  no  individuals  with  superior  political  rights. 
It  means  that  the  claim  of  such  to  the  exercise  of  the  supreme  power 
is  invalid.  It  means  that  such  exercise  can  only  be  had  properly 
by  all  of  the  individuals  of  the  community  when  acting  together. 
It  means  that  the  collective  people  are  the  sovereign.  It  means, 
when  all  are  endeavoring  together  to  apply  their  fundamental 
principles  in  the  conduct  of  social,  economic,  and  community 
affairs,  that  the  voice  of  one  individual  shall  be  as  effective  as  the 
voice  of  another  in  the  decision  of  all  administrative  questions.  It 
means  that  this  new  individual  status  shall  be  determined  at  the 
outset  by  an  agreement  of  individual  wills ;  that  the  agreement 
when  reached  shall  be  sanctioned  by  an  expression  of  the  general 
will ;  and  that  the  new  status  of  the  individual  shall  be  maintained, 
altered,  or  destroyed  in  the  future  only  by  a  free  exercise  of  the 
will  of  the  associated  individuals.  It  means  that  the  people  shall 
determine  for  themselves  that  which  in  the  future  shall  be  con- 
sidered justice  in  the  community ;  and  that  in  reaching  this  deter- 
mination each  shall  be  equally  free  to  express  his  ideas  effectively 
and  compel  a  similar  expression  from  others. 

Political  Freedom.  Under  the  concept  of  equal  rights  as  above 
defined  the  power  to  govern  becomes  seated  in  the  people  and  they 
succeed  to  the  exercise  of  the  supreme  power.  At  the  same  time 
the  individuals  who  compose  the  community  adopt  a  new  set  of 
principles  and  a  new  set  of  rights  that  are  connected  with  the 
future  exercise  of  the  supreme  power.  The  effect  of  this  action  is 
to  create  for  themselves  and  for  succeeding  generations  the  new 
condition  of  individual  existence  called  political  freedom.  The 
fundamental  idea  of  political  freedom  is  that  each  individual  shall 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  49 

freely  and  effectually  participate  in  establishing  and  administering 
restraint.  The  condition  is  to  last  so  long  as  the  governmental 
agreement  holds  good  in  its  entirety  as  the  basis  of  political  action. 

The  new  situation,  however,  is  not  without  the  practical  difficul- 
ties connected  with  the  administration  of  restraint,  or  the  individ- 
ual perplexities  concerning  proper  political  action.  In  a  free 
community  the  individual  acts  in  a  dual  capacity.  While  in  some 
respects  he  acts  as  a  free  and  independent  citizen,  in  others  he  must 
act  as  one  of  the  collective  sovereign.  At  one  and  the  same  time 
he  has  to  faithfully  perform  the  duties  of  citizenship  and  to  help 
discharge  the  obligations  of  sovereignty.  As  a  citizen  he  must 
observe  all  of  the  established  rights  of  others,  and  as  one  of  the 
collective  sovereign  he  must  act  to  preserve  this  body  of  rights  in 
their  entirety.  As  a  citizen  claims  are  made  against  him.  As 
one  of  the  collective  sovereign  claims  are  made  upon  him.  LTnder 
these  circumstances  the  individual  faces  this  problem :  How  are 
the  double  capacities  of  sovereign  and  citizen  to  be  determined 
and  kept  separate  ?  How  is  the  individual  to  discharge  the  duties 
of  non-interference  and  of  cooperation  ? 

Political  Rights :  At  best  the  situation  is  a  difficult  one ;  but 
by  delegating  the  exercise  of  some  of  their  political  power  to  a 
governmental  agency  the  people  make  the  administration  of 
restraint  much  more  complicated.  The  Government  requires 
constant  replenishing  with  individuals  who  are  to  be  selected  by  the 
people.  It  requires  constant  energizing,  direction,  and  control  by 
the  people.  New  duties,  new  obligations,  and  new  rights  spring 
into  existence  with  the  adoption  of  a  representative  form  of 
Government.  To  be  as  brief  as  possible,  these  new  rights,  which 
are  the  accompaniment  of  the  possession  and  exercise  of  our 
political  power  and  authority  under  our  chosen  form  of  Govern- 
ment, are  our  political  rights.  They  are  that  particular  body  of 
rights  which  are  determined  by  our  principles ;  they  are  those  just 
claims  to  benefits  which  spring  from  our  chosen  form  of  mutual 
association  in  the  exercise  of  restraint.  But  this  point  is  to  be 
noted,  viz.  they  are  bestowed  upon  individuals  by  community 
action,  and  are  therefore  acquired.  Accompanying  the  possession 
of  political  power  acquired  under  a  governmental  agreement,  they 
languish  if  the  agreement  is  not  maintained  in  its  entirety ;  and 
they  die  when  administration  ceases  under  the  governmental 
agreement  in  the  same  way  that  the  right  of  occupancy  ceases  at 
the  end  of  a  lease.  In  this  respect  they  differ  from  civil  rights,  the 
existence  of  which  is  not  affected  by  the  cessation  of  Government, 


50  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

and  the  continued  possession  of  which  often  requires  the  death 
of  one  regime  and  the  birth  of  another  based  upon  new  concepts 
concerning  the  exercise  of  poUtical  power.  Consequently,  if  these 
rights  are  to  be  maintained,  and  if  they  are  to  confer  their  dis- 
tinctive benefits  upon  individuals,  the  governmental  agreement 
must  be  maintained  in  its  entirety. 

Defined.  The  political  rights  which  we  have  created  are  the 
just  claims  of  individuals  to  the  free,  equal,  and  effectual  participa- 
tion in  the  exercise  of  political  power  for  the  accomplishment 
of  the  ordained  objects  of  society;  the  accomplishment  to  be 
had  in  accordance  with  the  ordained  principles  of  action.  These 
rights  bear  the  same  relation  to  the  exercise  of  political  power  that 
civil  rights  do  to  the  exercise  of  individual  power.  They  are  all 
created  by  an  agreement  of  individual  will ;  but  they  cannot  possess 
an  operative  force  until  Government  is  established  and  ordained. 

The  Right  of  Cooperative  Control.  Considered  as  individual 
privileges,  political  rights  are  the  distinctive  advantages  which  the 
individuals  of  one  free  community  may  possess  over  those  had  in 
other  communities.  They  serve  to  attract  outside  individuals  to 
citizenship  and  so  to  increase  the  material  strength  of  society. 
Looked  at  from  another  standpoint  they  are  the  specified  pre- 
rogatives of  sovereignty  which  the  community  has  established. 
As  such  they  are  inseparably  connected  with  the  proper  discharge 
of  the  obligations  and  responsibilities  of  sovereignty.  They  are 
based  upon  considerations  determining  the  right  manner  of  ex- 
ercising political  power  in  the  promotion  of  the  general  welfare  of 
the  individual  and  of  society.  Pertaining  more  especially  to  the 
domain  of  moral  political  action  they  are  intended  to  increase 
the  moral  strength  of  society.  Their  observance  by  individuals 
is  supposed  to  be  prompted  by  that  civic  virtue  which  seeks  the 
welfare  of  all. 

Then  again,  and  approaching  the  subject  from  the  standpoint  of 
Individual  material  welfare,  and  because,  in  theory,  all  of  the 
individuals  are  supposed  to  be  interested  in  promoting  the  general 
welfare  as  the  surest  foundation  for  individual  welfare  and  happi- 
ness, the  exercise  of  the  Supreme  Power  is  placed  in  their  hands. 
With  us  this  exercise  carries  with  it  the  right  on  the  part  of  each 
individual  to  freely  participate  in  the  exercise  of  Political  Control. 
The  exercise  of  this  right  is  considered  necessary  because  of  the 
frailties  in  human  nature.  It  is  considered  beneficial  to  the 
individual  and  to  the  community.  It  enables  any  individual  to 
obtain  the  assistance  of  the  community  in  preventing  a  palpable 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  51 

misuse  of  political  power  or  of  political  authority  by  any  other 
individual,  or  by  associations  of  individuals,  or  by  political  agencies. 
Since  there  is  no  political  right  without  its  corresponding  obliga- 
tion, it  enables  the  community  to  obtain  the  assistance  of  all  of  its 
individuals  who  are  similarly  minded  in  maintaining  the  ordained 
body  of  rights.  This  ability  to  obtain  assistance  from  and  to 
render  assistance  to  the  community  tends  to  make  the  political 
capacity  of  all  individuals  equal.  It  tends  to  place  the  naturally 
weakest  on  a  parity  with  the  naturally  strongest  in  the  defense 
of  individual  rights  through  political  action.  Finally,  political 
rights  are  conferred  upon  the  individuals  of  a  communit}^  to  enable 
them  to  act  properly  and  to  secure  proper  individual  action  when 
they,  acting  together  as  a  collective  sovereign,  are  engaged  in 
forming,  ascertaining,  expressing,  and  applying  the  Will  of  the 
People. 

Are  not  Private  Rights.  From  this  it  appears  that  political 
rights  are  not  private  rights ;  but  that  on  the  contrary  they  are  in 
the  nature  of  an  express  public  trust  created  for  the  purpose  of 
enabling  the  collective  sovereign  to  do  justice  between  individuals 
while  it  is  exercising  the  supreme  power  of  the  community. 

It  was  the  original  intention  that  the  community,  while  adminis- 
tering justice,  was  to  have  the  benefit  of  free,  direct,  and  eflFectual 
action  by  all  individuals  upon  whom  the  exercise  of  political 
power  was  conferred.  Following  out  the  idea  governing  all  trust 
procedure,  it  was  never  intended  that  individuals,  while  acting  in 
the  capacities  of  the  sovereign,  should  delegate  the  discharge  of 
sovereign  obligations  and  responsibilities  to  other  individuals,  or 
to  associations  of  individuals ;  because,  if  an  individual  delegates 
the  discharge  of  his  moral  obligations  to  another,  then  his  power  to 
control  the  action  of  the  other  is  lost ;  he  is  no  longer  the  equal  of 
others  in  influence ;  he  has  deprived  the  community  of  the  moral 
support  which  it  has  a  right  to  expect  from  him  ;  he  has  improperly 
increased  the  influence  of  others ;  and  he  has  destroyed  the  political 
equality  between  individuals  that  was  originally  ordained.  More- 
over, the  free  exercise  of  political  power  was  originally  assumed  by 
the  original  Collective  Sovereign  as  a  solemn  trust  to  be  executed 
for  the  benefit  of  the  succeeding  generations  which  compose  the 
commonwealth.  Because  of  this  trust  nature  it  was  intended  that 
the  exercise  of  any  political  power  or  authority  specially  conferred 
upon  an  individual  should  not  be  delegated  by  him.  Experience, 
reason,  wisdom,  prudence,  and  safety  declare  against  the  practice. 
If  discretionary  exercise  can  be  delegated  by  one  elector,  it  can  be 


52  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

by  others ;  and  should  it  be  delegated  by  a  large  number  of  in- 
dividuals, then  the  ability  of  the  community  to  maintain  justice 
between  individuals  may  become  either  seriously  diminished  in 
force  or  lost  altogether;  all  of  which  will  be  made  more  fully 
apparent  when  the  separate  functions  of  The  Electorate  are  con- 
sidered. 

The  Right  to  Govern.  Individuals  were  given  political  rights  in 
order  that  they  might  assist  each  other  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
ordained  conditions  of  existence.  These  conditions  are  estab- 
lished, ordained,  and  maintained  by  a  progressive  series  of  actions 
by  individuals  taken  at  different  times.  The  rights  are  conferred 
to  enable  individuals  to  act  properly  and  to  secure  proper  indi- 
vidual action  at  all  times.  They  are  mutually  supportive  and 
complementary.  Each  has  a  separate  administrative  purpose, 
and,  taken  separately,  they  present  our  conceptions  of  the  com- 
ponent parts  of  the  right  to  govern  as  we  have  construed  it.  With 
us  the  right  to  govern  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  command  and  to 
enforce  obedience  to  the  will  of  the  people.  In  a  Democracy  the 
will  of  the  people  is  enforced  by  direct  action  on  the  part  of  the 
people.  In  a  Representative  Democracy,  however,  the  right  to 
govern  takes  on  an  added  meaning  because  the  exercise  of  political 
power  has  become  specialized.  The  people  no  longer  establish 
and  administer  restraint  directly.  They  have  a  public  servant 
to  assist  them  in  administration  and  have  assumed  the  added 
duties,  obligations,  and  responsibilities  of  master  and  servant. 
The  community  must  now  enforce  its  will  upon  The  Government  as 
well  as  upon  private  individuals.  But  whatever  the  polity  of  the 
community,  the  right  to  govern  bestows  upon  the  individual  the 
right  to  freely  and  effectually  exercise  every  political  power  which 
is  necessary  to  establish  and  administer  restraint  according  to  the 
principles  of  association  and  the  accepted  administrative  polity. 

The  Right  to  Choose.  The  principle  underlying  the  right  to 
govern  is  moral  freedom.  Man  is  considered  as  a  "  free  agent " ; 
that  is,  as  a  being  who  can  determine  his  own  actions,  who  is 
morally  and  personally  responsible  for  them,  and  who  is  capable 
of  deciding  for  himself  what  will  best  promote  the  general  welfare. 
Free  association  affords  him  the  opportunity  to  exercise  his  will 
to  this  end  within  the  limits  of  the  community,  and  the  right  by 
which  the  principle  is  made  operative  is  commonly  called  the  right 
to  choose. 

Moral  freedom  is  bestowed  upon  individuals  so  that  they,  while 
engaged  in  forming  individual  opinion,  may  be  absolutely  free 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  53 

from  any  restraint  but  that  of  conscience  and  reason.  The  right 
to  choose  bestows  absokite  freedom  in  the  exercise  of  voHtion  after 
the  reasoning  process  has  culminated  in  a  predominating  senti- 
ment or  opinion. 

A  free  expression  of  opinion  is  required  from  each  individual 
concerning  all  matters  connected  with  the  establishment  and 
administration  of  Government.  The  intention  is  that  the  expres- 
sion shall  be  direct  and  effectual.  The  right  to  choose  is  intended 
to  confer  the  free  exercise  of  individual  judgment  and  volition 
concerning  every  matter  connected  with  the  political  action  of  the 
individual,  the  governmental  agencies,  and  the  community.  The 
establishment  and  administration  of  Government  is  accomplished 
through  political  action  by  the  people.  A  statement  of  the  various 
matters  which  the  people  have  to  transact  as  a  sovereign  will  dis- 
closes most  of  the  stated  individual  political  rights  which  the  com- 
munity has  created. 

Political  Rights  Enumerated.  Lender  our  governmental  polity, 
and  concerning  the  establishment  of  government,  individuals 
possess  the  right  to  participate  in  the  determination : 

Of  the  objects  for  which  Government  shall  be  established. 

Of  the  form  of  Government  to  be  adopted. 

Of  the  political  agencies  by  which  political  power  and  authority 
shall  be  exercised. 

Of  the  character,  composition,  nature,  and  administrative 
objects  of  these  political  agencies. 

Of  the  plan  of  administrative  action ;  and  finally  they  have  the 
right  to  freely  participate  in  the  action  by  which  Government  as 
proposed  is  ordained. 

Concerning  administration,  the  individual  possesses  the  right  to 
freely  participate : 

In  determining  the  temporary  administrative  policy. 

In  filling  all  elective  governmental  or  administrative  offices. 

In  controlling  the  action  of  the  representative  governmental 
agency  in  reference  to  the  administrative  policy. 

In  providing  the  necessary  impulse  to  action  by  The  Government. 

In  obtaining  organized  political  action  from  individuals. 

In  obtaining  political  leadership. 

In  securing  the  full  benefits  of  statesmanship  in  The  Government. 

In  determining  the  kind  of  representation  individuals  shall 
possess. 

In  enforcing  the  obligations  of  responsibility  upon  all  public 
officers  and  agents;  and 


54"  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

In  prescribing  the  qualifications  of  citizenship  and  candidacy. 

The  individual  also  possesses  the  right  to  hold  office  if  properly 
qualified  and  chosen  and  to  freely  discharge  the  functions  of  office  ; 
to  freely  express  his  choice  between  administrative  policies  and 
candidates  for  elective  office  by  means  of  the  ballot ;  to  freely  ex- 
press his  opinion  as  to  proposed  amendments  of  the  fundamental 
law  by  means  of  the  ballot ;  to  have  that  ballot  made  fully  effectual 
for  the  intended  purposes  ;  to  be  freely  represented  in  the  admin- 
istrative body  where  laws  are  proposed,  discussed,  advocated, 
enacted,  altered,  amended,  or  repealed ;  to  be  freely  represented  in 
the  executive  and  in  the  judiciary  branches  of  The  Government ; 
to  be  properly  represented  in  the  public  offices  that  are  filled 
through  an  exercise  of  the  appointive  authority ;  to  have  the 
action  of  the  legislature,  the  executive,  and  the  judiciary  fully 
responsive  to  the  will  of  the  people ;  and  tc  have  every  improper 
influence  excluded  from  the  processes  by  which  that  will  is  formed, 
ascertained,  expressed,  and  applied.  Finally,  and  as  a  sweeping 
clause,  let  it  be  added,  that  each  individual  possesses  the  right  to 
enjoy  in  its  fulness  every  benefit  logically  flowing  from  the  prin- 
ciples upon  which  the  exercise  of  political  power  is  established. 

As  a  corollary  it  follows  that  individuals  cannot  rightfull}^  act  so 
as  to  either  weaken  the  control  of  the  Community  over  its  govern- 
mental agencies ;  or  alter,  diminish,  or  destroy  direct  responsibility 
to  the  people  on  the  part  of  public  officials  and  servants ;  or  avoid 
the  true  meanings  of  the  principle  of  representation ;  or  alter  the 
true  meanings  of  the  doctrine  of  majority  rule ;  or  make  majorities 
unnaturally  permanent  and  so  affect  the  free  succession  of  majori- 
ties ;  or  create  obstacles  to  the  free  formation,  ascertainment,  and 
expression  of  the  will  of  the  people  concerning  policies,  candidates, 
acts,  or  measures ;  or  substitute  partizan  methods  for  the  trans- 
action of  the  political  work  of  the  electorate  or  of  The  Government 
in  the  place  of  the  methods  originally  intended ;  to  create  or  allow 
to  be  created  any  agency  for  the  discharge  of  the  obligations  of 
sovereignty  originally  resting  upon  the  people. 

In  brief,  individuals  cannot  rightfully  do  anything  by  which  the 
political  power,  freedom,  and  equality  of  any  individual  is  dimin- 
ished, or  by  which  either  indirect  or  undemocratic  action  is  pro- 
duced from  private  individuals  while  in  the  exercise  of  political 
power,  or  by  which  partizan  action  is  produced  by  members  of  The 
Government  while  in  the  exercise  of  political  authority. 

Each  commonwealth,  however,  now  permits  its  individuals  to 
do  all  of  these  things  which  should  not  be  done.     As  a  result,  each 


POLITICAL   RIGHTS  55 

has,  for  the  time  being,  lost  a  part  of  its  ability  to  control  the 
political  action  of  its  governmental  agencies  and  of  itself.  Al- 
though the  present  situation  is  fraught  with  moral  and  p>olitical 
mischief  it  has  nevertheless  come  about  in  a  perfectly  natural 
manner  and  because  of  an  originally  insufficient  regulation  of 
administrative  action.  None  of  the  Commonwealths  succeeded 
at  the  outset  in  devising  an  administrative  system  composed  of 
methods  that  completely  governed  the  exercise  of  political  power 
and  authority  in  all  its  detail  and  which  left  no  questions  open  as 
to  proper  conduct.  There  were,  as  we  shall  see,  many  opportu- 
nities left  open  for  an  illogical  use,  and,  therefore,  a  misuse  of  such 
power  and  authority.  Having  a  defective  system  to  begin  with, 
and  failing  to  realize  that  the  continuance  of  individual  freedom, 
liberty,  equality,  and  justice  as  ordained  depends  very  largely 
upon  the  use  by  individuals  of  only  those  means  and  methods  of 
political  action  that  give  full  operative  force  to  the  ordained 
principles  of  action,  the  great  mass  of  the  people  while  endeavoring 
to  properly  discharge  their  obligations  and  duties  have  been 
unpresciently  led  into  the  adoption  of  expedient  after  expedient  as 
a  mode  of  action  in  one  or  another  respect  until  they  have  finally 
produced  a  body  of  rules  under  which  the  political  power  of  the 
individual  can  be  and  is  now  most  often  used  to  either  impair  or 
to  destroy  those  very  conditions  of  existence  which  the  people 
originally  declared  and  still  declare  are  absolutely  essential  to 
individual  welfare  and  happiness. 

This  body  of  rules  is  The  Partizan  Party  System  of  Administra- 
tion. It  is  most  largely  composed  of  customs  which  regulate 
political  action,  but  of  customs  that  are  in  many  instances  and 
respects  opposed  to  the  principles  of  political  action.  Under  it 
newly  devised  custom  possesses  an  operative  force  on  individuals 
superior  to  that  of  their  original  political  principles.  Under  it  we 
are  taking  customary,  but  unprincipled  action ;  and  that  is  why 
we  fail  to  obtain  the  full  blessings  of  political  liberty.  This 
is  a  broad  statement ;  but  its  truth  can  be  fully  demonstrated 
to  any  one  possessing  the  patience  to  look  into  the  character, 
purposes,  and  effects  of  the  political  means,  methods,  and  agencies 
originally  intended  for  our  use,  and  then  compare  them  with  the 
character,  purposes,  and  eft'ects  of  the  partizan  means,  methods, 
and  agencies  now  in  use. 


CHAPTER  IV 
POLITICAL  POWER 

Human  Nature.  The  primary  force  that  alters,  impairs,  or 
destroys  ordained  conditions  in  a  free  community  is  Human 
Nature,  or  the  general  characteristics  of  mankind. 

Individual  Action.  It  becomes  manifest  through  individual 
action  ;  which,  for  the  time  being,  we  will  define  as  the  exertion  of 
individual  power  for  the  satisfaction  of  individual  desire. 

Individual  Power:  A  brief  analysis  of  individual  power, 
coupled  with  a  statement  of  the  general  manner  and  common 
objects  of  its  exercise,  may  help  to  explain  some  of  the  difficulties 
besetting  a  logical  and  successful  exercise  of  administrative 
power. 

Defined.  Individual  power  is  the  ability  of  The  Individual  to 
enforce  individual  will  in  the  management  of  affairs.  This  ability 
proceeds  from  the  presence  and  combination  in  an  individual  of 
some  or  of  all  those  certain  human  forces  which  impel  him  to 
action. 

The  degree  of  personal  power  depends  upon  the  extent  to  which 
these  separate  forces  or  moving  energies  are  combined  in  a  single 
individual.  His  influence  for  good  or  bad  will  depend  upon  his 
preponderating  desire. 

Elements  of.  Two  Classes.  Some  of  these  incentives  to  action 
are  inborn,  inherent,  and  natural.  Others,  originating  after  birth, 
are  acquired. 

Natural  Elements.  Among  the  natural  elements  of  Individual 
Power  are : 

Physical  Strength ;  conferring  endurance. 

Intelligence ;  or  the  capacity  for  assimilating  the  higher  forms 
of  knowledge. 

Sagacity ;  or  the  ability  to  comprehend  affairs. 

56 


POLITICAL  POWER  57 

Virtue ;  or  the  disposition  to  act  in  conformity  to  the  generally 
accepted  ideas  of  Right;  and  which,  when  exercised  politically, 
is  called  Public  Spirit. 

Acquired  Elements.  Prominent  among  the  acquired  elements 
may  be  mentioned : 

Knowledge ;  the  result  of  training,  education,  and  experience ; 
and  sometimes  amounting  to  Wisdom,  which  is  a  superior  knowl- 
edge of  relations  in  general. 

Skill,  Art;  by  which  physical  strength  is  reenforced,  or  its 
deficiency  is  made  good. 

Eloquence ;  the  greatest  aid  to  sagacity  and  knowledge  in  pro- 
ducing conviction,  and  a  moving  force  over  the  emotions. 

Organization ;  or  the  systematic  union  of  individuals  in  a  body 
whose  members,  officers,  and  agents  work  together  for  a  common 
end,  and  whereby  united  strength  is  secured  to  effect  the  purposes 
of  the  dominating  will. 

Wealth  in  all  its  various  forms ;  which  enables  its  possessor  to 
buy  or  turn  to  his  own  use  the  assistance  of  all  the  elements  of 
human  power  except  virtue,  and  if  not  that,  then  the  appearance 
of  virtue,  which  often  answers  the  same  purposes.  (Hildreth, 
Theory  of  Politics.) 

Objects  for  Which  Used.  All  individuals  will  use  their  power  to 
satisfy  their  desires.  The  predominating  human  desire  is  for 
wealth ;  and  it  is  seldom  satisfied  in  full. 

The  expressed  desire  of  The  Community  is  for  the  maintenance 
of  a  certain  fixed  standard  of  cooperation  between  its  individuals ; 
but  after  the  first  flush  of  patriotic  feeling  is  past  most  individuals 
will  seek  the  satisfaction  of  their  desire  for  wealth  even  at  the 
expense  of  others. 

The  full  satisfaction  of  the  desires  of  some  will  result,  if  un- 
checked, in  the  gradual  acquirement  of  special  privileges  by  some 
at  the  expense  of  the  remainder.  Such  a  condition  is  contrary  to 
the  expressed  desire  of  The  Commonwealth ;  and  in  order  to  fore- 
stall it,  if  possible,  the  economic  action  that  is  taken  in  the  satis- 
faction of  individual  desire  is  regulated  by  administrative  action 
taken  by  the  community  to  satisfy  its  desire. 

There  is  also  another  and  most  serious  danger.  The  experience 
of  past  republics  has  shown  that  the  opportunity  to  exercise  either 
political  power  or  political  authority  is  sought  after  either  secretly 
or  openly,  if  not  by  all,  then  by  nearly  all  of  those  who  are  entitled 
to  the  exercise  of  either. 

It  has  also  shown  that  the  exercise  of  this  power  and  authority, 


58  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

like  every  other  object  of  human  desire,  will,  if  unchecked,  be 
acquired  ultimately  by  those  who  are  the  stronger;  that  is,  by 
those  who  in  a  superior  degree  combine  w^ithin  themselves  the 
various  elements  of  individual  power. 

It  has  further  shown  that  moral  fitness  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  ability  of  an  individual  to  merely  exercise  political  power  or 
political  authority ;  and  that  immoral  but  able  men  will  seek  this 
exercise  as  the  means  for  promoting  their  private  aims  at  the 
expense  of  the  other  individuals  in  the  community,  and  of  the 
community  itself. 

Restraint  upon  Exercise  of.  Now  if  the  satisfaction  of  individ- 
ual desire  for  wealth  remains  unchecked,  what  can  prevent  some 
individuals  from  obtaining  control  over  administrative  action 
and  from  establishing  a  statutory  inequality  in  the  place  of  the 
ordained  Equality? 

But  the  immediate  effects  of  such  action  in  free  communities  is 
to  seriously  impair  the  ordained  Freedom,  Liberty,  and  Equality 
of  individuals ;  to  make  it  impossible  for  The  Commonwealth  to 
render  Justice  as  ordained,  and  to  produce  contention,  discord, 
and  possibly  open  strife  in  Society.  Consequently,  if  the  indi- 
viduals of  a  free  body  politic  are  to  live  in  harmony  as  ordained, 
the  necessity  immediately  arises  for  The  Commonwealth  to  place 
some  uniform,  just,  and  beneficial  restraint  upon  the  exercise  of 
individual  power  for  selfish  individual  desire,  and  to  enforce  that 
restraint  afterwards ;  for  righteous  administrative  action  can  never 
be  brought  about  through  the  mere  adoption  of  a  good  form  of 
Government.  The  adoption  of  a  good  form  of  government  pre- 
sents the  opportunity  for  righteous  administrative  action  by  The 
Commonwealth,  but  the  character  of  its  action  depends  entirely 
upon  the  kind  of  action  which  its  individuals  take,  and  this,  in  turn, 
depends  very  largely  upon  the  kind  of  administrative  system  in  use. 

Administrative  Impulse.  Finally,  our  own  experience  has 
shown  that  a  representative  administrative  agency  will  respond  to 
an  improper  impulse  as  well  as  to  a  proper  impulse,  and  will  put 
the  one  into  operation  as  surely  as  it  will  the  other. 

Theoretically,  The  Will  of  The  People  is  to  supply  the  impulse 
to  action  by  The  Government. 

Under  our  present  procedure,  however,  The  Will  of  The  Partlzan 
Party  has  for  j^ears  supplied  the  impulse. 

Why  ?  Because  it  had  the  opportunity  to  do  so ;  for  without  a 
logical,  a  comprehensive,  and  an  ordained  system  of  administrative 
action  that  will  enable  The  Commonwealth  to  compel  its  individ- 


POLITICAL   POWER  59 

uals  to  take  proper  electoral  and  official  action  the  opportunity  is 
presented  to  the  selfish  and  powerful  few  to  dominate  the  adminis- 
trative action  of  The  Commonwealth  in  their  favor. 

Free  Opportunity :  But  our  theory  of  Administration  was  not 
based  on  the  idea  of  passing  the  exercise  of  administrative  power 
into  the  hands  of  the  stronger  few.  That  idea  is  monarchic  at 
core.  It  was  detested  by  the  original  commonwealths  because  it 
conferred  the  pleasures  of  governing  and  of  superiority  upon  a  few, 
and  imposed  the  pains  of  obedience  and  of  inferiority  upon  the 
many.  It  was  detested  because  it  was  an  ideal  scheme  for  the 
possible  misuse  of  political  power  and  authority,  and  the  pro- 
duction of  individual  unhappiness  in  The  State.  The  Fathers  in- 
tended to  produce  a  system  of  administrative  action  under  which 
all  who  were  entitled  could  freely  participate  in  the  pleasures  of 
governing;  and  these  pleasures  were  to  neutralize  the  pains  of 
obedience.  This  was  possible  because  of  the  dual  capacity  of  the 
individual  as  Sovereign  and  subject. 

The  free  opportunity  of  the  individual  to  exercise  whatever 
power  he  possessed  towards  promoting  individual  development 
and  human  progress  along  the  lines  laid  down  by  common  consent 
was  held  to  foster  the  sense  of  political  equality ;  to  lessen  the 
sense  of  individual  inferiority  ;  to  strengthen  the  sense  of  responsi- 
bility ;  to  raise  human  desire  above  the  dead  level  of  selfishness ; 
and  so  to  increase  the  sum  of  human  happiness. 

The  phrase  "  Free  opportunity  of  all  "  did  not  mean  that  every 
individual  of  discretionary  years  within  the  body  politic  should 
directly  exercise  political  power  or  political  authority.  It  meant 
just  this :  that  all  should  be  free  to  help  decide  who  out  of  the 
whole  should  exercise  political  power,  and  who  out  of  the  whole 
should  temporarily  exercise  political  authority  during  the  rapidly 
succeeding  periods  of  administration.  All  were  free  to  seek  the 
exercise  of  political  authority ;  but  the  choice  was  limited  to  those 
who  possess  moral  force  as  well  as  ability  because  The  Common- 
wealth has  the  right  to  command  the  services  of  such  individuals 
only. 

Constituted  Authority,  and  Authorities :  The  adoption  of 
representative  government  of  itself  constitutes  the  exercise  of 
Political  Authority  as  one  of  its  elements. 

The  administrative  sj'stem  serves  in  part  to  set  forth  in  detail 
how  authority  shall  be  used,  and  for  what  purposes. 

Now  whether  the  system  is  consistent,  practical,  or  otherwise, 
it  nevertheless  is  the  common  practise  to  refer  to  it  as  the  "  Con- 


60  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

stituted  Authority,"  and  to  refer  to  the  collective  agencies  and  to 
the  single  individuals  who  are  entrusted  with  the  exercise  of 
political  authority  as  the  "  Constituted  Authorities." 

Two  points  are  to  be  noted  in  connection  with  the  use  of  these 
terms.  First,  that  the  phrases  are  intended  to  convey  the  im- 
pression that  the  authority  has  been  created,  and  the  "  Authori- 
ties "  have  been  obtained,  by  action  on  the  part  of  The  People, 
which  has  been  taken  in  accordance  with  the  spirit,  meaning,  and 
intent  of  the  original  governmental  agreement ;  and  second,  that 
unless  such  action  is  taken,  then  the  people  will  produce  a  "  Con- 
stituted Authority"  that  is  at  variance  with  their  Principles  of 
Action,  and  also  will  obtain  constituted  authorities  which  must 
necessarily  put  other  principles  into  operation. 

Revolution:  Before  proceeding  to  separate  Political  Power 
into  its  component  parts  it  may  be  well  to  consider  a  power  that 
is  used  for  political  purposes,  and  also  its  alternative,  the  Power 
of  Amendment. 

The  exercise  of  the  Powers  of  Establishment,  and  the  continuous, 
orderly,  and  effective  exercise  of  the  Powers  of  Administration 
results  in  "  Government" ;  —  using  the  term  in  the  sense  of  a 
working  political  regime. 

But  when  the  exercise  of  the  administrative  powers  is  seriously 
interrupted,  as  by  an  effort  of  The  People  to  change  the  existing 
order  of  affairs,  then  Revolution  is  the  result. 

The  main  points  to  be  noted  regarding  Revolution  are  as 
follows : 

The  People  alone  possess  the  right  to  its  use. 

Its  exercise  is  never  directed  against  The  Community,  or  against 
its  Sovereignty. 

It  is  seldom  directed  against  the  continuance  of  an  ordained 
political  regime. 

It  is  usually  directed  against  the  personnel  of  administrative 
agencies. 

Or  to  effect  a  change  in  that  which  up  to  the  time  of  its  exercise 
has  served  as  the  Constituted  Authority  of  the  People. 

In  free  communities  it  can  not  with  propriety  be  used  to  force 
the  performance  of  detail  administrative  work. 

Its  exercise  usually  precedes  the  exercise  of  the  Powers  of 
Establishment  and  of  Administration,  and  is  had  for  the  purpose 
of  clearing  a  tumultuous  situation  of  armed  opponents  so  that  an 
embryonic  society  can  peaceably  establish  and  administer  govern- 
ment unto  itself. 


POLITICAL   POWER  61 

It  is  not  a  constitutional  power,  but  an  extra-constitutional 
one  ;  "  For  Revolution  is  nothing  but  The  People  acting  above  and 
beyond  the  constituted  order  of  things,  in  defiance  of  what  has 
been  considered  law,  but  still  in  pursuance  of  inherent  powers 
which  they  hold  superior  to  law."  (See  Pomeroy's  "  Constitu- 
tional Law,  10th  ed.,  p.  74.) 

The  Right  of  Revolution.  The  Right  of  Revolution  is  not 
constitutional,  but  extra-constitutional.  The  right  to  its  exercise 
by  the  people  is  based  upon  the  principle  that  The  Community 
has  the  right  to  a  self-continued  existence  as  a  body  politic ;  has 
the  right  to  institute  over  itself  whatever  form  of  government  it 
desires ;  and  has  the  right  to  provide  itself  with  an  acceptable 
system  of  administration.  Consequently,  if  the  administrative 
agencies  persistently  misuse  authority,  then,  through  the  exercise 
of  this  power,  the  people  can  abolish  them ;  and  also,  if,  in  the 
course  of  time,  the  administrative  system  becomes  instrumental 
in  the  misuse  of  political  power,  then  The  Community  through 
the  exercise  of  this  power  is  enabled  to  destroy  that  which  has  in 
the  past  been  considered  law,  and  to  substitute  that  in  its  place 
which  shall  in  the  future  be  considered  law  even  if  it  has  to  resort 
to  armed  force  to  do  it. 

The  Power  of  Amendment :  The  Commonwealths  of  the 
United  States  have,  however,  a  constitutional  and  peaceable  way 
to  effect  changes  which  in  the  past  have  often  been  accomplished 
through  the  exercise  of  armed  revolutionary  force. 

The  Agreement  of  Wills.  In  these  States  political  changes  are 
accomplished  through  peaceably  reaching  an  agreement  of  wills 
as  to  the  desired  change  and  then  tlirough  peaceably  expressing 
the  majority  will  at  elections ;  when,  and  at  frequent  mtervals, 
the  people  have  the  opportunity,  and  without  resort  to  force,  to 
pass  upon  the  proposed  change,  and  also  upon  the  proposed 
personnel  of  the  representative  agency. 

Exercise  of.  In  the  United  States  the  exercise  of  the  Power  of 
Amendment  has  never  been  restricted  for  the  accomplishment 
of  any  one  specific  purpose,  or  set  of  purposes. 

Only  the  manner  of  its  use  for  some  purposes  has  been  fixed. 

When  rightly  used  its  scope  is  absolutely  unlimited. 

It  can  be  used  by  The  Commonwealth,  The  Government  and 
its  branches,  and  by  the  individuals  of  each  political  division  of  a 
State  who  work  together  as  a  unit  for  political  purposes.  It  is  the 
power  by  which  the  tyranny  that  a  Democracy  is  capable  of  can 
be  stopped  without  a  resort  to  armed  force. 


62  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

The  Commonwealth  can  use  it  directly  to  change  their  Funda- 
mental Law,  of  which  the  System  of  PoHtical  Administration  is  a 
rightful  part. 

The  Commonwealth  can  use  it  indirectly  to  change  their 
Statutory  Law,  and  by  means  of  The  Legislature. 

Finally,  it  can  be  used  to  revise  and  correct  past  political  action 
that  has  been  taken  for  any  specific  purpose  whatsoever;  to 
change  or  alter  any  prescribed  law,  system,  method,  rule,  and 
usage ;  and  through  its  use  The  Commonwealth  can  still  persist 
in  making  its  intent  operative  even  though  its  use  of  political 
power  has  proved  ineffective  in  the  past.  The  Community  may 
have  incorporated  within  its  Fundamental  Law  a  defective  ad- 
ministrative system  under  which  it  eventually  finds  itself  power- 
less to  accomplish  fully  its  desired  ends  of  administration ;  but 
nevertheless  the  right  to  exercise  the  supreme  power  for  any  polit- 
ical object  still  remains  with  it,  and  it  is  at  all  times  free  to  rectify 
past  mistakes  in  this  respect  through  a  wise  exercise  of  the  power 
of  amendment  that  is  directed  towards  securing  a  consistent  and 
a  practical  administrative  system.  One  under  which  the  political 
freedom  of  the  individual  is  either  hampered  or  destroyed  can  not 
reasonably  be  regarded  as  a  consistent  or  as  a  practical  system  for 
the  exercise  of  democratic  political  power. 

"  The  People" :  Much  that  The  Electorate  does  is  commonly 
spoken  of  as  action  by  The  People :  "  The  people's  vote,"  "  The 
people's  choice,"  "  The  Will  of  The  People"  are  illustrative ;  and 
a  word  concerning  this  habit  of  speech  may  dispel  possible  mis- 
conceptions. 

"  The  People"  and  "  The  Electorate"  are  distinct  entities,  each 
having  its  own  functions  to  discharge ;  but  to  the  extent  in  which 
the  exercise  of  political  prerogative  has  been  bestowed  upon  The 
Electorate,  that  body,  and  to  that  extent,  may  be  considered  to 
act  as  The  People  until  the  latter  resume  the  exercise  of  their  right 
to  choose. 

The  acts  of  The  Electorate  in  choosing  between  administrative 
policies,  in  the  selection  of  and  the  choice  of  candidates  for  elective 
office  and  so  forth,  bind  The  People  temporarily ;  but  the  reader 
will  experience  no  serious  confusion  in  thought  through  regarding 
The  Electorate  as  The  People,  providing  he  remembers  that 
merely  the  exercise  of  political  power  has  been  bestowed  by  The 
Commonwealth,  and  that  its  individuals  can  at  any  time,  and  at 
their  will,  restrict  The  Electorate  to  a  smaller  number  or  extend 
it  to  a  larger  number,  even  to  the  total  of  community  individuals 


POLITICAL   POWER  63 

who  have  reached  the  age  of  discretion,  and  this  irrespective  of 
sex.  The  main  function  of  The  Electorate  is  the  formation, 
ascertainment,  expression,  and  application  of  "  The  Will  of  The 
People "  concerning  administration.  Actually,  it  is  The  Will  of 
The  Electorate  that  is  formed  and  applied ;  but  so  long  as  The 
Commonwealth  sanctions  this  substitution,  we  are  warranted, 
while  considering  the  exercise  of  our  political  power,  in  regarding 
The  Electorate  as  "The  People." 

Political  Power :  In  free  communities  there  is  but  one  power 
that  is  superior  to  Individual  Power;  and  that  is,  the  collective 
power  of  the  individuals  of  the  community  when  used  to  enforce 
The  Will  of  The  Community  in  the  management  of  its  affairs 
(which  comprise  both  those  of  a  public  and  of  a  private  nature) 
and  which  affairs  are  regulated  by  the  community  for  the  purpose 
of  promoting  the  welfare  of  The  State,  and  of  the  individual. 

Ethical  Aspect.  This  power,  when  used  for  this  purpose,  is 
called  Political  Power.  In  its  ethical  aspect  it  is  used  to  establish 
a  moral  standard  of  human  existence  within  the  community. 
Free  Commonwealths  have  to  use  their  political  power  for  this 
purpose  because  wherever  The  Church  is  not  a  constituent  part 
of  its  governmental  agencies  the  duty  of  developing  the  moral 
status  of  the  individual  devolves  upon  The  Commonwealth ;  it 
having  assumed  the  exercise  of  the  right  to  declare  what  shall  be 
considered  just  relations  between  individuals,  and  what  shall  be 
considered  right  individual  action. 

Practical  Aspect.  In  its  practical  aspect  it  is  used  primarily 
to  maintain  the  status  of  the  community  so  that  it  shall  at  all 
times  be  able  to  maintain  its  ordained  individual  relationships, 
which,  if  seriously  disarranged,  tend  to  destroy  the  harmony  upon 
which  the  stability  of  The  Commonwealth  mainly  depends. 

Used  for  Two  Main  Objects.  The  two  main  objects  for  which  the 
political  power  of  a  Commonwealth  is  used  are,  The  Maintenance 
of  the  Ordained  Status  of  The  State,  and  The  Maintenance  of  the 
Ordained  Status  of  the  Individual. 

Hoiv  Used.  Because  it  is  generally  admitted  that  the  work  of 
maintaining  individual  status  can  not  with  safety  to  all  be  en- 
trusted to  any  one  individual,  or  to  any  small  group  of  individuals, 
the  community  itself  assumes  the  exercise  of  its  power. 

In  the  accomplishment  of  its  main  objects  the  community  acts 
like  an  individual.  The  process  resembles  that  followed  by  an 
individual  in  building  a  home.  Many  minor  objects  are  accom- 
plished before  the  main  object  is  attained.     Territory  is  secured. 


64  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

A  plan  is  adopted.  The  cellar  is  excavated.  The  foundation  is 
laid.  The  frame  is  erected  and  enclosed.  The  plumbing,  heating, 
lighting,  and  cooking  apparatus  is  installed.  The  exterior  and 
interior  finish  is  applied,  and  the  whole  is  kept  in  repair  afterwards. 
The  special  knowledge,  skill,  and  ability  of  the  architect,  the  mason, 
the  carpenter,  and  others  is  requisitioned  for  the  best  possible 
construction  of  the  several  distinct  but  complementing  parts.  The 
owner  uses  his  natural  and  acquired  power  in  building.  Some  of 
it  he  uses  directly.  But  some  of  it  he  uses  indirectly  and  through 
those  whom  he  employs ;  and  over  the  action  of  whom  he  exercises 
control. 

In  the  exercise  of  political  power  for  the  purpose  of  constructing 
and  maintaining  a  body  politic  the  Collective  Sovereign  acts  both 
directly  and  indirectly.  It  commands  the  use  of  whatever  special 
ability  its  units  may  possess.  It  may  group  its  specially  capable 
units  into  separate  bodies  acting  for  it  as  political  and  as  adminis- 
trative agencies,  and  it  may  use  individuals  acting  alone.  It  is 
the  Common  Superior  of  all  its  respective  agencies  and  agents,  and 

V  /possesses  the  right  to  control  their  action. 

V  The  Supreme  Power:  While  those  who  excel  in  Individual 
Power  will  always  be  able  to  command  the  acts  of  others  to  a 
greater  or  less  degree,  in  free  commonwealths  they  are  not  per- 
mitted to  control  them  ;  that  is,  such  individuals  are  not  permitted 
to  enforce  unqualified  obedience  to  their  Individual  Will.  In  free 
communities  the  power  to  command  and  to  enforce  obedience 
from  individuals  within  certain  defined  limits  belongs  to  The 
Commonwealth.  This  power  is  generally  conceded  to  be  the 
highest  form  of  power  exercised  by  man;  and  when  used  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  The  State  and  of  The  Individual  by  means  of 
Government  is  called  The  Supreme  Power. 

Origin,  Seat  of.  It  is  the  organic,  and  the  absolute  power  of 
The  Community,  by  which  all  public  and  private  action  of  a 
political  and  economic  nature  is  controlled ;  and  by  which  all 
methods  of  public  action,  and  the  manner  of  private  action  is  — 
in  theory  —  prescribed  and  enforced.  It  originates  in  the  volun- 
tary act  of  association.  It  is  seated  in  all  of  the  individuals  who 
are  associated  together.  It  is  made  operative  through  an  exercise 
of  their  collective  will ;  and  it  is  made  effective  through  the 
ability  of  The  Community  to  back  up  its  will  if  necessary  by  the 
exercise  of  its  coercive  or  physical  force. 

Delegated  Exercise  of.  Since  political  power  is  seated  in  the 
people,  it  would  naturally  follow  that  they  should  exercise  it 


POLITICAL   POWER  65 

directly.  But  the  individuals  of  the  American  Commonwealths 
being  too  numerous  and  too  widely  separated  to  act  conveniently 
together  in  one  large  political  assemblage  have  adopted  the  custom 
of  using  parts  of  their  supreme  power  either  by  means  of  repre- 
sentatives, or  by  means  of  representative  agencies  acting  in 
different  capacities. 

Sovereignty.  The  mere  fact,  however,  that  the  people  delegate 
the  exercise  of  some  parts  of  their  supreme  power  does  not  affect 
their  Sovereignty  in  the  least;  for  sovereignty  is  an  attribute 
arising  out  of  the  continued  possession  of  Political  Power.  It  is 
universally  conceded  that  a  commonwealth  can  exercise  a  part  of 
its  supreme  power  indirectly,  and  the  fact  that  it  has  delegated 
the  exercise  of  a  part  of  it  may  be  taken  as  additional  testimony 
of  its  Sovereignty;  the  distinguishing  feature  of  which  state  or 
condition  is,  immunity  from  accountability  to  a  superior.  Of 
course  if  the  people  make  mistakes,  they  —  being  under  the  moral 
obligation  to  their  posterity  to  manage  affairs  according  to  the 
meaning  and  intent  of  their  original  governmental  agreement  — 
are  accountable  and  responsible  for  them ;  but  only  to  them- 
selves. No  outside  Power  or  Government  is  allowed  to  force 
them  to  rectify  mistakes  which  affect  only  their  welfare  either  as 
a  body  politic  or  as  individuals. 

Political  Authority :  The  reader  must  constantly  bear  in  mind 
the  distinctions  which  exist  between  political  power  and  political 
authority.  While  political  authority  is  an  indispensable  requisite 
to  representative  government  it  nevertheless  differs  in  two  essen- 
tial respects  from  political  power.  In  the  first  place,  political 
authority  is  not  inherent  in  individuals  as  political  power  is,  but 
is  always  conferred  by  The  Community ;  and  in  the  second  place, 
unlike  political  power,  it  is  —  in  theory  —  always  exercised  under 
the  control  of  a  superior.  The  right  to  exercise  political  authority 
always  pertains  either  to  some  administrative  office  or  to  some 
collective  administrative  agency ;  and  in  theory,  the  exercise  of 
political  authority  is  a  trust  that  is  reposed  either  in  the  official 
or  in  the  agency  because  of  his  or  of  its  superior  virtue  and 
ability. 

Exercise  of  an  Acquired  Right.  The  exercise  of  political  authority 
is  an  acquired  right  which  proceeds  not  from  the  nature  of  the 
individuals  who  compose  The  Community,  but  from  the  assumed 
political  necessities  of  the  associated  individuals. 

The  exercise  of  authority  is  bestowed  upon  The  Government  to 
enable  it  to  assist  The  Electorate  to  maintain  the  desired  political 


66  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

status  of  The  State  and  the  desired  relations  between  its  individu- 
als ;  but  The  Commonwealth  reserves  and  retains  the  exercise  of 
its  poiver  to  compel  the  proper  exercise  of  authority.  Hence  it  is 
that  The  Government  exercises  authority  only,  while  The  Com- 
monwealth exercises  power,  —  even  the  power  to  make  and  un- 
make governmental  agencies  and  systems  of  administration. 

Coercive  Force  of.  In  order  to  make  the  action  of  its  representa- 
tive agencies  and  agents  effective  the  people  bestow  upon  them  the 
right  to  use  a  coercive  force  which  will  compel  obedience  to  their 
lawful  mandates.  The  mandates  are  held  to  be  uttered  in  the 
name  of  the  people ;  and  the  force  is  the  whole  moral  and  physical 
force  of  The  Commonwealth. 

Supreme  Authority.  The  right  which  governmental  agents 
have  to  use  this  force  to  compel  obedience  to  their  lawful  man- 
dates while  in  the  performance  of  their  lawful  duties  is  called  The 
Supreme  Authority.  Thus  we  speak  of  the  authority  of  a  Sheriff 
as  the  right  and  the  ability  which  he  has  in  the  execution  of  a 
public  function  to  compel  obedience  to  his  commands. 

Component  Parts  of  Political  Power:  Government  and 
Administration  are  final  results;  each  of  which,  like  the  final 
result  in  the  mathematical  process  of  long  division,  is  accomplished 
by  obtaining  beforehand  a  number  of  partial  results  correctly, 
and  in  a  regular  order  of  progression. 

In  political  parlance  these  results  are  called  "  Objects,"  or  the 
major  or  minor  ends  which  The  Commonwealth  desires  to  accom- 
plish. 

By  regarding  political  power  from  the  standpoint  of  objects  to  be 
accomplished  it  appears  to  be  composed  of  several  powers  that  are 
distinct  in  themselves;  each  one  of  which,  when  properly  used, 
accomplishing  some  one  distinct  minor  object. 

The  inclusive  administrative  power  is  never  used  by  The  Indi- 
vidual at  one  and  the  same  time  in  any  one  period  of  administra- 
tion ;  but  parts  of  the  power  are  so  used,  and  in  a  regular  order  of 
use,  and  at  separate  times,  and  for  the  accomplishment  of  some 
one  specific  minor  object ;  the  accomplishment  of  one  such  object 
paving  the  way  to  or  clearing  the  situation  for  the  accomplishment 
of  the  other  minor  objects ;  the  final  result  clearing  the  situation 
as  it  were  for  the  reexercise  of  the  administrative  powers  in  the 
next  period  of  administration. 

We  speak  of  "  Legislative  Power"  as  a  part  of  The  Supreme 
Power.  We  do  this  because  the  exercise  of  this  power  is  a  separated 
exercise  of  political  power  that  is  directed  to  the  accomplishment 


POLITICAL   POWER  67 

of  a  series  of  results  which  we  call  Legislation.  If  this  use  of 
speech  is  proper,  why  then  is  it  not  proper  to  speak  of  the  exercise 
of  political  power  for  the  accomplishment  of  any  of  the  remaining 
specific  purposes  as  the  exercise  of  this,  that,  or  the  other  power  ? 
We  object  to  such  a  treatment  of  the  subject  mainly  because  in  the 
past  we  have  not  differentiated  all  these  parts  by  names ;  and 
consequently  to  do  so  now  seems  to  transgress  the  established 
order  of  things.  Nevertheless,  we  commonly  call  some  of  these 
parts  by  names  and  experience  no  unpleasant  sensations.  For 
Instance :  We  speak  of  the  Power  to  Choose ;  the  Power  to 
Naturalize  Citizens ;  the  Power  to  Elect ;  and  the  Power  to 
Control ;  and  the  use  of  these  names  enables  us  to  understand 
just  what  specific  exercise  of  political  power  is  meant.  Instead 
of  hesitating  we  should  hasten  to  separate  the  supreme  power  into 
its  component  parts  and  to  name  them ;  firstly,  because  names, 
when  rightly  used,  are  in  themselves  of  incalculable  assistance  to 
perspicacity ;  secondly,  because  each  separate  power  —  the  Legis- 
lative Power  as  an  example  —  is  capable  of  separate  consideration 
and  analysis ;  thirdly,  because  the  exercise  of  each  separate  power 
is  a  separate  factor  in  the  problem  of  proper  Political  Administra- 
tion ;  and  finally,  because  the  exercise  of  each  separate  power  — 
depending  upon  whether  the  exercise  is  proper  or  improper  —  will 
produce  important  results  either  for  good  or  evil  to  our  political 
existence,  to  society,  and  to  the  individual. 

Such  treatment  of  this  subject  may  be  open  to  criticism  of  an 
academic  nature.  But  when  we  pause  to  consider  the  many 
administrative  matters  which  the  Commonwealth  and  the  indi- 
vidual must  transact ;  and  when,  by  whom,  at  what  time,  and  in 
what  manner  they  must  be  transacted ;  then  it  is  submitted  that 
the  practical  assistance  which  such  treatment  of  the  subject  will 
afford  an  individual  in  apprehending  his  obligations,  rights,  and 
duties,  must  far  outweigh  any  objection  as  to  form  alone. 

The  separation  will  not  be  carried  beyond  principal  parts.  It 
is  not  intended  to  reveal  the  minutiae  of  Administration,  such  for 
example  as  the  way  in  which  political  power  is  used  to  care  for  the 
poor.  It  is  made  in  the  hope  that  when  the  reader  passes  to  the 
consideration  of  political  agencies,  means,  and  methods,  he  may 
more  easily  determine  what  are  and  what  are  not  logical  agencies, 
means,  and  methods. 

Divided,  classified,  and  enumerated  according  to  objects  to  be 
accomplished  the  component  parts  of  our  political  power  will 
appear  generally  as  follows  : 


68  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

THE  POLITICAL  POWERS  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

Class  I 
THE  POWER  OF  REVOLUTION 

Class  II 
THE  POWERS  OF  ESTABLISHMENT 

To  declare  the  Polity  of  The  Commonwealth. 

To  choose  the  Form  of  Government. 

To  create  and  to  Frame  The  Electorate  and  The  Government. 

To  distribute  the  exercise  of  Executive,  Legislative,  and  Judicial  Authority 
between  the  three  branches  of  The  Government. 

To  frame  and  to  declare  the  Fundamental  Law. 

To  ordain  the  permanent  existence  of  the  Political  Regime  and  start  its 
operation. 

Class  III 
THE  POWERS  OF  ADMINISTRATION 

Division  One 
THE   RESERVED  POWERS 

To  determine  the  qualifications  for  Citizenship. 

To  confer  Citizenship  upon  qualified  ahens  by  the  Process  of  Naturalization. 

To  determine  the  Voting  Electorate  ahead  of  the  General  Election  by  the 
Process  of  Registration. 

To  pro\'ide  The  Government,  during  each  period  of  administration,  with  an 
Impulse  to  Action,  tlirough  the  free  formation,  ascertainment,  and  expression 
of  The  Will  of  The  People  as  to  Administrative  PoUcy. 

To  select  and  to  choose  proper  Candidates  for  all  elective  oflBces  and 
positions  in  The  Government  by  the  Process  of  Nomination. 

To  fill  all  elective  offices  and  positions  by  the  Process  of  Election. 

To  fill  all  local  offices,  and  all  positions  on  Electorate  Boards  having  charge 
of  the  Processes  of  Natiu-alization,  Registration,  Election,  and  so  forth. 

To  control  the  political  action  of  The  Government,  The  Electorate,  Electo- 
rate Boards,  Electorate  Conventions,  and  also  the  political  acts  of  all  Indi- 
viduals whether  taken  in  or  out  of  office  or  position  or  as  members  of  associa- 
tions which  act  politically,  and  in  every  step  and  stage  of  political  procediu-e 
or  of  Individual  Action. 

To  enforce  Responsibility  for  improper  political  action  from  all  individuals 
who  exercise  PoUtical  Power  or  Political  Authority  for  any  major  or  minor 
political  object  or  piu-pose. 

To  enforce  action  that  is  wholly  Responsive  to  The  Will  of  The  People 
concerning  temporary  political  administration  from  all  public  officials  and 
servants. 

To  educate  the  youth  and  the  naturalized  citizens  in  the  Obligations  of 
Sovereignty  and  the  Duties  of  Citizenship. 

To  decree  the  Amendment  or  alteration  of  the  Statutory  Law. 

To  amend  the  Fundamental  Law. 


POLITICAL   POWER  69 


Division  Two 
THE   DELEGATED  POWERS 

Those  Executive  Powers,  the  partial  exercise  of  which  is  vested  in  the  Chief 
Executive  to  enable  The  Commonwealth  to  act  properly,  speedily,  and 
effectively  in  an  executive,  contractual,  and  belligerent  capacity;  including 
also  the  exercise  of  whatever  other  authority  The  People  deem  necessary  to 
the  effective  operation  of  the  executive  department  of  The  Government. 

Those  Legislative  Powers,  the  partial  exercise  of  which  is  vested  in  The 
Legislature  for  the  prime  purpose  of  providing  The  Commonwealth  with  a 
body  of  efficient,  consistent,  reasonable,  and  just  Statutory  Law ;  including 
also  whatever  other  authority  the  people  may  deem  necessary  to  the  effective 
operation  of  the  legislative  department  of  The  Government. 

Those  Judicial  Powers,  the  partial  exercise  of  which  is  vested  in  The  Judi- 
ciary to  enable  The  Commonwealth  to  justly  interpret  the  Fundamental  Law ; 
to  ascertain  the  exact  meaning  and  effect  of  past  Legislation ;  to  justly  decide 
all  controversies  in  which  The  Commonwealth  is  a  party;  to  settle  justly  all 
serious  disputes  between  Individuals ;  including  also  whatever  other  authority 
the  people  deem  necessary  to  the  quick  and  eflBcient  operation  of  the  judicial 
department  of  The  Government. 

Continuous  Political  Action.  The  established  government  of 
each  of  the  United  States  is  maintained  and  perpetuated  by  the 
exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  and  through 
the  Control  of  the  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers.  Such  effort 
demands  the  constant  attention  of  the  people  and  constitutes 
the  Continuous  Political  Action  of  the  people. 

The  Distinctive  Administrative  Problem :  Each  Common- 
wealth of  the  L^nited  States  has  undertaken  to  maintain  its  or- 
dained conditions  of  individual  existence  within  its  owti  territorial 
limits.  The  problem  of  each  is,  how  to  do  this  properly ;  that  is, 
in  accordance  with  its  ordained  Principles  and  scheme  of  action. 
The  foregoing  table  assists  in  the  perception  of  what  is  proper 
action  and  what  is  improper  action.  It  shows  at  a  glance  the 
kinds  of  action  that  are  permissible,  and  the  specific  purposes  to 
be  effected  through  direct  and  through  indirect  action.  Proper 
direct  action  is  the  clue  to  the  solution ;  and  if  the  true  meanings 
contained  in  the  contents  of  the  table  are  apprehended,  it  will  be 
perceived  that  the  distinctive  problem  of  each  American  Common- 
wealth is,  How  to  continuously  secure  a  direct  and  free  exercise 
of  all  the  Reserved  Powers  from  The  Electorate ;  and,  How  to 
enable  The  Electorate  —  and  no  other  body  —  to  continuously 
secure  from  The  Government  a  direct  and  otherwise  proper 
exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers. 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  WILL   OF  THE  PEOPLE,   PUBLIC   OPINION 

The  Will  of  the  People :  At  the  outset  of  this  subject  let  us 
recall  that  each  adult  member  of  an  American  Commonwealth 
has  a  dual  capacity. 

He  is  at  one  and  the  same  time  a  political  unit  and  a  social  unit. 
Politically  he  acts  as  a  Sovereign.  Socially  and  economically  he 
acts  as  a  Citizen.  But  here  is  the  point  to  remember.  The 
character  of  his  social  and  economic  status  is  determined  before- 
hand by  action  which  he  and  others  of  the  community  have  taken 
together  in  one  way  or  another  when  acting  in  a  political  capacity ; 
and  there  is  hardly  any  question  of  right  individual  action  which 
does  not  in  the  end  resolve  itself  into  a  question  of  what  The 
Community  shall  do  to  secure  and  enforce  such  action. 

The  Community,  as  we  have  seen,  acts  directly  in  some  matters 
and  through  its  members.  In  other  matters  it  acts  indirectly  and 
through  the  personnel  of  its  administrative  agencies.  Either  way, 
it  is  impelled  to  action  by  the  desire  to  do  some  one  thing  or 
another.  It  ascertains  what  the  community-desire  is  by  ascertain- 
ing what  the  greater  number  of  its  members  agree  upon  as  desirable 
to  do. 

Defined.  The  Will  of  The  People  is  therefore  a  consensus  of 
individual  wills.  It  is  an  agreement  of  belief  on  such  matters  held 
by  the  greatest  number  in  the  community. 

Theoretically,  it  is  this  will  of  the  people  which,  when  properly 
ascertained,  directs  all  political  action,  and  controls  the  adminis- 
trative agencies. 

Objects.  It  acts  for  the  accomplishment  of  two  main  ends ; 
namely : 

(1)  To  Establish  Government;  and 

(2)  To  Administer  Government  as  established ;  and  the  reader 
must  also  bear  in  mind  that  the  main  ends  are  finally  accomplished 

70 


PUBLIC    OPINION  71 


only  through  the  proper  performance  of  several  successive  and 
subordinate  stages  of  action,  over  which  The  Will  of  The  People 
is  or  should  be  fully  operative. 

Character  of.     It  acts  in  two  ways ;  namely : 

(1)  Permanently;  by  placing  restrictions  and  limitations  upon 
the  exercise  of  the  supreme  power  and  authority  of  the  community 
at  the  beginning  of  Government ;  and 

(2)  Intermittently ;  by  declaring  what  the  community  shall  do 
from  time  to  time  in  readjusting  the  relations  of  individuals  which 
have  become  changed  in  the  course  of  time  through  social  and 
economic  effort. 

Concerning  the  Establishment  of  Government  and  of  the  State 
Polity,  the  Fathers  considered  that  the  Polity  should  be  immutably 
established  by  an  exercise  of  The  Will  of  The  People  at  the  begin- 
ning ;  and  that  this  expression  of  the  will  was  to  remain  practically 
immutable  and  unchanged  for  such  time  as  Society  remained  or 
continued  under  its  chosen  form  of  government. 

FHiblic  Opinion:  But  when  acting  in  its  second  capacity,  it 
becomes  the  will  of  the  people  as  to  Political  Administration, 
which,  for  short,  has  been  called  Public  Opinion,  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  general  will  acting  to  establish  general  principles. 

The  term  "  public  opinion"  is  an  unfortunate  misnomer,  not- 
withstanding that  at  present  it  most  aptly  describes  the  moving 
force  in  our  administrative  action;  but  the  name  is  too  firmly 
established  to  admit  of  displacement,  and  so  long  as  we  under- 
stand it  to  mean  "  Will"  and  not  "  opinion  "  no  real  confusion  of 
ideas  need  arise. 

Concerning  political  administration.  The  Fathers  apparently 
appreciated  the  fact  that  the  successive  generations  who  were  to 
compose  The  State  in  the  future,  and  who  were  to  possess  political, 
economic,  and  moral  freedom,  should  not  be  bound  by  an  expres- 
sion of  immutable  will  by  them.  They  considered  that  the  Policy 
of  Administration  should  be  left  open  for  determination  from  time 
to  time  as  occasion  required  by  an  exercise  of  the  will  of  the  people 
had  for  this  sole  purpose.  Public  Opinion  was  considered  as  an 
expression  of  public  belief  which  was  to  be  held  in  check  until  an 
occasion  called  for  it;  and  then  was  to  be  made  solely  for  the 
purpose  of  settling  administrative  questions  which  then  pressed 
for  decision.  These  occasions  arose  whenever  such  questions 
came  before  the  people  in  advance  of  action  by  their  admin- 
istrative agencies.  Interests  (and  by  this  term  meaning  those 
individuals  who  are  engaged  in  promoting  their  private  welfare 


72  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

along  given  lines  of  economic  effort)  were  to  meet  other  "  interests  " 
on  a  footing  of  equal  opportunity  and  freedom ;  and  the  people, 
after  considering  the  situation,  were  to  reach  an  agreement  of  wills 
as  to  how  the  general  welfare  could  best  be  secured  under  social 
and  economic  conditions,  which,  if  left  unaltered,  would  tend  to 
impair  or  to  destroy  the  conditions  of  individual  existence  origi- 
nally ordained. 

In  their  discussions  concerning  administrative  policies  indi- 
viduals were  supposed  to  be  animated  solely  by  Public  Spirit; 
that  is,  by  a  desire  to  promote  the  general  welfare.  The  agree- 
ment as  to  Policy  was  to  be  determined  by  a  vote  at  the  general 
elections.  Should  this  expression  of  will  prove  ineffectual  after 
a  trial  it  was  still  open  to  alteration  or  repeal  in  the  future. 

From  this  conception  of  The  Will  of  The  People  working  first 
for  the  establishment  of  Government,  last  for  its  proper  adminis- 
tration, and  all  of  the  time  for  the  promotion  of  the  general 
welfare,  we  reach  Abraham  Lincoln's  meaning  in  the  phrase 
"  Government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people." 

In  a  Democracy.  Considered  as  an  outside,  directing,  and 
controlling  force,  exerted  over  political  action,  public  opinion  does 
not  exist  in  a  pure  democracy.  Under  that  form  of  administering 
public  affairs  it  is  The  Will  of  The  People  which  is  constantly 
active  in  all  matters. 

When  the  people  of  a  pure  democracy  are  assembled  for 
purposes  of  government,  they  themselves  are  the  Governmental 
Agency ;  and  they  ascertain,  express,  and  apply  their  will  at  one 
and  the  same  time. 

Moreover,  their  Will  is  ascertained,  expressed,  and  applied  in 
accord  with  those  provisions  of  their  Supreme  Law  which  regulate 
the  orderly  and  systematic  transaction  of  legislative  as  well  as 
executive  work.  This  body  of  regulations  is  called  Parliamentary 
Law ;  and  it  is  binding  upon  all  of  the  people  of  a  democracy  when 
assembled  for  Legislative  work. 

In  a  Republic.  But  in  a  republic  the  people  must  reach  their 
consensus  of  Will  a  comparatively  long  time  in  advance  of  their 
Official  Administrative  Action.  Furthermore,  this  consensus 
must  be  reached  by  and  in  the  body  of  the  people.  With  us  it  is 
reached  by  and  in  the  body  called  The  Electorate. 

This  work  is  legislative  in  its  nature  ;  and  unless  The  Electorate 
is  made  into  a  kind  of  legislature  by  the  adoption  beforehand  of 
appropriate  and  enforceable  means  and  methods  for  transacting 
this  work,  what  guarantee  has  a  commonwealth  that  the  formation. 


PUBLIC   OPINION  73 


ascertainment,  expression,  and  enforcement  of  Public  Opinion  will 
proceed  in  a  proper  manner?  None  whatever.  Our  own  ex- 
perience is  proof  of  this ;  for  through  the  absence  in  the  beginning 
of  appropriate  means  and  methods  for  transacting  the  work  of 
political  administration  we  have  been  led  gradually  into  the 
adoption  of  other  means  and  methods,  by  the  use  of  which  The 
Will  of  The  People  as  to  administrative  action  is  constantly 
perverted,  is  mechanically  manufactured,  and  is  changed  from  a 
political  nature  into  a  partizan  nature. 

Let  us  briefly  review  the  origin  and  development  of  Public 
Opinion. 

Development  of:  Early  Stages.  Before  the  adoption  of  The 
Constitution,  and  for  some  time  afterward,  public  opinion  was 
most  largely  formed  by  and  through  the  workings  of  the  Colonial 
Assemblies,  the  Colonial  Congresses,  the  Federal  Congress,  the 
State  Legislatures,  and  the  present  Congress ;  all  of  which  bodies 
were,  in  theory,  considered  as  assemblies  convened  for  the  open 
discussion  of,  and  deliberation  upon,  the  political  matters  affect- 
ing the  welfare  of  the  people. 

These  assemblies  were  composed  of  members  sent  from  all  parts 
of  the  Colonies,  or  the  State,  or  the  Country,  as  the  case  might  be. 

In  these  assemblies  the  members  were  supposed  first,  by  an 
exchange  of  views  and  through  debate,  to  ascertain  the  needs  of 
the  Colonies  or  of  the  Country,  and  then  later  on  were  to  explain 
to  their  respective  constituencies  the  intent  and  effect  of  their 
administrative  action. 

Force  of.  At  this  stage  of  development  the  force  of  Public 
Opinion  was  passive  rather  than  active  among  the  constituencies. 
Constituencies  were  more  led  into  action  than  otherwise.  Of 
course  they  exerted  an  influence,  but  they  had  not  then  arrived  at 
the  point  where  they  initiated  definite  action  beforehand  through 
reaching  a  consensus  of  individual  wills.  Public  Opinion  was 
used  to  support  rather  than  to  determine  administrative  action ; 
and  the  representative,  using  the  term  in  its  broadest  sense, 
played  a  most  important  part  in  its  formation ;  for  at  that  time 
the  necessary  opportunities  for  its  easy  formation  by  the  people 
did  not  exist. 

Later  on  the  newspaper,  the  extended  postal  service,  the  railroad, 
and  the  telegraph  supplied  the  needed  facilities  for  the  people  to 
form  their  Will  as  to  administrative  action  in  advance  of  legislation. 

At  the  same  time  the  legislative  bodies  adopted  the  system 
of  transacting  a  large  portion  of  their  work  through  "  Standing 


74  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Committees  " ;  and  in  just  so  much  as  they  ceased  to  be  openly 
deUberative  assembhes  they  also  ceased  to  be  active  factors  in  the 
formation  of  Public  Opinion.  Events  began  to  play  a  far  larger 
part  in  its  formation  than  mere  personal  acts  or  personal  force. 
The  Partizan  Party  had  organized  itself  permanently  in  society 
and  was  sending  its  representatives  into  the  Government  instead 
of  representatives  freely  chosen  by  The  Electorate.  Naturally, 
such  representatives,  working  in  the  interest  of  a  partizan  party, 
lost  most  all  of  their  power  to  influence  public-spirited  citizens, 
and  ceased  to  discharge  the  functions  of  true  political  leadership 
in  the  formation  of  Public  Opinion.  But  at  the  same  time,  and 
because  of  the  greatly  extended  opportunities  for  communication 
between  the  individuals  of  a  community,  the  force  of  Public 
Opinion  gradually  increased ;  and,  instead  of  remaining  a  passive 
factor  in  political  administration,  public  opinion  rapidly  developed 
into  what  Mr.  Bryce  calls  "  The  ultimate  force  in  the  conduct  of 
affairs."  ("The  American  Commonwealth,"  2d  ed.  revised. 
Chap.  I,  p.  6.) 

When  we  reach  a  consideration  of  the  doctrine  of  Majority 
Rule,  and  perceive  how  majorities  are  "  manufactured,"  we  shall 
be  better  able  to  judge  whether  this  conclusion  is  borne  out  fully 
by  facts.  In  theory,  public  opinion  should  be  the  ultimate  force 
in  political  administration.  It  should  be  the  energizing  force  in 
The  Government.  It  should  be  capable  of  controlling  the  action 
of  individuals  in  the  separate  branches  of  The  Government  and 
of  enforcing  logical  action  from  them.  It  should  be  capable  of 
preventing  the  existence  of  injustices  within  the  body  politic. 
When  properly  formed  and  acting  freely,  it  is  capable,  it  is  suffi- 
ciently permanent  to  accomplish  its  end  in  view,  it  is  continuous 
in  the  sense  of  lasting  over  from  one  period  of  administration  to 
another,  it  is  flexible  in  that  it  easily  turns  to  a  fresh  question  when 
another  has  been  settled  definitely,  and  (with  proper  means  and 
methods)  it  can  rigidly  enforce  its  mandate. 

"  Why  then,"  the  reader  will  ask,  "  if  Public  Opinion  is  capable 
of  such  action  —  why  does  it  not  produce  its  intended  results  in 
our  governmental  experiment?  "  The  answer  is.  Public  Opinion 
is  not  allowed  at  present  to  freely  form  or  freely  act.  The  People 
do  not  employ  it,  except  spasmodically  and  in  attempts  to  correct 
evils  of  a  local  nature  when  they  become  intolerable.  The  atten- 
tion of  individuals  is  seldom  if  ever  directed  to  the  absolute  need 
of  logical  means  and  methods  for  the  exercise  of  the  Reserved 
Powers  of  Administration ;  but  invariably  to  some  injustice  or 


PUBLIC   OPINION  75 

abuse  in  society.  For  all  general  purposes  of  administration  the 
people  substitute  The  Will  of  The  Partizan  Party  for  The  Public 
Will ;  and  that  party,  while  pretending  to  listen  to  the  voice  of 
Public  Opinion,  hampers  in  every  possible  way  its  free  formation 
in  The  Electorate,  and  its  free  operation  in  The  Government. 
How  this  is  done  will  appear  in  subsequent  chapters  as  we  review 
the  different  stages  of  administrative  action ;  but  as  a  result,  The 
People  do  not  govern,  they  let  The  Partizan  Party  govern.  In- 
dividuals are  too  busy  looking  after  their  private  welfare  to 
attend  to  the  General  Welfare.  They  leave  the  discharge  of  this 
obligation  of  sovereignty  to  The  Partizan  Party ;  and  the  party, 
through  the  inexorable  enforcement  upon  its  adherents  in  public 
office  of  its  freedom-killing  rules,  succeeds  in  producing  "  Party 
Welfare"  and  widely  distributed  forms  of  "  Private  Welfare" 
from  a  governmental  agency  that  was  designed  to  produce  only 
the  General  Welfare. 

Electoral  Action:  In  the  study  of  Government  and  Political 
Administration  it  is  impossible  to  satisfactorily  examine  any 
particular  one  of  its  separate  but  related  divisions  without  taking 
the  intimately  related  parts  into  consideration  together.  The 
different  stages  of  political  action  tie  naturally  into  each  other 
from  first  to  last ;  and  the  knowledge  of  one  stage  becomes  as  it 
were  the  prefatory  introduction  to  the  next  stage,  explaining  in 
part  its  cause,  and  indicating  somewhat  its  nature  and  character. 
To  treat  the  subject  this  way  causes  unavoidable  repetition  which 
is  tiresome ;  but  it  also  helps  to  reach  a  correct  conclusion  which 
is  most  to  be  desired,  and  this  must  excuse  a  slight  excursion  into 
the  topic  of  Electoral  Action  for  information  concerning  the 
separate  functions  of  Public  Opinion. 

Broadly  speaking,  the  work  of  Political  Administration  is 
divided  between  The  Electorate  and  The  Government. 

That  part  which  is  to  be  done  by  the  individuals  who  compose 
the  electorate  we  shall  call  Electoral  Action. 

General  Object  of.  It  is  a  periodic  routine  which  has  for  its 
object  the  formation,  ascertainment,  final  expression,  and  effectual 
enforcement  of  The  Public  Will. 

Four  Stages  of.  As  we  transact  this  work  at  present  it  is  sepa- 
rated into  four  progressive  stages ;  the  work  of  each  stage  accom- 
plishing a  part  of  the  general  object.  These  stages  in  their 
natural  sequence  are  (1)  The  formation  of  the  Will  of  the  Indi- 
vidual as  to  Administrative  Policy  and  Political  Procedure.  (2) 
The  bringing  of  individual  wills  into  agreement  as  to  the  Policy  of 


76  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Administration  and  the  Candidates  for  office.  (3)  The  work  of 
Elections ;  and  (4)  The  Control  of  the  action  of  Public  Officials. 

The  Formation  of  Individual  Will :  The  public  will  is  a  con- 
sensus of  individual  wills.  Individuals  must  first  decide  what 
they  desire  before  the  community  can  decide  what  it  desires. 

Passive  Formation.  There  are  two  external  agencies  at  work 
in  the  formation  of  individual  will :  men  and  events.  By  men, 
I  mean  the  actions  and  beliefs  of  others.  By  events,  I  mean 
the  results  which  conclude  a  sustained  course  of  administrative 
action. 

The  judgment  of  an  individual  is  influenced  by  acts  and  by  events 
in  which  he  is  a  spectator  and  not  a  participator ;  and  the  two 
above-named  external  agencies  working  together  in  Society  pro- 
duce a  sort  of  passive  formation  of  individual  will. 

Active  Formation.  But  each  individual  is  supposed  to  actively 
exert  himself  in  the  formation  of  his  will  as  to  political  administra- 
tion. He  has  to  properly  discharge  his  Obligations  of  Sovereignty 
and  his  Duties  of  Citizenship.  He  is  supposed  to  inform  himself 
as  thoroughly  as  possible  concerning  the  intent,  purpose,  and 
probable  result  of  any  proposed  Policy,  and  to  likewise  post  him- 
self concerning  the  fitness  and  character  of  individuals  proposed 
for  public  office  and  position.  He  should  also  critically  examine 
the  character  and  fitness  of  the  means  and  methods  by  which  The 
Public  Will  is  formed ;  and  finally,  in  reaching  a  decision  in  these 
matters,  he  is  supposed  to  be  influenced  only  by  the  free  play  of 
reason,  conscience,  and  public  spirit. 

Legislative  Work :  Much  of  the  work  that  the  individual  is 
called  upon  to  do  in  this  connection  is  legislative  in  its  nature. 
One  great  question  is  always  before  The  Community;  namely, 
"  What  administrative  course  will  best  promote  the  General 
Welfare  ?  "  and  a  secondary  question  is,  "  What  candidate  is  best 
fitted  to  make  the  administrative  policy  fully  operative  ?  " 

Theoretically,  individuals  must  answer  these  questions  them- 
selves. They  are  not  supposed  to  leave  these  decisions  to  other 
individuals,  or  to  associations  of  individuals.  Each  individual 
must  carefully  form  his  judgment  himself,  and  not  accept  the 
conclusions  of  others ;  otherwise  the  community  runs  the  risk  of 
adopting  illy  digested  "opinion  "  as  a  guide  in  place  of  a  properly 
formed  and  reasonable  Will. 

Theoretically,  The  Commonwealth  has  reserved  the  exercise 
of  "The  Right  to  Choose"  to  itself;  that  is,  the  individuals  of  the 
body  politic  shall  themselves  decide  their  administrative  policy. 


PUBLIC   OPINION  77 

select  and  elect  their  own  candidates  for  public  ofRce,  and  also 
instruct  The  Government  somewhat  as  to  the  detail  application 
of  the  policy. 

In  the  formation  of  individual  will  regarding  these  matters  each 
individual  is  entitled  to  avail  himself  of  the  superior  experience, 
intelligence,  wisdom,  and  sagacity  of  other  individuals,  and  to 
obtain  and  use  the  aid  and  assistance  of  true  Leadership  and 
appropriate  Organization ;  but  most  of  all  he  is  entitled  to  the  use 
of  logical  means  and  methods  which  will  as  far  as  is  humanly 
possible  free  him  from  influences  and  considerations  concerning 
selfish  private  welfare  while  he  is  engaged  in  forming  his  judgment 
regarding  ways  in  which  to  promote  the  General  Welfare. 

The  Final  Expression  at  Elections :  In  theory,  the  people  are 
to  finally  decide  all  Administrative  Policies  and  to  fill  all  elective 
administrative  offices  at  stated  periods  called  "  Elections." 

Frequent  Elections.  In  order  that  questions  of  State  Polit}'',  of 
Administrative  Policy,  and  of  Candidacy  may  not  be  held  too 
long  in  abeyance  and  so  become  a  source  of  discontent  or  of 
revolution ;  and  partly  to  enable  the  people  to  keep  the  sense  of 
responsibility  alive  in  public  officials  through  the  fear  of  quick 
retirement  to  private  life;  and  partly  as  a  means  by  which  to 
secure  responsiveness  to  Public  Opinion  in  The  Government ;  and 
partly  as  a  means  to  afford  a  more  equal  opportunity  for  individual 
political  preferment,  the  people  have  agreed  to  express  their  will 
frequently. 

The  Ballot.  For  the  purpose  of  imparting  definiteness  to  the 
final  expression  of  individual  will  the  people  employ  the  secret 
ballot.  An  added  force  is  given  to  such  expression  by  confining 
the  use  of  the  ballot  to  a  picked  class  of  individuals  called  The 
Electorate.  The  vote  is  intended  to  accomplish  two  purposes. 
It  is  supposed  to  declare  a  definite  temporary  Administrative 
Policy,  and  also  to  fill  the  elective  administrative  offices  for  one 
period  of  administration.  The  casting  of  the  ballot  is  the  final 
act  in  the  long  series  of  electoral  actions  which  lead  up  to  the 
consummation  of  this  political  process. 

Individual  Political  Freedom.  Everything  that  has  been  said 
regarding  the  absolute  freedom  of  the  elector  while  engaged  in 
administrative  action  applies  with  unabated  force  to  the  perfor- 
mance of  this  last  act  in  the  process  of  election.  If  voting  can  be 
perverted  or  prevented,  then  all  of  the  prior  electoral  work  of  the 
individual  goes  for  little  or  nothing.  If  the  freedom  of  the  indi- 
vidual can  be  hampered  here  with  the  trammels  of  partizan  party 


78  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

customs,  usages,  or  practices,  then  Public  Opinion  can  be  robbed 
of  its  definiteness. 

Means  and  Methods.  Everything  that  has  been  said  also 
regarding  the  imperative  need  for  proper  and  logical  means  and 
methods  in  the  transaction  of  electoral  work  also  applies  in  the 
casting,  in  the  counting,  and  in  the  return  of  the  vote ;  for  it  is 
here  in  this  final  electoral  act  that  the  opportunity  has  long 
been  presented  for  the  successful  manipulation  of  the  Public  Will 
through  personal  wrong  doing  and  chicanery. 

How  this  particular  class  of  election  frauds  has  been  met  in  the 
past,  and  how  we  are  attempting  to  prevent  their  perpetration  at 
present,  are  matters  which  will  receive  consideration  in  subsequent 
chapters.  Here  we  are  concerned  solely  in  ascertaining  what  an 
elector  should  do  in  this  stage  of  administrative  action,  and  how 
he  should  be  protected  in  doing  it. 

Agreement  as  to  Policy  and  Candidates :  While  questions  of 
administrative  policy  may  include  a  wide  range  of  ideas,  neverthe- 
less the  State  Polity  points  to  one  general  direction  and  the 
Constitutional  provisions  set  a  limit  to  the  discussion. 

Theoretically,  in  each  State,  the  direct  exercise  of  the  Reserved 
Powers  of  Administration  is  had  for  the  express  purpose  of  making 
its  own  distinctive  Polity  wholly  operative  within  its  geographical 
boundaries.  Differences  of  opinion  as  to  how  this  can  best  be 
accomplished  will  always  exist ;  and  while  individual  wills  are 
being  formed  simultaneously,  these  differences  of  opinion  will 
inevitably  bring  about  a  natural  division  of  the  citizens  into 
separate  aggregations  holding  dissimilar  views. 

This  process  of  segregation  goes  on  unconsciously  in  the  minds 
of  individuals  all  of  the  time ;  and  if  unhampered  by  Machia- 
vellian considerations  or  objects,  plays  a  most  important  part  in 
the  true  political  action  of  the  people ;  and  the  reverse  is  equally 
true  of  wrong  political  action.  Left  to  themselves,  the  free  play 
of  ideas  produces  a  spontaneous  segregation  which  should  be 
fostered.  It  never  was  originally  intended  or  contemplated  in  our 
administrative  theory  that  any  unpolitical  restraint  should  be  put 
upon  the  free  association  together  of  individuals  who  wished  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  added  strength  of  union  while  promoting 
their  idea  of  how  the  General  Welfare  could  best  be  secured.  If 
such  aggregations  organized  themselves  properly,  they  became 
Political  Parties ;  but  that  is  another  subject.  The  aggregations 
being  formed  spontaneously,  the  individual  was  free  at  any  time 
to  join  this,  that,  or  the  other  body  which  he  judged  was  best 


PUBLIC   OPINION  79 

intentioned  and  would  give  the  most  effect  to  his  Will.  Finally 
the  body  having  the  greatest  number  of  individuals  united  in  a 
common-  will  supplied  the  temporary  Will  of  The  People. 

Political  Issues :  These  different  associations,  like  the  parties 
to  a  civil  action  in  the  Courts  of  Justice,  were  to  put  before  the 
people  their  definite  statements  of  what  they  deemed  best  to  do. 
In  this  way  a  distinct  "  Political  Issue"  between  opposing  ideas 
regarding  Political  Administration  was  formed  and  raised  in  the 
community ;  and  every  available  means  was  originally  employed 
to  bring  about  a  full  presentation  of  the  existing  situation  so  that 
the  people  might  form  an  adequate  and  comprehensive  judgment 
thereon. 

The  Decision  of  Policy.  In  one  particular  the  Administrative 
System  originally  adopted  was  defective  in  principle,  and  has 
always  remained  so.  The  use  of  the  ballot  was  given  to  the 
individual  elector  primarily  to  enable  him  to  freely  and  decisively 
express  his  will  concerning  the  course  of  administration  that  he 
wished  to  have  put  into  operation ;  and  secondarily,  to  enable 
The  Electorate  to  definitely  and  decisively  ascertain  the  Political 
Majority.  The  individual  elector  was  regarded  as  a  Sovereign- 
unit  ;  and  was  required  to  act  as  such.  The  Governmental 
Agreement  imposed  the  duty  upon  each  individual  elector  to 
exercise  his  Right  to  Choose  between  opposing  policies  and  between 
selected  candidates  directly,  by  himself,  not  by  or  through  another 
or  others,  but  free  from  all  influences  except  those  proceeding 
from  his  reason,  judgment,  and  conscience. 

We  have  seen  that  direct  action  is  the  principle  underlying  the 
exercise  of  each  and  all  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration 
and  that  the  prime  object  of  the  ballot  is  to  enable  individuals  to 
express  their  wills  as  to  any  proposed  course  of  action.  Notwith- 
standing these  facts  individuals  always  have  been  allowed  to 
express  their  wills  as  to  policies  by  a  vote  cast  in  favor  of  some 
candidate  for  office  ;  and  the  reason  for  this  illogical  procedure  will 
be  found  in  the  further  fact  that  our  incomplete  Administrative 
Systems  have  never  contained  the  necessary  mandatory  provisions 
for  the  separation  of  the  process  of  expressing  Public  Opinion  from 
the  process  of  Nomination.  The  system  now  in  use  does  not 
enable  The  People  to  keep  nothing  but  political  questions  before 
the  people,  and  to  exclude  all  others.  It  does  not  provide  a  stated 
way  in  which  The  Electorate  shall  directly  and  unitedly  frame  a 
political  question  ;  or  bring  it  to  an  issue  with  other  political 
questions ;  or  move  the  political  issue  before  the  people  for  de- 


80  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

cision  ;  or  compel  The  Electorate  to  settle  one  issue  at  a  time ;  or 
compel  a  direct  vote  of  The  Electorate  upon  the  one  point  in  issue. 

Questions  relating  to  Administrative  Policy  have  never  been 
submitted  to  the  people  upon  their  merits  alone.  The  people 
have  adopted  the  expedient  of  voting  for  a  candidate  as  a  means 
for  reaching  a  decision  as  to  administrative  policy ;  and  the  em- 
ployment of  this  expedient  results  in  an  indirect  ascertainment 
of  the  Public  Will  as  to  Administrative  Policy. 

Unfortunately  and  unpresciently  the  decision  of  questions  re- 
lating solely  to  administrative  policy  has  always  been  subjected 
to  considerations  which  influence  a  man  in  his  choice  of  another 
mail  for  office  ;  and  this  in  face  of  the  fact  that  the  various  reasons 
which  affect  the  individual  while  determining  his  will  as  to  admin- 
istrative policy  are  necessarily  quite  different  from  those  which 
naturally  influence  his  selection  and  choice  of  a  candidate  for 
office. 

This  should  not  be.  The  vote  for  or  against  an  administrative 
policy  can  never  mean  the  same  thing  or  produce  the  same  effects 
as  a  vote  for  a  candidate.  Probably  every  one  of  my  readers 
knows  how  it  works  out  in  practise  when  a  corrupt  candidate  is 
put  forward  as  the  "  Standard  Bearer"  of  a  desirable  policy.  The 
individual  who  will  not  vote  for  the  corrupt  candidate  must  lose 
his  vote  for  the  policy  he  desires  to  have  put  in  operation  ;  and  the 
individual  who  votes  for  the  policy  he  wishes  to  have  put  in 
operation  must  assist  in  putting  a  corrupt  man  in  office  to  make 
it  operative. 

Some  Results.  This  mixing  together  of  questions  of  "  Policy" 
with  questions  of  "  Candidacy"  has,  in  practice,  almost  totally 
destroyed  the  individual  freedom  of  action  that  was  originally 
declared  necessary  while  individuals  were  deciding  between  differ- 
ent administrative  policies.  With  the  loss  of  individual  freedom 
comes  a  loss  in  individual  power  and  effectiveness.  Through  the 
use  of  a  wrong  means  the  individual  is  forced  into  a  dilemma.  He 
can  do  neither  one  thing  nor  the  other  properly  and  his  right  to 
freely  choose  evaporates.  If  The  Individual  —  the  Sovereign-unit 
—  can  not  freely  choose,  then  the  Collective  Sovereign  can  not 
make  a  free  choice;  and  what  becomes  of  the  force  of  Public 
Opinion  ? 

Flowing  from  this  mixture  of  questions  is  another  perfectly 
natural  result  which  works  insidiously  against  true  political 
action.  If  the  decision  of  policy  is  made  to  depend  upon  the 
election  of  candidates,  then  it  must  naturally  appear  to  the  un- 


PUBLIC   OPINION  81 

trained  perception  of  the  great  masses  of  the  voters  that  the  work 
of  nominating  and  electing  candidates  is  of  superior  importance 
to  the  work  of  deciding  administrative  policies ;  thus  reversing 
the  theory  in  this  respect.  All  sorts  of  selfish,  ulterior,  and 
illogical  considerations  are  thrust  upon  the  immediate  attention 
of  the  voter ;  and  this,  in  the  case  of  the  average  voter,  effectually 
befogs  his  perception  of  that  which  is  primarily  required  of  him 
in  this  stage  of  administrative  action. 

Political  Issues  vs.  Partizan  Issues.  Our  present  manner  of 
action  is  WTong  in  another  vitally  important  respect.  Electoral 
Groups  are  supposed  to  frame  and  raise  Political  Issues ;  but  in 
forty-eight  general  elections  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  one  such 
issue.  In  the  place  of  true  political  issues  which  are  raised  by  free 
individual  political  action  in  The  Electorate  we  now  undertake  to 
promote  the  General  Welfare  by  voting  on  "  Issues"  that  are 
raised  between  Partizan  Party  Promises. 

Political  Questions  vs.  "  Party "  Platforms.  In  the  place  of 
political  questions,  as  an  incentive  to  political  action,  individual 
electors  are  now  required  to  support  partizan  party  "  Platforms  " 
that  are  "  framed  up"  on  them  and  for  them  by  The  Managements 
of  this,  that,  or  the  other  partizan  party ;  each  having  its  own 
welfare  most  at  heart ;  the  exact  meaning  of  the  "  Platform  " 
being  seldom  understood  outside  of  the  partizan  party  committee 
that  put  it  together ;  each  platform  containing  not  one  but  several 
disconnected  questions  or  party  policies  which  the  elector  is 
required  to  "  settle"  by  the  deposit  of  a  blanket  vote  for  a  set  of 
party  candidates. 

In  short,  "  We,  the  people  "  do  not  frame  Political  Questions 
directly.  W^e  do  not  raise  Political  Issues  directly.  W^e  permit 
the  ideas  connected  with  these  processes  to  be  jumbled  together 
with  the  ideas  connected  with  the  process  of  nomination ;  and 
finally  we  give  the  control  of  the  management  of  this  improperly 
mixed  inclusive  process  to  The  Partizan  Party.  We  have  passed 
the  exercise  of  initiative  over  into  the  hands  of  The  Partizan 
Party.  What  more  is  there  for  us  to  do  in  this  stage  of  adminis- 
tration ?  Nothing ;  because  we  have  done  all  that  we  can  do  to 
transmute  The  Public  Will  into  The  Will  of  The  Partizan  Party. 

The  Failure  of  Public  Opinion :  Now  while  as  a  matter  of  fact 
Public  Opinion  should  be  and  rightfully  is  "  The  ultimate  force 
in  the  conduct  of  affairs"  it  is  also  a  matter  of  fact  that  Public 
Opinion  is  not  at  present  the  immediate  force  in  the  conduct  of 
affairs  because  it  has  been  supplanted  by  The  Will  of  The  Partizan 


82  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Party.  The  people,  considered  as  the  Sovereign,  never  has  the 
opportunity  now  to  form  and  express  its  will  freely  except  at  the 
cost  of  great  political  unrest,  disquiet,  and  totally  unnecessary 
political  travail.  And  even  then  what  follows  ordinarily  is  this. 
The  Sovereign  is  obliged  to  entrust  the  detail  application  of  its 
will  to  what  are  in  fact  representatives  of  The  Partizan  Party; 
and  these  representatives  produce  a  miscarriage  of  Public  Opinion 
through  applying  this  will  so  as  to  produce  Party  Welfare  instead 
of  the  ordained  General  Welfare. 

Results.  In  ordinarj^  times  the  production  of  Party  Welfare 
brings  into  existence  many  hardships  and  injustices  to  a  large 
proportion  of  the  individual  units  of  The  Sovereign,  leaving  them 
in  a  state  of  unhappiness  over  the  miscarriage  of  public  opinion 
which  appears  to  spring  either  from  their  own  political  impotence 
or  from  inherent  defects  in  their  system  of  state  polity. 

Happiness.  Happiness  is  a  component  part  of  the  General 
Welfare.  One  of  the  distinguishing  features  of  the  early  days 
when  self-government  actually  existed  was  the  general  felicity  that 
permeated  society.  This  felicity  arose  mainly  from  the  fact  that 
individuals  had  established  and  put  into  operation  their  own 
system  of  state  polity.  No  general  appreciation  of  the  defects  in 
the  system  existed.  Ambitions  were  moderate  and  happiness 
then  proceeded  largely  from  a  benign  exercise  of  the  supreme 
power  that  was  intended  to  produce  the  greatest  possible  number 
of  opportunities  for  all  alike  to  become  independent  and  self- 
supporting  through  sobriety  and  industry,  and  not  intended  to 
produce  opportunities  for  the  satisfaction  of  selfish  desires  for 
great  wealth  on  the  part  of  a  few  individuals. 

Where  is  that  general  felicity  over  political  action  now?  It 
does  not  exist.  It  has  been  overridden  and  extinguished  by  the 
want,  worries,  and  disappointments  arising  out  of  our  inefficient, 
ineffectual,  and  illogical  administrative  action.  In  its  place  we 
have  the  "  Prosperity"  and  private  felicity  of  our  "  Captains  of 
Industry"  accompanied  by  a  widespread  suspicion  if  not  hatred 
of  our  legislative  assemblies  under  whose  laws  privileges  become 
rampant  in  society.  Privileges !  The  very  form  of  injustice 
which  Democracy  was  established  to  abolish  forever  in  society. 
We  say  "Thank  God"  when  a  legislative  session  is  ended.  We 
realize  our  impotency  to  control  the  action  of  our  own  legislators 
and  we  are  thankful  that  they  have  done  no  worse.  Is  that  a 
dignified  condition  for  free  men  to  live  in  ?  Is  it  even  respectable  ? 
Is  it  not  foolish  and  contemptible  ?     And  when  our  obligations  to 


PUBLIC   OPINION  83 


the  successive  generations  who  compose  The  State  are  taken  into 
consideration  is  it  not  criminal  to  continue  on  in  that  condition? 
Think  of  the  contradictions  involved !  Free  men,  possessing  the 
exercise  of  the  Supreme  Power,  and  impotent  to  control  the  action 
of  our  public  servants !  A  Sovereign,  and  unable  to  form  and 
express  our  Will  freely !  How  has  this  condition  come  about  ? 
Partly,  I  contend,  because  The  Sovereign  failed  to  clothe  itself 
with  that  ability  which  proceeds  from  the  possession  and  use  of 
appropriate  means  and  methods  for  the  transaction  of  the  various 
processes  of  administrative  action,  and  partly  because  The  Sover- 
eign, finding  the  work  too  onerous,  imprudently  delegated  its 
exercise  of  the  Power  to  Choose,  thereby  almost  completely 
destroying  its  Power  to  Control. 

Apathy.  There  are  some  writers  who  contend  that  apathy  is 
the  prime  cause  of  our  present  political  impotence.  I  contend 
that  apathy  in  political  matters  is  not  a  cause  of  our  present 
impotence  but  is  a  result  which  springs  first  from  observing  our 
apparent  impotency,  and  second,  from  an  utter  inappreciation  of 
the  effectiveness  which  the  use  of  logical  means  and  methods  can 
give  to  political  action.  Political  apathy  is  a  symptom  of  a  broken 
political  spirit.  It  not  only  tends  to  remove  its  victims  from  the 
field  of  political  effort,  but  what  is  worse,  it  discourages  individual 
thought  and  investigation.  It  is  a  mental  disease,  a  morbid 
obsession  bv  an  idea  which  can  be  removed  by  the  instillation  of 
correct  ideas  concerning  Electoral  Action.  Supposing  its  removal 
is  arduous.  The  effort  is  worth  making  if  for  no  other  reason  than 
its  removal  means  a  long  step  towards  bringing  back  to  many  the 
happiness  which  comes  with  the  conscious  attempt  at  a  right 
exercise  of  the  administrative  powers. 

Such  an  exercise  is  impossible  without  a  system  of  action  that 
makes  it  possible ;  and  until  an  administrative  system  has  been 
constructed  under  which  every  elector  can  take  the  ordained  kind 
of  administrative  action  freely,  public  opinion  can  neither  be  the 
pure  expression  of  the  community's  desire  concerning  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice,  nor  can  it  exist  as  the  real  moving  force  in 
political  administration.  Public  opinion  is  rightfully  the  expres- 
sion of  public  spirit.  But  when  public  spirit  wrongfully  degener- 
ates into  partizan  party  spirit,  then  partizan  party  opinion 
supplants  public  opinion  as  the  wrongful  energizing  force  in 
administrative  action. 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  DOCTRINE   OF  MAJORITY  RULE 

The  term  "Majority  Rule  "  is  an  epitomized  description  of  the 
general  character  of  American  political  action. 

As  applicable  to  our  administrative  action  it  expresses  our  gen- 
eral intent  to  rightfully  apply  the  principles  of  the  State  Polity 
in  the  management  of  public  and  of  private  affairs,  using  a  majority 
of  a  definite  character  as  a  means  by  which  to  ascertain  and  deter- 
mine what  is  right  to  do. 

The  doctrine  is  a  rule  of  political  action.  We  must  therefore 
begin  its  consideration  by  attaching  a  political  meaning  to  the 
general  term  "  majority."  Unless  we  do  this  we  shall  soon  be 
lost  in  a  maze  of  conflicting  and  confusing  generalities  which  will 
spring  from  attaching  general  meanings  to  a  technical  term. 

Every  general  idea  which  we  employ  in  our  scheme  of  political 
action  must,  by  reason  of  its  use  in  this  way,  receive  a  distinctively 
political  aspect  and  meaning.  This  political  meaning  serves  to 
distinguish  it  ever  afterward  from  other  distinctive  meanings  of 
the  general  idea  that  are  used  in  other  connections.  We  must 
know  what  the  term  "  majority  "  means  in  a  political  sense  before 
we  can  definitely  ascertain  the  kind  and  character  of  the  "  Rule  " 
which  is  to  be  obtained  by  means  of  the  majority. 

In  its  prime  meaning  the  term  "  majority  "  expresses  the  idea 
of  the  greater  number  of  two  like  numbers,  which,  taken  together, 
compose  the  whole  number. 

Another  meaning  is,  "more  than  one-half." 

Used  in  connection  with  administrative  action  the  term  would 
naturally  appear  to  mean  more  than  one-half  of  any  political  group 
of  individuals,  or  a  "majority  of  individuals." 

And  since  we  commonly  ascertain  a  majority  by  the  use  of  a 
ballot,  it  might  appear  to  mean  a  "  majority  of  ballots,"  or  "  of 
votes." 

And  also  because  the  use  of  the  ballot  is  confined  to  the  Electors 
in  a  State,  it  might  be  construed  as  a  "  majority  of  Electors." 

84 


THE   DOCTRINE   OF   MAJORITY   RULE  85 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  term  "  majority,"  when  a  majority  is  used 
as  a  means  for  the  decision  of  questions  of  State  PoHcy,  has  a 
different  meaning  from  that  given  to  it  when  a  majority  is  used  as 
a  means  for  determining  questions  of  Candidacy.  At  present  we 
are  concerned  only  with  its  meaning  when  used  in  connection 
with  questions  of  State  Policy ;  and  we  will  consider  its  other  mean- 
ings in  the  Chapter  on  PoHtical  Majorities. 

The  above  definitions  do  not  throw  much  light  on  the  political 
meaning  of  the  term  "majority."  They  describe  "majorities  of 
individuals  "  and  "  majorities  of  votes,"  both  of  which  can  be 
obtained  by  practising  deception  and  fraud,  but  neither  of  which 
can  for  a  moment  be  considered  as  a  proper  means  of  free  and 
righteous  political  action.  At  most  the  above  definitions  show 
what  a  political  majority  should  not  be,  but  they  do  not  indicate 
the  true  nature  or  character  of  the  means  by  which  the  people 
are  to  be  guided  in  their  action. 

Our  question  here  is,  "  the  greater  number  of  "  or  "  more  than 
one-half  of  "  —  what  ? 

A  vote  that  is  bought  and  paid  for  in  cash  can  not  express  an 
individual  will  to  do. 

A  vote  that  is  given  in  exchange  for  a  nomination  or  a  public 
office  carries  no  expression  of  individual  political  will. 

Majorities  that  are  gerrymandered  into  existence  do  not  and 
can  not  express  a  collective  political  will. 

The  majorities  which  we  have  in  mind  at  present  are  supposed 
to  express  the  community's  sense  of  Justice ;  and  are  supposed  to 
definitely  indicate  that  which  in  the  end  will  best  promote  the 
welfare  of  all.  But  the  sense  of  Justice  cannot  be  bartered  or 
gerrymandered  into  existence.  No !  The  majorities  meant  in 
this  connection  are  not  such  as  can  properly  be  compacted  to- 
gether by  mechanical  means,  or  by  money,  or  by  favor ;  for  under 
our  theory  of  political  action,  that  peculiar  and  distinctive  political 
means,  that  "  more  than  one-half  "  which  is  meant  by  the  term 
"  majority  "  as  here  used,  can  only  be  called  into  existence  prop- 
erly by  the  free  play  of  Reason  on  the  intellects  of  individuals. 

It  is  through  the  exercise  of  Reason  that  man  traces  the  connec- 
tions between  cause  and  effect  in  political  phenomena,  and  learns 
the  relative  values  of  different  modes  of  action. 

The  Community,  claiming  to  be  guided  by  Reason  and  the 
desire  for  Justice,  seeks  through  reasonable  action  to  apply  its 
Principles  of  Association  to  the  management  of  its  own  affairs, 
and  to  the  private  affairs  of  its  individuals. 


86  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

The  reasoning  process,  when  used  in  the  attempted  solution  of 
the  constantly  arising  administrative  problems,  produces  individual 
convictions  concerning  the  administrative  course  which  will  best 
promote  the  general  welfare.  Such  convictions  relate  to  the 
"  interests  "  of  the  individual  and  to  the  "  interest  "  of  the  body 
politic,  and  are  supported  by  the  desires  for  Progress  and  the 
Spirit  of  Patriotism.  These  convictions  stimulate  further  desire 
in  the  individual  to  have  them  made  operative  in  political  ad- 
ministration ;  and  strong  enough  desire  begets  an  individual  will 
to  this  end. 

Differences  in  individual  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  or  the  advis- 
ability of  putting  any  given  course  of  administrative  action  into 
operation  will  naturally  exist  in  bodies  politic  like  ours  which  have 
heterogeneous  populations ;  and  the  free  play  of  ideas  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  chapter  naturally  produces  a  division  of  the 
citizens  into  separate  aggregations  holding  to  different  beliefs 
and  desires.  Some  aggregations  become  numerically  larger  than 
others,  but  that  is  simply  because  there  are  more  men  adhering 
to  one  common  desire  or  will  than  there  are  other  men  supporting 
other  wills  or  desires,  and  the  "  majority  "  which  is  produced  by 
such  action  is  a  majority  of  wills  that  is  based  upon  political  con- 
victions. 

Such  a  majority,  so  formed  and  prompted,  is  a  Political  Majority. 
Of  course  it  is  individuals  who  vote ;  and  it  is  their  ballots  which 
are  counted ;  but  the  ballot  is  considered  merely  as  an  expression 
of  individual  will ;  and  the  majority  so  ascertained  is  rightfully 
considered  as  a  majority  of  wills  and  not  as  a  majority  of  in- 
dividuals. No  one  thinks  for  a  moment  of  obeying  a  majority 
of  individuals ;  but  the  majority  of  wills,  when  properly  formed 
and  ascertamed,  is  bowed  to  and  acknowledged  by  all  as  the  right- 
ful moving  force  in  political  administration. 

Character  and  Kind  of  Rule :  Acting  on  the  principle  that 
two  heads  are  better  than  one,  the  people  have  agreed,  in  advance 
of  political  administration,  that  the  ideas  concerning  administrative 
policy,  which,  at  the  elections,  are  freely  supported  by  the  greater 
number  of  adherents,  shall  be  used  to  animate  and  prompt  The 
Government  during  periods  of  administration  ;  the  minor  aggrega- 
tion in  society  being  left  meanwhile  perfectly  free  to  convert  new 
adherents  to  its  ideas  through  the  force  of  reason  and  argument, 
and  to  become  a  major  aggregation  if  possible. 

The  doctrine  also  carries  with  it  this  corollary,  viz.  that  the 
individuals  who  compose  the  minor  aggregation  shall  peaceably 


THE   DOCTRINE   OF   MAJORITY   RULE  87 

permit  the  ideas  held  by  the  larger  number  of  individuals  to  be 
applied  in  the  management  of  public  and  private  affairs  for  the 
time  being. 

The  doctrine  was  intended  to  embody  all  of  the  commonly 
accepted  ideas  regarding  the  proper,  the  logical,  and  the  prudent 
exercise  of  political  power  and  authority  by  the  individual; 
and  the  "  Rule  "  described  by  it  is  a  rule  of  Reason,  prompted  by 
Public  Spirit. 

Considered  as  a  rule  of  action,  this  is  the  doctrine  under  which 
the  Commonwealths  seek  to  produce  the  general  welfare,  that  is, 
the  greatest  good  to  all ;  and  not,  as  some  writers  express  it, 
"  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number."  This  latter  con- 
ception implies  the  existence  of  two  aggregate  bodies  of  individuals, 
one  of  which  is  smaller  than  the  other,  but  both  of  which  are  nec- 
essary to  compose  the  commonw^ealth,  the  body  which  is  acting 
politically  in  its  own  interests,  and  in  the  interests  of  all  of  its 
individuals  whether  all  of  its  individuals  perceive  for  themselves 
what  is  really  for  the  common  welfare  of  State  and  individual  or 
not.  It  IS  not  at  all  likely  that  all  of  the  individuals  of  a 
State  will  be  fitted  by  nature  and  education  to  perceive  accurately 
what  is  going  on  in  society  and  in  the  world ;  and  the  best  that  a 
Democracy  can  do  in  self-preservation  and  in  helping  individuals 
is  to  ascertain  what  the  greater  number  of  its  citizens  believe  is 
best  to  be  done  under  the  given  circumstances  and  occasions  as  they 
arise,  and  let  the  expression  of  that  judgment  serve  for  the  time 
being  as  the  Will  of  the  Collective  Sovereign, 

Successive  Statements.  Under  our  theory  of  political  administra- 
tion the  Collective  Sovereign  is  to  state,  and  from  time  to  time  is 
required  to  restate,  its  Will  as  to  the  exercise  of  the  Reserved 
Powers  of  Administration.  Its  Will  to  administer  Government  as 
established  is  continuous.  Its  Will  as  to  what  is  best  to  be  done  at 
various  times  is  necessarily  subject  to  modification  or  change.  Our 
method  of  ascertaining  the  will  of  The  Commonwealth  concerning 
administrative  matters  from  time  to  time  is  to  refer  all  such 
matters  that  are  pressing  for  decision  to  a  vote  of  all  the  individual 
members  of  The  Electorate  who  are  legally  entitled  to  vote,  and 
to  determine  the  Majority  of  Wills  in  favor  at  a  time  called  the 
Election  by  a  count  of  the  individual  ballots  cast  for  or  against ; 
the  idea  being  that  each  elector  shall  be  left  to  freely  use  his  judg- 
ment and  conscience  independently  of  others  in  the  exercise  of  g, 
franchise  that  has  been  bestowed  on  him  by  The  Commonwealth. 

Theoretically,  we  ascertain  such  majorities  for  the  purpose  of 


88  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

deciding  rightly  some  one  administrative  question.  This  does 
not  necessarily  mean  that  only  one  question  can  be  decided  at  an 
election ;  for  of  course  it  is  possible  to  definitely  decide  several 
questions,  provided  they  are  separated  from  each  other  and  the 
individual  has  an  opportunity  to  vote  on  each  separately.  But 
the  administrative  periods  were  made  short  partly  to  prevent 
the  accumulation  of  many  political  questions  at  one  time. 

Now  the  processes  of  division  and  segregation  mentioned  before 
continue  to  produce  aggregations  of  differently  minded  individuals 
during  the  successive  periods  of  administration.  But  when  one 
political  question  is  finally  settled,  then  the  political  majority 
(Majority  of  Wills)  which  decides  it  becomes  a  thing  of  the  past. 
Its  individual  units  are  no  longer  united  together  by  the  common 
purpose  which  animated  them,  viz.  to  have  their  sentiments  put 
into  the  form  of  Law.  This  being  done,  each  individual  is  again 
left  free  to  join  himself  with  others  in  the  formation  of  other 
political  majorities  for  the  decision  of  other  political  questions. 

Has  No  Permanency.  From  this  it  appears  that  a  Political 
Majority  can  have  no  continued  permanency.  It  is  called  into 
existence  for  the  accomplishment  of  one  political  purpose  and  its 
influence  ceases  when  that  purpose  is  accomplished.  Its  function 
is  entirely  different  from  that  of  a  Political  Party;  the  latter 
being  merely  a  group  of  individuals  who  primarily  work  together 
unitedly  for  the  creation  of  a  political  majority,  and  sometimes 
secondarily  to  secure  the  proper  application  of  the  Majority  Will 
in  Administrative  Action. 

Now  if  a  political  majority  has  no  permanency,  and  if  a 
Majority  of  The  People  is  not  allowed  to  organize  itself  per- 
manently either  for  the  exercise  of  or  for  the  control  of  the  exer- 
cise of  political  power  because  such  permanent  organization  might 
entail  the  possibility  of  an  improper  or  oppressive  exercise  of  such 
power,  does  a  small  association  of  "  voters,"  who  are  united  to- 
gether for  the  purpose  of  securing  a  number  of  other  "  votes  " 
that  is  sufficient  to  enable  it  to  put  some  of  its  active  members 
into  public  office  where  they  can  more  effectually  protect  and  help 
"The  Organization,"  possess  any  such  right?  And  if  it  is  not 
right  for  such  associations  to  create  through  permanent  organiza- 
tion a  Power  of  their  owti  and  exercise  it  in  political  administration, 
is  it  right  for  the  people  to  let  them  do  so  or  let  them  continue 
to  do  so? 

A  Political  Majority  Is  a  Political  Means.  —  A  Political  Major- 
ity cannot  exercise  political  power  or  political  authority.      It  is 


THE   DOCTRINE   OF   MAJORITY   RULE  89 

merely  an  expression  of  Administrative  Will.  It  is  not  an  estab- 
lished governmental  agency  having  the  permanence  in  existence 
and  organization  which  is  necessary  to  that  exercise.  It  is  called 
into  being  and  operation  repeatedly,  and  generally  during  each 
period  of  administration,  and  for  the  sole  purpose  of  indicating 
what  general  action  the  collective  sovereign  shall  take  from  time 
to  time.  In  other  words,  it  is  the  accredited  means  for  ascertain- 
ing the  temporary  administrative  will  of  the  people,  and  not  the 
will  of  any  party,  or  majority  of  individuals,  within  the  body 
politic.  It  is  "  The  People  "  who  govern  and  not  majorities  of 
any  kind.  "  The  People  "  decide  through  an  exercise  of  political 
power  what  shall  be  done  and  The  Government  decides  through 
an  exercise  of  authority  how  it  shall  be  done.  According  to  our 
theory  of  government  all  of  the  political  power  of  the  people  is 
exercised  by  the  people,  and  all  of  the  authority  they  have  created 
is  exercised  by  their  representative  administrative  agency ; 
consequently  there  is  nothing  of  political  power  or  authority  left 
to  be  exercised  by  majorities  or  parties  of  any  kind. 

Successive  Majorities.  It  is  the  people  who  protect  the  rights 
of  individuals  and  not  a  majority  of  the  people.  These  rights 
are  being  constantly  affected  by  the  economic  progress  of  society 
and  require  to  be  constantly  protected  and  readjusted.  Political 
majorities  are  the  means  enabling  the  people  from  time  to  time 
to  determine  how  individual  rights  shall  be  justly  protected. 
They  are  merely  expressions  of  the  public  will  in  which  everj^  one 
participates,  some  by  voice  and  some  by  vote.  They  are  mainly 
directed  towards  the  passage  of  statutory  law.  Taken  together 
they  comprise  one  continuous  "  social  contract  "  by  means  of 
which  each  individual  can  not  only  invoke  the  whole  power  of  the 
community  in  the  continuous  protection  of  his  own  person  and 
his  own  property,  but  can  assist  in  protecting  the  rights  and  prop- 
erty of  others.  Considered  as  separate  expressions  of  the  social 
contract  they  are  to  occur  frequently.  The  periods  of  administra- 
tion were  purposely  made  short,  partly  to  enable  the  people  to 
speedily  decide  the  constantly  recurring  questions  raised  by  the 
rapidly  changing  relationships  between  individuals  during  economic 
development,  and  thus  to  avoid  the  possible  necessity  for  revolu- 
tionary action  ;  and  there  can  be  no  question  that  The  Fathers  in- 
tended that  administration  should  proceed  according  to  the  people's 
will  as  expressed  by  a  constant  succession  of  political  majorities, 
and  not  according  to  the  will  of  any  majority  of  individuals,  or 
the  will  of  any  permanently  organized  association  of  individuals. 


90  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

The  Original  Doctrine :  Majority  Rule,  defined  as  it  applies 
to  political  administration,  means  that  as  questions  of  State 
Policy  arise  from  time  to  time,  they  shall  in  each  instance,  and 
from  time  to  time,  be  decided  in  accordance  with  the  strongest 
collective  will  in  the  community.  There  will  always  be  opposite 
wills  in  the  community,  and,  as  opposite  wills  can  not  prevail  at 
the  same  time,  in  the  same  society,  and  on  the  same  subject, 
the  people  agree  beforehand  that  the  particular  will  which  is 
supported  by  the  greater  number  of  adherents  at  the  stated  times 
of  expression  shall  be  the  administrative  policy  of  the  Common- 
wealth until  changed  in  the  ordained  manner. 

But  the  doctrine  also  means  more  than  this.  Freedom, 
Equality,  and  Justice  are  principles  governing  individual  politi- 
cal action.  The  doctrine  recognizes  the  political  freedom  and 
equality  of  each  elector.  It  also  presupposes  that  each  elector 
has  the  absolute  right,  and  the  opportunity  as  well,  to  cast  a  vote 
that  is  fully  expressive  and  decisive  of  his  own  political  will. 
The  doctrine  is  also  intended  to  be  fully  supportive  of  the  Principles 
of  Association  and  of  the  governmental  agreement ;  and  from  this 
it  follows  that  the  community  is  morally  bound  to  avoid  the  use 
of  any  agency,  means,  or  method,  political  or  otherwise,  that 
hampers  the  perfectly  free  formation  of  political  majorities. 

Mayflower  Compact.  Our  form  of  the  doctrine  first  found 
expression  in  the  "  Compact  "  signed  by  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  on 
board  the  Mayflower,  wherein  each  individual,  considering  himself 
as  an  integral  unit  of  a  Body  Politic,  bound  himself  by  implication 
to  be  governed  in  his  future  political  action  by  a  majority  of  wills 
directed  to  the  regulation  of  public  and  of  private  affairs.  It  first 
found  practical  application  in  the  New  England  Colonies,  not 
only  to  the  decision  of  questions  of  Policy,  but  to  the  decision  of 
questions  of  Candidacy ;  for  there  a  majority  of  more  than  one- 
half  of  the  whole  vote  was  required  to  elect  the  executive  and 
legislative  members  in  The  Government. 

Questions  of  Candidacy :  The  doctrine  as  applied  to  the 
decision  of  questions  of  State  Policy  has  never  been  universally 
applied  in  the  decision  of  questions  of  Candidacy.  Here,  for 
various  reasons,  the  term  "  majority  "  has  been  given  an  entirely 
new  meaning,  with  many  variants.  Here,  the  meaning  *'  greater 
of  two  similar  numbers  "  or  "  more  than  one-half  of  the  whole 
number  "  gives  place  to  the  idea  of  "  the  greatest  number  among 
several  similar  numbers." 

This  last-mentioned  meaning  has    been  called  into  existence 


THE   DOCTRINE   OF   MAJORITY   RULE  91 

through  the  use  and  employment  of  many  different  customs, 
usages,  and  expedients  which  pervade  the  several  systems  for 
obtaining  representation  in  The  Government.  Original  political 
deficiencies  begat  political  necessities ;  these  in  turn  begat  political 
expedients;  and  the  use  of  expedients  (always  producing  results 
that  are  different  from  the  results  that  were  originally  intended) 
has  worked  insidiously  to  rob  the  doctrine  of  much  of  its  intended 
force  and  effect  as  a  rule  of  moral  action.  If  but  one  candidate 
for  one  office  was  voted  for  on  one  ballot,  then  the  doctrine  could 
apply  to  questions  of  candidacy  with  the  same  effect  as  it  is 
intended  to  apply  to  questions  of  policy.  But  assumed  practical 
necessities  have  caused  us  to  adopt  the  practice  of  voting  for 
several  candidates  for  several  offices  on  one  ballot.  This  changes 
a  ballot  into  a  "  Ticket,"  and  the  vote  into  a  vote  for  a  collective 
set  of  candidates.  As  the  set  of  candidates  is  usually  named  by  a 
"  Party,"  this  changes  the  vote  into  a  vote  for  a  "  Party  Ticket  " 
instead  of  a  vote  for  a  candidate  to  one  office.  Our  present  ques- 
tions of  candidacy  do  not  resemble  such  questions  as  originally 
conceived  ;  and  the  attempt  to  apply  to  the  decision  of  such  ques- 
tions a  doctrine  that  was  intended  to  apply  only  to  the  decision  of 
one  single  question  at  a  time  has  served  to  obscure  the  true 
meanings  of  the  doctrine ;  has  served  to  weaken  the  force  of  the 
doctrine  when  properly  used ;  and,  when  results  are  considered, 
it  gives  it  the  appearance  of  possessmg  other  meanings  than  the 
ones  it  was  intended  to  have. 

The  Modem  Doctrine :  The  original  doctrine  related  to  a 
specific  character  of  political  Rule ;  but  the  modern  doctrine 
appears  to  relate  much  more  to  "  majorities  of  individuals  "  or 
majorities  of  "  votes  "  than  to  the  character  of  administrative 
rule. 

The  expedient  of  making  the  decision  of  a  question  of  policy 
rest  upon  the  success  in  electing  candidates  naturally  makes  an 
individual  most  immediately  anxious  to  get  votes  for  the  candidate 
who  in  so)ne  way  or  another  is  made  to  stand  for  the  application 
of  the  individual's  will. 

The  danger  which  lies  in  this  method  of  action  is  the  likelihood 
that  Political  Principles  will  be  lost  sight  of  in  the  discussion 
of  the  personal  qualities  or  the  relative  merits  of  the  candidates ; 
and  that  personal  feelings  will  override  the  sense  of  political 
obligations  while  working  to  get  a  majority  of  votes.  There  is 
also  danger  that  the  majority,  rather  than  a  right  application  of  a 
just  principle,  will  become  the  immediate  object  worked  for,  and 


92  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

that  the  getting  of  majorities,  no  matter  how,  but  getting  them, 
will  seem  to  be  the  only  way  by  which  an  individual  can  partici- 
pate in  political  administration.  But  if  in  acting  the  individual 
violates  the  doctrine  of  his  action,  then  what  he  actually  does  is 
to  put  a  violated  doctrine  into  operation  instead  of  the  true  one. 

Plurality  Rule :  This  plan  of  mixing  questions  of  Candidacy 
with  questions  of  Policy  also  works  badly  in  other  respects.  Given 
a  close  state  election  in  which  the  voters  are  about  evenly  divided 
in  opinion  between  the  support  of  four  sets  of  administrative  beliefs, 
each  of  which  is  advocated  by  a  separate  set  of  candidates,  then, 
in  that  event,  it  becomes  a  practical  impossibility  to  secure  a 
"  majority  of  more  than  one-half  of  the  voters  "  or  a  "  majority  of 
more  than  one-half  of  the  vote  cast."  Also,  and  because  no  limit 
is  set  to  the  number  of  candidates  for  one  office,  it  might  frequently 
happen,  were  an  actual  majority  required  to  elect,  that  the  work  of 
administration  might  be  seriously  hampered  through  a  failure  to 
fill  the  offices.  Where  the  Township  System  of  local  self-govern- 
ment obtains,  a  majority  of  more  than  one-half  is  usually  required 
to  elect  the  superior  officers  ;  but  where  the  County  System  and  the 
Compromise  System  obtain,  a  candidate,  when  more  than  two  are 
in  the  field,  is  deemed  to  be  elected  if  he  has  received  a  larger 
number  of  votes  than  either  of  the  others  ;  thus,  making  it  possible, 
where  there  are  four  candidates  for  the  same  office,  to  elect  one 
who  has  one  vote  more  than  one-fourth  of  all  the  votes  cast ;  and 
the  same  possibility  of  election  holds  good  whether  the  total  vote 
is  divided  between  four  "  Party  Tickets  "  or  four  separate  candi- 
dates. 

The  result  under  such  a  method  is  called  an  election  by  plurality ; 
and  the  consequent  management  of  public  and  private  affairs 
under  this  scheme  of  action  is  sometimes  called  Plurality  Rule. 

Where  the  scheme  of  Plurality  Rule  is  put  in  operation  great 
changes  take  place  immediately  in  the  individual's  capacity  to 
participate  in  political  administration  freely,  and  to  be  represented 
effectively  in  The  Government.  Elections  are  frequent  under 
Plurality  Rule  where  considerably  less  than  one-half  of  the  voters 
voting  elect  the  majority  of  representatives  in  the  administrative 
bodies.  At  such  times  even  the  will  of  the  greater  number  of  the 
voters  becomes  inoperative,  and  the  Doctrine  of  Majority  Rule 
considered  as  a  political  maxim  also  becomes  inoperative  in  prac- 
tise. How  these  changes  in  meaning  and  status  are  brought  about 
in  detail  will  be  considered  further  in  the  chapters  on  Political 
Representation. 


THE   DOCTRINE   OF   MAJORITY  RULE  93 

Partizan  Party  Rule :  Probably  those  who  established  our 
system  of  State  Folity  believed  that  the  term  "  Majority  "  would 
always  mean  a  "  IVIajority  of  Wills  "  whether  that  meaning  was 
given  the  force  of  a  legal  definition  or  not.  They  probably 
believed  that  the  term  "  Majority  Rule  "  would  continue  to  mean 
"  Political  administration  according  to  the  consensus  of  political 
wills  in  the  community  "  whether  individuals  were  compelled  by 
law  to  put  this  construction  on  the  term  or  not.  Apparently  they 
did  not  appreciate  the  necessity  for  regulating  definitely  every  step 
of  individual  administrative  action.  But  be  this  as  it  may.  They 
failed  to  ordain  an  adequate  and  comprehensive  administrative 
system,  and  in  this  omission  they  left  the  extensive  field  of 
administrative  action  msufficiently  protected  by  law  and  open 
to  exploitation. 

Of  course  the  mere  ordainment  of  such  a  system  will  not  of 
itself  change  human  nature  or  prevent  the  perpetration  of  all 
possible  political  offenses.  But  the  existence  of  such  a  system 
would  serve  to  remove  in  advance  of  political  effort  many  of  the 
mental  bewilderments  and  difficulties  with  which  the  path  of 
democratic  administrative  action  is  beset.  Since  it  is  natural  in 
men,  irrespective  of  their  moral  fitness,  to  seize  upon  the  exercise 
of  political  power  and  political  authority  whenever  the  opportunity 
presents,  the  necessity  exists  at  the  beginning  of  democratic  action 
for  The  Commonwealth  to  establish  and  ordain  the  use  of  logical 
and  legal  methods  for  the  right  transaction  of  every  individual 
act  in  the  whole  process  of  administration. 

In  the  first  place,  without  logical  methods,  there  is  danger  that 
political  action  by  the  individual  may  gradually  cease  to  be  demo- 
cratic in  kind  because  of  the  introduction  of  undemocratic  methods 
of  action. 

In  the  second  place,  without  legal  methods,  there  is  danger  that 
the  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  may  be 
taken  easily  (by  those  who  are  greedy  for  the  exercise  of  Power) 
out  of  the  hands  of  The  Collective  Sovereign  where  it  was  placed 
originally. 

In  the  third  place,  the  mere  existence  of  such  a  system  serves 
to  lessen  the  opportunities  for  the  misuse  (intentional  or  otherwise) 
of  such  power  and  authority  by  individuals  or  by  groups  of  in- 
dividuals. 

In  the  fourth  place,  and  in  the  absence  of  such  a  system,  opportu- 
nities for  illogical  (and  therefore  improper)  action  are  presented 
all  along  the  line  of  effort  and  The  Sovereign  is  forced  to  turn  to 


94  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

its  servant  The  Legislature  for  speedy  relief.  But  statutory  regu- 
lations of  political  action  are  generally  powerless  to  produce 
"  Pure  "  political  action.  Statutory  regulations  are  usually  mere 
prohibitions  against  the  exercise  of  wrong  influences  at  some  one 
specific  stage  of  political  action,  and  do  not  prevent  the  exercise 
of  such  influences  at  other  times  and  at  other  stages  of  action. 
Political  action  cannot  be  rendered  pure  by  regulating  the  trans- 
action of  individual  work  in  any  one  of  its  stages  alone.  If  The 
Law  is  to  help  in  purifying  political  action,  it  must  be  Law  which 
covers  individual  action  in  each  step  of  each  stage ;  and  such  Law 
should  possess  the  sanction  and  approval  of  The  Commonwealth 
in  order  to  give  it  the  necessary  obligatory  force. 

Since  also  it  is  natural  in  men  to  avoid  onerous  labor  whenever 
possible,  the  necessity  immediately  arises  at  the  beginning  of  the 
truly  burdensome  work  of  political  administration  for  The  Sover- 
eign to  provide  a  system  for  the  proper  transaction  of  that  work  and 
not  leave  its  individual  units  in  doubt  or  perplexity  concerning 
the  proper  discharge  of  their  political  obligations  and  duties. 

In  the  first  place,  such  a  system  (showing  how  political  power 
and  authority  are  to  be  rightfully  used  by  individuals  both  in  and 
out  of  office)  would  serve  to  make  political  work  easier  to  the  in- 
dividual. 

In  the  second  place,  it  would  serve  to  gradually  instruct  the 
individual  in  political  morality. 

In  the  third  place,  it  would  gradually  instruct  the  individual 
how  to  keep  the  exercise  of  political  power  in  his  own  hands,  and 
how  to  secure  a  proper  exercise  of  political  authority  from  his 
neighbor.  Under  such  a  system  doubts  would  be  removed  to  a 
large  extent.  Settled  habits  of  right  political  action  could  be 
formed,  and  the  transaction  of  political  work  would  be  made 
attractive  as  the  individual  realized  that  he  was  exercising  The 
Supreme  Power  for  rightful  ends. 

But  when,  in  the  absence  of  such  a  system,  The  Partizan  Party 
succeeded  at  last  in  establishing  itself  as  the  leader,  organizer,  and 
controller  of  administrative  action,  it  had  succeeded  also  in  attach- 
ing new  and  partizan  meanings  to  every  idea  connected  with 
political  administration.  The  old  names  were  retained  unaltered, 
but  used  henceforth  solely  for  "  Party  "  slogan  purposes.  The 
names  served  to  deceive  the  people  into  the  belief  that  they  were 
still  a  united  Collective  Sovereign,  and  acting  as  such.  But 
Public  Opinion  —  Manufactured  by  "  The  Party."  Nominations 
—  For    Sale    by    "The    Party."     Representatives  —  Of    "The 


THE   DOCTRINE   OF   MAJORITY   RULE  95 

Party."  Responsibility  —  Enforced  by  "The  Party."  In- 
dividual Freedom  in  political  action  —  Yes !  Join  any  Partizan 
Party  you  please.  The  Ballot  —  No !  Party  Ticket  now.  Politics 
—  A  Business  pure  and  simple.  Public  Office  —  The  reward  of 
"  Party  Regularity."  Political  Preferment  —  Easily  obtained 
through  Partizan  Action.  Statesmanship  —  The  province  of 
"  The  Boss."  Statesmen  —  High  "  Party  Officials."  Individual 
Morality  —  A  negligible  quantity.  Public  Morals  —  A  mere 
catchphrase  !     Every  man  has  his  price ! 

The  "  Majorities  "  which  henceforth  were  to  determine  the 
character  of  the  "  Rule  "  were  to  be  majorities  of  "  Party  votes," 
obtained  (whenever  "  Party  Success  "  required  it)  by  cajolery, 
intimidation,  corruption,  bribery,  deceit,  fraud,  assault,  repeating, 
ballot-box  stuffing,  tissue  ballots,  gerrymandering,  false  returns, 
manipulation,  and  the  breaking  do^^Ti  of  private  morals  generally. 

The  "  Rule  "  which  the  commonwealth  was  to  enjoy  and  trans- 
mit to  future  generations  was  henceforth  to  be  a  Partizan  Party 
Rule  as  put  in  operation  by  the  representatives  elected  to  office 
by  the  majorities  obtained  in  the  manner  outlined  above. 

Now,  in  passing  from  this  subject,  it  is  but  fair  to  say  that  The 
Partizan  Party  is  not  wholly  to  blame  for  setting  aside  the  Doctrine 
of  INIajority  Rule.  We,  the  people,  have  been  and  still  are  wo- 
fully  shortsighted  in  our  political  vision.  But  The  Partizan  Party 
(considered  as  the  professed  and  trusted  Savior  of  American 
Democracy)  is,  however,  largely  responsible  for  this  action,  be- 
cause, instead  of  trying  honestly  to  correct  the  faults  in  our 
administrative  system  (as  a  true  political  leader  should  do)  it  has 
uniformly,  systematically,  dishonestly,  and  hypocritically  striven 
to  turn  these  faults  to  its  own  peculiar  advantage,  notwithstanding 
that  this  action  on  its  part  has  always  had  the  effect  of  destroying 
the  force  and  influence  of  the  principles  and  doctrines  of  political 
action  which  The  Sovereign  laid  down  originally  as  the  basis  of 
righteous  administrative  action  by  The  People. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   OBLIGATIONS   OF   SOVEREIGNTY  AND    THE  DUTIES 

OF  CITIZENSHIP 

In  the  political  sense  of  the  term,  The  State  is  an  independent 
body  of  individuals  united  together  under  a  Form  of  Government. 

The  word  "  independent "  means,  that  the  united  body  of  in- 
dividuals acknowledges  no  superior  body  to  which  it  owes  alle- 
giance. 

The  State  and  "  The  Individuals  of  The  State  "  are  equivalent 
political  expressions.  For  short,  we  term  the  individuals  of  the 
state  "  The  People." 

Government  implies  the  exercise  of  Power. 

Self-Government  implies  the  exercise  of  Power  by  The  People. 

The  power  exercised  is  the  united  powers  of  the  individuals  who 
compose  The  State.  If  large  numbers  of  individuals  withdraw 
from  a  body  politic,  the  power  of  The  State  is  immediately  lessened. 

The  power  exercised  in  government  is  called  The  Supreme  Power. 

The  Supreme  Power  is  created  when  individuals  unite  them- 
selves together  as  a  Political  State  for  the  independent  management 
of  the  affairs  of  The  State,  and  of  the  affairs  of  the  individual. 

The  word  "  Sovereign  "  expresses  the  idea  of  the  absence  of 
outside  restraint  upon  volition.  It  is  synonymous  with  the  word 
"dominant." 

Political  Sovereignty  expresses  the  idea  of  the  possession  and 
the  exercise  of  The  Supreme  Power. 

Political  Sovereignty,  like  the  Supreme  Power,  springs  into  exis- 
tence with  the  birth  of  the  independent  State  ;  and  it  is  impossible 
to  think  of  political  sovereignty,  or  of  the  supreme  power,  except 
in  connection  with  The  State.  It  is  an  attribute  of,  or  a  character- 
istic attaching  itself  to,  either  the  individual,  or  the  body  of 
individuals,  who  exercise  The  Supreme  Power. 

In   the  American   commonwealths,    "  The   People "   are  The 

96 


THE   OBLIGATIONS   OF   SOVEREIGNTY  97 

Sovereign,  and  exercise  their  attribute,  Sovereignty.  By  this 
statement  I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  intimating  that  the 
American  commonwealths  -are  Sovereign  States.  They  are  not, 
and  never  were,  although  some  of  them  claimed  to  be ;  but  the 
claim  was  made  after  they  had  already  relinquished  the  exercise 
of  supreme  power  for  national  objects  to  The  Nation.  But  in 
the  regulation  of  their  own  affairs,  both  public  and  private,  The 
People  of  the  States  are  The  Sovereign. 

Before  beginning  political  administration,  the  individuals  of  a 
State  agree  that  the  object  of  government  shall  be  the  promotion 
of  the  General  Welfare  according  to  certain  broadly  conceived 
but  epigramatically  expressed  ideas  of  right  action. 

The  General  Welfare  means  the  welfare  of  The  State  and  the 
welfare  of  The  Individual. 

The  effect  of  this  governmental  agreement  is  to  put  the  Collec- 
tive Sovereign  under  the  obligation : 

First :  To  promote  the  Welfare  of  The  State. 

Second  :  To  promote  the  Welfare  of  The  Individual. 

Third :  To  act  as  a  Sovereign  strictly  in  accord  with  the  Prin- 
ciples of  the  State  Polity ;    and 

Fourth  :  To  compel  all  of  its  individual  units  to  act  in  a  similar 
manner. 

For  some  purposes  the  Collective  Sovereign  itself  acts. 

For  other  purposes  the  Collective  Sovereign  acts  through  the 
existing  body  of  Electors. 

For  still  other  purposes  the  Collective  Sovereign  acts  through 
the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  departments  of  its  political 
agency,  The  Government. 

As  for  the  manner  of  its  acting,  the  Collective  Sovereign  is 
bound  by  the  Principles  of  Democratic  Action.  These  principles 
require  a  united  and  direct  exercise  of  political  power  by  the 
Sovereign ;  a  united  and  direct  exercise  of  political  authority  by 
its  administrative  agencies ;  and  a  direct,  personal  exercise  of 
authority  by  its  executive  officials. 

But  the  individual  is  not  always  acting  in  a  political  capacity. 
Part  of  the  time  he  is  at  liberty  to  exercise  his  Individual  Power 
in  his  own  private  affairs. 

From  this  it  appears  that  each  individual  in  a  free  commonwealth 
acts  in  a  dual  capacity.  In  the  exercise  of  political  power  he  acts 
as  a  Sovereign.  In  the  exercise  of  individual  power  along  social 
or  economic  lines  he  acts  as  a  citizen  owing  allegiance  to  The  State. 

While  acting  in  the  capacity  of  a  Sovereign,  and  either  to  estab- 


98  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

lish  Government  or  to  administer  it,  he  is  under  a  broad,  general 
obligation  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  The  State,  and  the  ordained 
status  of  The  Individual. 

When  acting  in  a  private  capacity,  he  is  specifically  bound  to 
observe  the  rights  of  others. 

He  is  also  morally  bound  to  maintain  the  rights  of  others,  as 
otherwise  he  stands  in  danger  of  losing  his  own  rights. 

While  engaged  with  others  in  exercising  the  Powers  of  Establish- 
ment, or  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration,  he  is  bound  by 
all  the  various  obligations  that  always  rest  upon  The  Sovereign. 
These  various  obligations  of  the  sovereign,  when  grouped  together, 
make  up  the  inclusive  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  as  set  forth  on 
page  102. 

When  acting  independently  of  others,  he  is  held  to  be  governed 
by  certain  concepts,  which,  when  taken  together,  declare  the  Duties 
of  Citizenship. 

In  the  main  these  duties  consist  in  using  individual  power  in 
the  various  stages  of  political  administration  solely  for  the  objects 
which  the  community  has  ordained,  and  solely  in  accordance  with 
the  spirit  and  the  intent  of  the  original  governmental  agreement. 

The  Individual  may,  in  one  period  of  administration,  be  called 
upon  to  act  as  a  Sovereign-unit,  as  an  Electoral  unit,  as  a  Legislative 
or  as  a  Judicial  unit,  or  as  an  Executive  official ;  but  no  matter 
in  what  capacity  he  acts,  he  still  retains  his  other  capacities  for 
action,  and  he  is  under  the  obligation  to  act  in  each  and  any  of 
these  capacities  so  that  he  does  not  impair  his  other  capacities 
for  right  action.  He  has  an  intricate  and  difficult  task  to  accom- 
plish. His  duties  are  imposed  by  the  Collective  Sovereign.  How 
is  he  to  know  what  they  are  in  each  separate  instance.  How  is  he 
to  act  so  that  in  the  end  The  Sovereign  shall  take  right  action  ? 

Theoretically,  it  is  The  Sovereign  only  that  exercises  political 
power.  The  acts  of  a  collective  sovereign,  however,  must  be  the 
result  of  the  acts  of  the  individuals  who  compose  it ;  for  it  is  only 
through  the  acts  of  its  individuals  that  a  decision  is  reached 
concerning  what  shall  be  the  act  of  The  Sovereign. 

Practically,  then,  right  action  on  the  part  of  The  Sovereign  can 
only  be  obtained  through  right  action  on  the  part  of  its  individual 
units.  Right  individual  political  action  may  be  broadly  defined 
in  passing  as  action  which  makes  the  true  intent  and  spirit  of  the 
State  Polity  fully  operative.  But  this  is  too  broad  a  definition  to 
be  of  practical  assistance.  It  points  to  Principles  of  Actions; 
but  does  not  show  how  they  can  be  applied  in  daily  practise. 


THE   OBLIGATIONS   OF   SO\^REIGNTY  99 

Also  it  is  the  duty  of  the  individual  to  act  rightly  both  in  pur- 
pose and  in  the  manner  of  his  action. 

His  status  as  a  citizen,  and  the  general  purpose  of  his  action, 
is  actually  determined  for  him  by  the  exercise  of  the  Powers  of 
Establishment,  and  when  they  are  exercised. 

The  manner  of  his  action,  that  is,  the  specific  way  of  accom- 
plishing all  of  his  several  minor  political  acts,  should  also  be 
prescribed  by  the  exercise,  and  at  the  time  of  the  exercise  of  these 
same  powers ;  for  it  is  one  of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  to 
prescribe  the  Duties  of  Citizenship. 

The  Sovereign  must  rule,  the  citizen  must  obey ;  but  the  citizen 
cannot  obey  intelligently  unless  The  Sovereign  has  ordained  a 
rule  of  action  beforehand. 

The  obedience  of  the  citizen  consists  in  a  rightful  participation 
in  the  management  of  public  affairs,  and  in  the  rightful  manage- 
ment of  his  own  affairs.  His  interests  clash.  Left  to  himself  he 
falls  into  doubt  and  perplexity. 

The  principles  of  the  State  Polity  serve  only  to  indicate  the  kind 
of  action  desired. 

Standing  by  themselves,  that  is,  unsupported  by  a  "  Rule  of 
Action,"  they  can  not  insure  right  action.  Their  force  is 
phylacterial  in  nature  ;  that  is,  they  serve  to  remind  the  individual 
of  his  duty  to  put  them  in  operation ;  but,  because  there  is  no 
stated  rule  for  making  them  operative,  their  force  lacks  the  com- 
pelling power  of  Law. 

The  individual  may  be  animated  with  a  right  motive ;  but  the 
way  in  which  he  transacts  each  specific  detail  of  his  work  will,  in 
the  end,  determine  the  actual  character  of  his  work ;  and,  before 
he  can  be  sure  that  he  has  acted  rightly  throughout,  he  must 
possess  an  understandable  rule  governing  the  performance  of 
each  specific  act. 

There  is  just  as  much  necessity  for  a  graven  set  of  command- 
ments regulating  Administrative  Action  as  ever  existed  for  a  set 
of  commandments  regulating  social  or  religious  action. 

With  us,  the  exercise  of  Political  Power  is  only  bestowed  upon 
the  individual  in  order  that  he,  through  its  proper  exercise  with 
others,  shall  secure  himself,  his  fellows,  and  his  and  their  successors, 
in  the  possession  of  Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice  as 
ordained.  Through  the  rightful  enjoyment  and  maintenance  of 
these  conditions  of  existence  the  individual  is  supposed  to  secure 
his  personal  welfare  and  happiness,  and  that  of  others. 

Also,  being  politically  free,  the  individual  is  supposedly  capable 


100  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

(or  if  each  single  one  is  not,  then  at  least  a  majority  of  them  are 
supposedly  capable)  of  devising  a  logical  system  for  maintaining, 
enjoying,  and  transmitting  the  Blessings  flowing  from  fi^e/f-Govern- 
ment. 

Political  Freedom  is  moral  freedom.  Considered  as  a  personal 
status,  it  is  immunity  from  all  restraint  upon  the  political  action 
of  the  individual  except  that  exerted  by  reason  and  conscience. 
But  moral  freedom,  as  ordained,  can  not  contmue  to  exist  in  the 
absence  of  a  Law  regulating  its  maintenance;  and  in  order  that 
each  Sovereign-unit  shall  be  able  to  quickly  determine  before  it  is 
too  late  whether,  in  each  specific  instance,  he  is,  or  others  are, 
acting  in  accord  with  the  spirit  and  intent  of  the  State  Polity, 
he  must  be  provided  with  a  code  of  instructions  or  a  system  of 
action  which,  when  put  into  operation  by  The  Sovereign,  will 
assist  in  making  that  spirit  and  intent  operative  in  individual 
action. 

If  the  system  he  uses  does  not  do  that,  then  it  must  do  something 
else ;  and  if  it  does  do  something  else,  then  the  political  freedom 
of  the  individual  is  impaired,  and  the  continued  possession  of  his 
status  is  imperiled. 

Furthermore,  the  safety  of  The  Commonwealth  requires  that 
no  question  whatever  regarding  the  meaning  and  intent  of  its 
Polity  shall  be  left  open  to  construction  by  those  who  exercise 
political  power  or  authority ;  otherwise,  society  will  be  kept  in  a 
ferment  of  political  uncertainty  by  a  constant  discussion  of 
political  meanings.  If  while  society  is  divided  in  political  belief 
those  in  authority  persist  either  honestly  or  dishonestly  in  apply- 
ing their  own  belief  to  the  exclusion  of  the  other,  then  society 
stands  in  danger  of  disruption  either  through  secession  or  revolu- 
tion. 

The  continuous  possession  by  the  individual  of  the  ordained 
conditions  of  existence  also  requires  that  no  question  as  to  the 
duties  of  citizenship  shall  be  left  open  to  construction  by  those  who 
participate  in  the  exercise  of  the  Supreme  Power.  If  the  individual 
is  to  remain  possessed  of  an  ordained  status,  then  he  and  all  of 
his  fellows  must  at  all  times  know  exactly  how  he  and  they  must 
act  politically  in  order  to  maintain  that  status. 

The  individual  must  receive  this  instruction  from  the  Collective 
Sovereign.  Where  Church  is  separated  from  State,  the  people 
determine  the  morality  of  political  action.  The  Majority  of  Wills, 
when  freely  formed,  is  the  Public  Conscience  as  to  what  is  right, 
as  well  as  the  Public  Judgment  concerning  policy. 


THE   OBLIGATIONS   OF   SOVEREIGNTY  101 

The  Collective  Sovereign  is  the  only  superior  of  the  individual ; 
and  it  is  under  the  obligation  to  tell  the  individual  what  is  right, 
and  how  to  act.  It  is  unsafe  for  the  Collective  Sovereign  not  to 
tell  him ;  for  unless  individuals  know  exactly  what  is  required  of 
them,  then  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  an  established  Public 
INIorals  or  a  definite  Public  Conscience  as  a  guide  to  right  political 
action. 

In  the  absence  of  any  rule  of  action  the  citizen  is  unbound,  and 
The  Commonwealth  is  in  so  much  rendered  impotent. 

In  the  absence  of  a  logical  rule  of  action,  the  citizen  can  honestly 
take  improper  action,  and  The  Commonwealth  cannot  reasonably 
punish  him. 

Under  an  illogical,  or  an  indefinite,  or  an  incomprehensive 
administrative  system,  serious,  harmful,?irritating,  and  exhausting 
friction  is  produced  in  the  work  of  administration. 

If  the  Collective  Sovereign  neglects  to  provide  its  members 
beforehand  with  a  stated  method  for  the  exercise  of  every  power 
and  every  authority,  then,  through  this  omission,  it  practically 
brings  about  the  following  undesirable  political  situations : 

It  leaves  its  individuals  without  a  standard  of  duty  in  reference 
to  the  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration. 

It  leaves  its  individuals  without  any  adequate  and  reasonable 
means  and  rules  by  which  to  enforce  a  proper  exercise  of  such 
powers  from  other  individuals. 

It  leaves  its  public  officials  without  instruction  as  to  what  the 
specific  duties  of  their  offices  really  are. 

It  leaves  them  also  without  the  means  to  prevent  either  en- 
croachments upon  the  exercise  of  their  specific  authority  or  to 
prevent  the  injection  of  duties  upon  the  office  that  are  foreign  to 
the  purpose  of  the  office. 

Finally,  The  Commonwealth  itself  is  left  without  a  rule,  or  the 
means,  or  the  ability,  to  speedily  and  reasonably  enforce  proper 
action  from  either  individuals  or  officials. 

Unless  the  rule  of  action  is  logical,  definite,  and  comprehensive, 
an  enormous  waste  in  energy,  efficiency,  and  time  results.  The 
Commonwealth  necessarily  remains  continually  in  doubt  con- 
cerning alleged  infractions  of  the  rule,  and  must  listen  to  endless 
controversies  concerning  infractions  between  those  who  selfishly 
benefit  by  them  and  those  who  unjustly  suffer  by  them.  In  each 
American  Commonwealth  to-day,  doubt  and  impotency  concern- 
ing political  administration  prevail  in  the  place  of  certainty  and 
ability.     There  is  no  question  of  capacity  to  rule,  but  because  in 


102  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

the  past  each  Commonwealth  has  failed  to  properly  regulate  the 
modus  operandi  of  each  separate  stage  of  political  action,  ques- 
tions concerning  the  propriety  of  past,  present,  and  proposed 
action  multiply  indefinitely  and  the  efficiency  of  the  adminis- 
trative action  of  The  Commonwealth  is  seriously  impaired  by 
having  to  spend  so  much  time  over  questions  of  "  Reform." 

The  Separate  Obfigations  of  Sovereignty :  Now  it  makes  no 
difference  whether  the  Supreme  Power  is  exercised  by  a  single 
Sovereign  or  a  Collective  Sovereign ;  the  broad  obligation  to 
promote  the  general  welfare  according  to  the  principles  of  the 
state  polity  remains  the  same. 

But  the  way  in  which  an  Autocrat  discharges  the  obligation 
differs  widely  from  the  way  of  a  Collective  Sovereign. 

The  American  Commonwealths  seek  to  discharge  their  obliga- 
tions through  a  separation  of  powers ;  through  the  use  of  two 
agencies  —  The  Electorate,  and  The  Government ;  and  through 
the  use  of  several  means  —  Leadership,  Organization,  Public 
Opinion,  Majorities,  Representation,  Responsibility,  and  so  on. 

The  Collective  Sovereign  has  to  exercise  the  Supreme  Power  for 
many  separate  and  totally  distinct  purposes,  all  of  which,  when 
properly  accomplished,  contribute  to  the  promotion  of  the  general 
welfare  as  ordained. 

It  proceeds  step  by  step  to  the  final  discharge  of  its  obligation. 

Consequently,  there  is  a  separate  and  distinct  obligation 
to  have  each  step  taken  properly. 

Classified  in  the  order  of  the  exercise  of  Political  Power  for  its 
various  prescribed  purposes,  these  separate  obligations  will  appear 
as  follows : 

As  to  the  Powers  of  Establishment : 

(1)  State  Polity,  Object  of  Government,  Individual  Status. 

To  reach  an  agreement  of  wills  concerning,  first,  the  Polity  of 
The  State;  second,  The  Object  for  which  Government  is  estab- 
lished ;  and  third,  the  distinctive  political,  social,  and  economic 
status  of  the  individual  that  is  to  be  maintained  within  the  body 
politic. 

(2)  The  Supreme  Power,  Agencies. 

To  reach  an  agreement  of  wills  concerning  the  nature  and  seat 
of  the  Supreme  Power,  and  who  individually,  and  what  bodies 
collectively,  shall  exercise  it  directly,  and  indirectly. 

(3)  Separation  of  Powers,  Limits  of  Authority. 

To  reach  an  agreement  of  wills  concerning  the  distribution  of 
the  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  between 


THE   OBLIGATIONS   OF   SOVEREIGNTY  103 


the  three  branches  of  The  Government,  and  to  similarly  agree 
as  to  the  limitations  to  be  set  upon  the  exercise  of  Political 
Authority  in  The  Government. 

(4)  Administrative  System. 

To  reach  an  agreement  of  wills  concerning  the  Means  and  the 
Methods  by  which  each  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration, 
and  each  of  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  shall  be 
exercised  for  its  specific  purpose,  and  to  group  these  mutually 
complementary  methods  into  a  comprehensive  System  of  Political 
Administration. 

(5)  Constitution. 

To  embody  these  several  agreements  in  a  formal  written  state- 
ment, or  Constitution,  which,  as  to  these  matters,  shall  constitute 
the  Fundamental  Law  of  the  body  politic,  that  is,  The  Supreme 
Law. 

Written,  so  that  all  who  can  read  shall  have  the  opportunity  to 
question  and  to  understand. 

Fundamental,  because  it  can  only  be  altered  by  action  of  The 
Sovereign  People. 

(6)  Public  Sanction. 

To  obtain  a  formal  sanction  of  the  proposed  governmental 
regime  from  the  people  by  means  and  methods  acceptable  to  them  ; 
to  fill  the  administrative  offices,  and  to  set  Political  Administration 
in  operation. 

As  to  the  Reserved  Power  of  Amendment : 

(7)  Amendment. 

To  reach  an  agreement  of  wills  concerning  what  individual  acts, 
or  agency  actions,  shall  be  considered  an  intolerable  perversion  of 
the  original  Spirit  and  Intent  of  The  People ;  and  to  similarly  agree 
concerning  the  reasons  for  which  and  the  manner  by  which  the 
fundamental  law  shall  be  altered  in  any  particular. 

The  foregoing  statement  is  intended  merely  to  indicate  the  com- 
posite nature  of  the  broad  Obligation  of  Sovereignty. 

In  some  respects  the  obligation  has  been  properly  discharged. 
The  State  Polity,  The  Object  of  Government,  and  the  Individual 
Status  have  been  fixed  and  determined.  The  nature  and  seat  of 
the  Supreme  Powers  has  been  declared.  Governmental  Agencies 
have  been  ordained.  The  Separation  of  Powers  has  been  made; 
and  in  a  way,  limitations  have  been  put  upon  the  exercise  of  Polit- 
ical Authority. 

But  in  respect  to  the  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Adminis^ 
tration,  and  the  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Adminis- 


104  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

tration,  the  obligation  has  not  been  properly  discharged.  The 
Sovereign  has  never  devised  and  ordained  the  use  of  logical  means 
and  methods  for  their  exercise.  The  character  of  these  means 
and  methods  has  never  been  so  determined  that  the  use  of  means 
and  methods  of  another  character  entailed  a  penalty. 

Regarding  the  means  and  methods  themselves,  their  character 
must  in  reason  be  such  as  fully  reflect  the  Theory  of  Administration 
and  the  Principles  of  the  State  Polity.  They  should  be  only 
those  which  will  give  the  fullest  operative  force  to  these  Principles 
and  this  Theory. 

As  to  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration :  Briefly,  then, 
the  obligation  lies  upon  The  Sovereign  to  provide  and  maintain 
an  Administrative  System  composed  in  part  of  means  and  methods 
as  follows : 

I.  Formation  of  Individual  Will,  Majorities  of  Wills,  Policy. 
That  enable  individual  electors  to  freely  form,  ascertain,  and 

express  their  Wills  on  all  questions  of  Administrative  Policy ;  to 
frame  such  questions  ;  and  to  freely  decide  them  uyon  their  merits 
alone. 

II.  Nominations,  Elections,  Representation. 

That  secure  to  each  individual  elector  the  free  exercise  of  The 
Right  To  Choose  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  selection,  election, 
and  the  appointment  of  the  individuals  who  are  to  fill  the  adminis- 
trative offices  during  the  periods  of  administration  ;  to  the  end  that 
the  kind  of  representation  originally  ordained,  viz.  Representation 
of  Ideas,  shall  be  forever  maintained. 

III.  Control,  Responsiveness. 

That  enable  The  Sovereign  to  speedily  and  efficiently  enforce 
its  will  as  to  administration  upon  its  administrative  agency,  and 
upon  individuals  generally ;  to  the  end  that  Government  shall 
in  fact  be  administered  by  the  people ;  that  the  work  of  the 
administrative  agencies  shall  be  controlled  by  the  people,  and  be 
made  responsive  to  Public  Opinion. 

IV.  Responsibility. 

That  will  enable  The  Sovereign  People  to  freely,  speedily, 
continuously,  effectually,  and  reasonably  enforce  due  responsibility 
upon  every  individual  exercising  any  degree  of  political  power  or 
political  authority ;  and  which  rule  of  action,  in  case  of  serious 
differences  of  opinion,  controversies,  or  disputes,  will  pave  the  way 
towards  easily  invoking  the  exercise  of  the  coercive  power  of  the 
people  through  The  Judiciary. 


THE   DUTIES   OF   CITIZENSHIP  105 

V.    Leadership,  Organization,  Legislative  Impulse. 

That  shall  secure  the  continued  existence  of  a  true  Political 
Leadership  both  in  and  out  of  The  Government ;  that  shall  secure  a 
true  political  Organization  of  individual  electoral  effort;  to  the 
end  that  The  Legislature  and  The  Executive  shall  receive  the  kind 
of  Impulse  that  is  necessary  to  make  action  on  their  part  truly 
representative  of  the  ordained  State  Polity. 

The  separate  obligations  so  far  considered  are  those  more 
especially  connected  with  the  ordained  direct  exercise  of  political 
power  by  individuals,  whether  acting  independently  of  others  or 
with  others. 

From  here  on  we  must  consider  what  distinct  obligations  The 
Sovereign  is  under  in  reference  to  the  ordained  exercise  of  delegated 
political  power,  or  political  Authority. 

Two  Main  Classes  of  Citizenship  Duties :  Our  theory  of 
administration  places  the  duty  upon  all  citizens  who  participate 
in  political  administration  to  exercise  political  power  for  several 
specific  purposes ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  it  places  an  additional 
duty  upon  some  of  the  citizens  to  exercise  political  authority  for 
other  distinct  purposes. 

The  duties  of  citizenship,  therefore,  fall  naturally  into  two 
classes,  viz.  those  relating  to  an  exercise  of  political  power,  and 
those  relating  to  an  exercise  of  political  authority. 

In  this  connection  we  must  remember  two  facts. 

The  first  is  that  the  final  and  completed  exercise  of  the  specific 
authority  of  the  government  is  consummated  in  the  same  way  that 
the  people  consummate  the  exercise  of  political  power,  viz.  through 
the  accomplishment  of  several  separate  and  distinct  series  of  acts 
in  a  regular  order  of  succession. 

The  second  is  that  the  indirect  or  delegated  exercise  of  political 
power  was  originally  intended  to  be  a  direct  exercise  of  political 
authority. 

The  obligations  of  sovereignty  now  to  be  considered  have  more 
especial  reference  to  the  statement  of,  and  the  enforcement  of, 
the  duties  which  are  due  from  citizens  while  acting  in  the  capacity 
of  officials. 

Theoretically,  the  official  is  chosen  to  act  for  the  people,  and 
not  for  any  majority  of  individuals,  or  any  organized  party. 

Theoretically,  the  individual  is  selected  to  act  as  an  official 
partly  because  of  Ws  probity,  partly  because  of  his  superior  sagac- 
ity and  ability,  or  because  he  combines  all  of  these  qualities  and 
elements  of  individual  power  to  a  superior  degree. 


106  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

The  people,  as  The  Sovereign  working  for  the  General  Welfare, 
has  the  right  to  command  the  services  of  such  citizens  during  a 
period  of  administration. 

Theoretically,  the  exercise  of  political  authority  is  bestowed 
upon  such  an  individual  because  he  of  all  others  is  considered  best 
fitted  to  serve  The  Sovereign  for  the  time  being. 

The  Sovereign  commands  a  personal  exercise  of  his  virtue,  sagac- 
ity, and  wisdom. 

How  can  The  Sovereign  effectively  enforce  its  command  for 
personal  service  ? 

Manifestly,  The  Sovereign  cannot  enforce  its  command  if  it 
permits  a  redelegation  of  the  exercise  of  authority  through  the 
surrender  by  the  official  of  the  discharge  of  the  functions  of  his 
office  into  the  hands  of  another,  or  if  it  permits  an  official  to 
become  subject  to  any  other  Will  than  its  own. 

If  The  Sovereign  permits  the  practise  of  redelegating  the  exer- 
cise of  political  authority  to  exist,  then  there  is  nothing  to  prevent 
an  individual  to  whom  the  exercise  of  such  authority  has  been 
redelegated  from  passing  the  exercise  on  to  another,  and  so  on 
until  the  Fundamental  Law  is  rendered  meaningless  and  the 
original  intent  of  The  Sovereign  regarding  the  kind  of  exercise 
required  can  be  set  aside  as  of  no  account. 

If,  in  addition  to  this.  The  Sovereign  permits  its  representative 
to  become  subject  to  any  other  WUl  than  its  own  (like  the  Will  of  a 
Partizan  Party,  for  instance),  then  the  ability  of  The  Sovereign  to 
speedily  and  effectually  control  the  exercise  of  its  owti  authority 
can  be  worn  dowTi  to  the  vanishing  point. 

If  The  Sovereign  does  not  control  the  exercise  of  its  own  author- 
ity, then  whoever  or  whatever  does  control  it  becomes  the  Ruler 
in  fact.  But,  in  the  theory  of  government,  there  is  no  such  idea  as 
a  right  in  the  sovereign  to  relinquish  its  control  in  any  respect. 
On  the  contrary.  The  Sovereign  is  bound  to  keep  the  exercise  of 
political  power  in  its  owti  hands,  and  to  keep  the  exercise  of  political 
authority  entirely  within  the  hands  of  its  representatives.  If  it 
does  not  do  this,  then,  necessarily.  Government  becomes  perverted. 

But  there  is  nothing  in  our  original  plan  of  political  action 
which  makes  it  absolutely  necessary  for  The  Sovereign  to  relin- 
quish the  exercise  of  control.  All  .that  it  has  to  do  in  order  to  rule 
righteously  is  to  act  itself  in  accordance  with  its  ordained  principles 
of  action,  and  to  provide  such  means  and  methods  as  will  enable 
its  sovereign  units  to  act  in  a  similar  manner. 

Our  principles  of  administrative  action,  as  they  relate  to  the  con- 


THE   DUTIES   OF   CITIZENSHIP  107 

trol  of  The  Sovereign  over  the  exercise  of  poHtical  authority,  are 
nowhere  more  clearly  indicated  than  in  the  following  section  (501) 
of  Meechem's  "  Public  Officer." 

"  All  political  power  is  inherent  in  the  people,  and  all  officers 
exercising  governmental  powers  must  derive  their  authority  either 
directly  from  the  people,  or  from  duly  constituted  representatives 
of  the  people,  who  have  either  directly,  or  through  their  represen- 
tatives in  Convention  assembled,  created  such  offices  as  they  deem 
requisite  for  the  proper  management  of  public  affairs,  prescribed 
their  functions  and  declared  the  manner  in  which,  and  the  persons 
by  which,  such  functions  shall  be  exercised." 

In  order  to  speedily  obtain  a  logical  exercise  of  political  authority 
in  an  orderly  and  effective  manner,  the  people,  after  they  have 
created  the  offices,  must : 

First,  prescribe  the  function  of  each  office. 

Second,  declare  the  manner  in  which  the  function  of  each 
office  shall  be  discharged  ;  and 

Third,  themselves  elect  some  of  their  individual  members  to 
fill  the  offices. 

Now  it  makes  no  difference  whether  the  authority  is  to  be 
exercised  by  a  single  individual  or  by  a  body  of  individuals  created 
to  exercise  it ;  the  principle  remains  the  same.  The  exercise  is 
to  be  direct  in  every  sense  of  the  word. 

No  other  Will  but  that  of  the  people  is  to  impart  direction  to 
the  exercise  of  political  authority,  and  no  other  Will  but  that  of 
the  people  shall  control  this  exercise.  The  ordained  relations  be- 
tween the  "  Common  Superior  "  and  its  collective  administrative 
agencies  are  to  be  scrupulously  maintained  and  observed  on  both 
sides. 

But  this  cannot  be  unless  The  Sovereign  has  definitely  prescribed 
beforehand  the  manner  of  agency  action.  For  instance:  if  the 
agency  is  permitted  to  prescribe  its  own  methods  of  action,  what 
guarantee  has  the  community  against  the  prescription  of  expedients 
which  will  ultimately  enable  the  agency  to  control  its  own  action 
and  take  its  own  direction  ?  If  by  good  chance  it  does  neither  of 
these  things,  nevertheless  the  agency,  without  an  ordained  rule  of 
action,  is  in  a  position  that  affords  the  opportunity  for  the  exercise 
over  it  of  a  Will  that  may  be  anything  but  truly  political  in  nature. 

Such  a  permission  on  the  part  of  The  Sovereign  is  suicidal.  If 
The  Sovereign,  using  an  agency,  is  to  rule  rightly,  that  is,  to  effect 
its  ordained  purposes  and  redeem  its  promises,  it  must  be  in 
a  position  at  all  times  to  direct  and  control  every  specific  act  of 


108  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

its  agency.  This,  however,  it  cannot  do,  unless  through  the  force 
of  estabhshed  Law  it  can  direct  and  control  every  act  of  every 
individual  in  the  agency;  for  it  is  by  individual  acts  within  the 
agency  that  the  character  and  effect  of  agency  action  is  determined. 

The  nature  of  Electoral  Action  and  of  Governmental  Action  is 
that  of  trust  action.  The  Electorate  is  a  picked  class  entrusted 
with  the  use  of  the  ballot.  The  offices  in  The  Government  are 
filled  with  selected  individuals  who  are  entrusted  with  a  temporary 
exercise  of  political  authority. 

Trust  action  of  any  kind  is  always  presupposed  to  be  regulated 
beforehand  by  those  who  create  the  trust;  and  the  regulation 
beforehand  of  action  by  a  collective  political  trustee  is  rendered 
peculiarly  necessary  by  the  well-known  fact  that  a  body  of  men 
will  often  do  that  which  an  individual  would  not  dare  to  do  alone. 

As  to  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration :  Finally,  and 
because  The  Sovereign  is  under  the  broad  obligation  to  rule 
rightly  and  logically,  it  is  under  the  following  specific  obligations ; 
namely : 

I.  To  prescribe  the  function  of  all  the  higher  elective  and 
appointive  offices  in  either  branch  of  The  Government,  and  to 
declare  the  manner  in  which  such  functions  shall  be  discharged. 

II.  As  to  the  Executive  Branch. 

To  provide  methods  of  action  definitel}^  and  properly  regulating 
the  delegated  exercise  of  the  executive  powers  of  Appointment  and 
Removal ;  the  Veto  (especially  in  connection  with  the  work  of 
raising  and  disbursing  the  revenues  of  Government),  and  which 
regulations  definitely  declare  the  manner  of  organizing  the  execu- 
tive departments  and  the  systematizing  of  their  action. 

III.  As  to  the  Legislative  Branch. 

To  provide  methods  w'hich  safeguard  the  proper  exercise  of  the 
Delegated  Powers  of  Legislation  by  regulating  the  organizing  of  all 
bodies  exercising  legislative  authority,  and  also  by  regulating  the 
manner  in  which  and  the  system  by  which  the  work  of  such  bodies 
shall  be  transacted. 

IV.  As  to  the  Judicative  Branch. 

To  provide  methods  of  action  which  shall  safeguard  the  proper 
exercise  of  the  delegated  Judicial  Authority  through  regulating  the 
organizing  of  all  judicial  bodies,  by  systematizing  their  action, 
and  by  clearly  specifying  the  manner  in  which  Judicial  Authority 
shall  be  applied  in  the  settlement  of  all  public  controversies  or 
private  contentions  concerning  either  the  exercise  of  political  power, 
political  authority,  or  individual  power. 


THE   DUTIES   OF   CITIZENSHIP  109 

The  above  statement  is  not  intended  to  show  each  and  every 
act  that  calls  for  regulation.  It  is  intended  merely  to  show  the 
composite  nature  of  the  broad  Obligation  of  Sovereignty,  and  the 
connection  it  has  with  the  duties  of  citizenship. 

A  Direct  Discharge  Indispensable.  The  nature  of  the  above- 
named  obligation  is  such  that  its  discharge  cannot  with  safety, 
or  in  reason,  be  delegated  by  The  Sovereign. 

Nor  can  the  proper  discharge  of  its  obligations  by  The  Sovereign 
be  safely  dispensed  with  by  the  individuals  who  compose  the  body 
politic ;  because,  if  the  proper  discharge  of  obligations  that  relate 
to  the  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  and  of  the 
Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  be  not  had,  then  the  oppor- 
tunity is  presented  for  the  substitution  of  an  improper  System  of 
Administration,  or  of  one  not  contemplated  in  our  Theory  of 
Government. 

Lastly,  if  these  sovereign  obligations  have  never  been  wholly 
or  properly  discharged  in  the  past,  nevertheless  they  continue  to 
exist  as  obligations ;  and,  unless  they  are  properly  discharged  by 
some  generation.  The  Commonwealth  will  never  know  whether  it 
is  possible  for  it  to  make  good  its  professions  by  the  use  of  its 
chosen  Form  of  Government. 

If  The  Commonwealth  does  not  properly  discharge  its  sovereign 
obligations,  then  it  cannot  definitely  prescribe  the  Duties  of  Citi- 
zenship ;  and  if  these  are  left  indefinite,  how  can  The  Common- 
wealth ever  hope  to  maintain  a  moral  exercise  of  political  power  and 
political  authority,  not  to  mention  a  moral  exercise  of  individual 
power  ? 


CHAPTER  VIII 
POLITICAL  AGENCIES,  THE   ELECTORATE 

The  Right  to  Choose :  The  American  Commonwealths  proceed 
upon  the  theory  that  a  certain  degree  of  capacity  is  required  in  all 
individuals  who  are  to  participate  directly  in  the  exercise  of 
Political  Power. 

They  have  limited  the  exercise  of  the  Right  to  Choose  to  a 
certain  portion  of  the  individuals  of  the  State. 

These  individuals  are  supposed  to  possess  the  mental  and  moral 
qualifications  which  will  enable  them  to  exercise  the  Political 
Power  in  accordance  with  the  mandate  contained  in  the  Principles 
of  the  State  Polity,  and  for  the  objects  ordained  by  The  Sovereign 
People. 

Whether  the  qualifications  imposed  are  in  conformity  with 
Reason  and  Justice  is  an  open  question  which  need  not  be  dis- 
cussed here.  The  qualifications  are  purely  arbitrary  restrictions. 
They  are  not  uniform  throughout  the  States.  They  are  in  the 
nature  of  discriminations ;  and  they  proceed  from  the  general 
assumption  that  individuals  who  do  not  possess  all  of  the  qualifi- 
cations imposed  are  either  incompetent  or  are  unfit  to  participate 
directly  in  Government  and  in  Political  Administration. 

The  Ballot.  In  order  that  the  individual  may  express  his 
choice  in  a  clear  and  determinate  manner,  he  is  given  the  use  of  a 
ballot. 

Theoretically,  and  by  this  means,  the  people  are  enabled  to 
easily  get  a  definite  and  conclusive  expression  of  Public  Opinion 
on  political  questions. 

The  casting  of  the  ballot  is  called  voting. 

The  Right  of  Suffrage  :  Those  who  are  thus  generally  permitted 
to  directly  participate  in  the  exercise  of  political  power  are  said 
to  possess  the  Right  of  Suffrage. 

110 


i 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,   THE   ELECTORATE      111 

The  Sovereign  creates,  grants,  secures,  or  denies  this  right  solely 
on  the  ground  of  Public  Policy.     It  is  a  pure  political  right. 

Defined.  Each  State  prescribes  its  own  qualifications  and 
restrictions  and  embodies  them  in  the  general  law  of  the  state. 
For  the  present  the  Right  of  Suffrage  will  be  defined  as  the  Right 
to  Vote  in  political  matters  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  the  state 
law. 

Not  a  Personal  Right,  or  Privilege.  The  people  bestow  the 
exercise  of  this  right  upon  certain  of  its  individuals  as  a  means  for 
obtaining  greater  efficiency  and  excellence  in  the  work  of  main- 
taining the  General  Welfare. 

The  exercise  of  this  right  is  always  connected  with  an  exercise 
of  political  power. 

Individuals  possessing  this  right  are  under  peculiar  obligations 
to  the  people. 

It  is  not  a  private  right,  and  cannot  be  considered  as  a  personal 
privilege  to  be  used  by  individuals  for  private  ends. 

In  political  action  a  man  is  given  the  use  of  a  ballot  to  enable 
him  to  definitely  state  kis  own  belief  as  to  Justice. 

Certain  picked  individuals  of  The  State  are  given  the  use  of  the 
ballot  to  enable  The  State  to  ascertain  its  will  as  to  Justice. 

Theoretically,  the  maintenance  of  Justice  as  ordained  is  the 
way  in  which  the  General  Welfare  is  produced. 

The  use  of  the  ballot  is  given  to  the  individual  for  the  express 
purpose  of  obtaining  kis  assistance  in  promoting  the  General 
Welfare. 

When  the  individual  votes  at  elections,  he  does  not  vote  in  the 
capacity  of  a  private  person,  but  as  one  of  the  Collective  Sovereign 
and  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  an  expression  of  its  Will  as  to 
Justice. 

Hence  it  is  considered  criminal  to  buy  or  to  sell  a  vote,  because 
such  action  tends  to  vitiate  the  will  of  the  people  as  to  Justice. 

Theoretically,  the  moving  force  in  The  Government  is  the  will 
of  the  people  as  to  political  administration. 

Theoretically,  the  majority  of  the  votes  when  freely  cast  ex- 
presses that  Will.  But  if  the  majority  of  votes  is  obtained  by 
buying  votes,  or  by  the  manipulation  of  the  voters  within  The 
Electorate,  then  The  Will  of  The  People  is  not  expressed  by  a 
majority  of  votes  freely  cast,  and  in  its  place  stands  the  will  of  the 
few  who  have  successfully  "  manufactured"  an  artificial  and  false 
majority  of  votes  by  either  destroying  or  by  seriously  impairing 
the  political  freedom  of  the  individual. 


112  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

The  Elective  Franchise  :  Those  who  possess  the  right  of  suffrage 
are  picked  individuals,  selected  for  their  superior  qualifications. 

They  not  only  possess  the  privilege  of  directly  participating  in 
the  exercise  of  political  power,  which  the  other  individuals  of  the 
community  do  not  possess;  but,  inasmuch  as  they  alone  of  all 
community  individuals  have  the  right  to  determine  political 
questions  by  an  expression  of  will,  they  have  a  prerogative  which 
the  other  individuals  of  the  community  do  not  have. 

This  combined  prerogative  and  privilege  is  called  the  Elective 
Franchise. 

The  Electorate :  Those  of  the  individuals  of  The  State  who  are 
privileged  to  directly  exercise  the  Right  to  Choose  between  pro- 
posed political  polities,  policies,  candidates,  means,  and  methods 
of  political  action,  are  called  "  Electors." 

The  inclusive  body  of  electors  is  called  The  Electorate. 

The  Electorate  is  the  body  of  individuals  in  which  is  vested  the 
high  and  solemn  Political  Prerogative  of  the  people.  In  this  sense 
the  term  "  political  prerogative"  means  the  discretionary  power 
of  the  people. 

As  the  medium  for  the  exercise  of  the  discretionary  power  of  the 
people.  The  Electorate  is  a  Political  Agency. 

It  is  this  body  which,  through  the  possession  of  the  Right  of 
Suffrage,  finally  exercises  the  Reserved  Powers  of  the  people. 

This  is  the  body  which  is  commonly  spoken  of  as  "  The  People." 

Numerically,  the  electorate  comprises  about  one-fifth  of  the 
population  of  the  nation.  In  states  where  women  exercise  the 
right  of  suffrage  the  proportion  of  the  electorate  to  the  population 
is  much  larger.  The  population  of  the  nation  is  about  100,000,000. 
The  membership  in  the  electorate  is  about  20,000,000.  Theoret- 
ically, it  is  the  utterance  of  a  majority  of  more  than  one-half  of 
the  electorate,  or  about  one-tenth  of  the  population,  that  is  called 
"  The  Voice  of  The  People" ;  and  it  is  a  majority  of  wills  in  the 
electorate  which,  in  theory,  energizes  and  controls  its  agent,  The 
Government. 

Electoral  Functions :  The  electorate  is  the  body  which  exercises 
the  discretionary  power  of  the  community  in  the  endeavor  to 
maintain  Justice  between  individuals. 

Upon  the  acts  of  the  electorate  depend  the  welfare,  happiness, 
and  development  of  all  of  the  individuals  of  the  community,  and 
the  progress  of  American  civilization  as  well. 

The  political  rights  of  individuals  also  depend  upon  the  proper 
discharge  of  its  ordained  functions  by  the  electorate. 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,   THE   ELECTORATE      113 

For  all  practical  and  working  purposes  the  electorate  is  the 
acting  Sovereign ;  and  from  this  it  is  apparent  that  it  must  neces- 
sarily work  only  as  a  collective  unit. 

Considered  as  a  governmental  means,  the  functions  of  the 
electorate  are  somewhat  similar  to  those  of  a  jury.  Both  of  these 
bodies  are  organized  to  pass  on  questions  or  propositions  sub- 
mitted for  decision ;  but  the  functions  of  the  electorate  have  a 
much  wider  scope  and  effect  than  those  of  a  jury.  The  Electorate 
as  a  political  agency  has  higher  powers  than  those  of  merely 
deciding.  It  can  command  the  action  of  The  Government,  and, 
through  the  medium  of  The  Judiciary,  can  enforce  The  Will  of 
The  People  upon  it  and  upon  individuals. 

In  Connecticut,  the  electorate,  like  the  jury,  is  sworn  to  the 
performance  of  a  duty.  In  that  State  each  elector  is  sworn  to  be 
true  and  faithful  to  the  State,  the  Constitution  and  Government 
thereof,  and  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  and  when- 
ever called  to  give  his  suffrage  touching  any  matter  concerning 
the  State  or  the  L^nited  States,  to  give  it  as  he  judges  will  conduce 
to  the  best  good  of  the  same  without  respect  of  persons  or  favor 
of  any  man. 

This  in  a  general  way  expresses  the  duty  of  an  elector;  fixes 
his  status  as  a  public  agent  possessed  of  the  exercise  of  political 
power ;  and  states  his  moral  obligation  to  Society  to  use  his 
position  and  powers  only  for  the  public  good.  The  ballot  is  not 
his  own  private  perquisite.  He  cannot  morally,  lawfully,  or  with- 
out perjury  and  delinquency  use  it  otherwise  than  to  promote 
the  general  welfare.  It  belongs  to  the  Community  and  to  the 
Country ;  and  its  proper  use  is  the  return  demanded  for  the  high 
honor  of  being  allowed  to  directly  participate  in  Political  Adminis- 
tration. 

Viewed  in  the  light  of  the  above  statements,  the  electorate  is  in 
fact  a  numerically  small  collective  trustee  of  the  political  powers 
of  the  people. 

\^^len  we  consider  that  it  is  a  part  of  its  duty  to  devise  and 
provide  the  means  and  methods  of  right  political  action,  we  find 
that  it  has  the  character  of  a  collective  guardian  of  the  Public 
Conscience. 

And  inasmuch  as  it  finally  decides  what  the  people  shall  do  in 
government  and  in  political  administration,  we  find  it  acting  as 
the  Collective  Sovereign. 

In  seeking  the  cause  of  the  failure  of  the  American  Common- 
wealths to  produce  the  kind  of  political  administration  desired, 


114  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

it  is  necessary  to  keep  the  above  facts  constantly  in  mind.  We 
are  apt,  when  we  speak  of  "  The  Will  of  The  People,"  to  let  our 
brains  be  flooded  with  such  ideas  as  the  glory,  the  physical  strength, 
and  material  might  of  The  Commonwealth.  The  splendor  of  these 
ideas  causes  us  for  the  time  being  to  forget  that  the  phrase  "  The 
Will  of  The  People"  means  at  best  nothing  more  than  a  possible 
majority  of  wills  in  one-fifth  of  the  population,  and  that  it  often- 
times means  a  majority  of  wills  which  in  number  falls  far  short  of 
one-tenth  of  the  population. 

Let  us  ask  ourselves  this  question.  Upon  what  particular  part 
of  our  political  action  does  the  glory,  the  power,  and  the  might  of 
The  Commonwealth  and  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  indi- 
vidual mainly  depend  ?  Is  not  the  answer  apparent  ?  It  does  not 
so  much  upon  the  social  and  economic  activities  of  the  populace ; 
not  so  much  upon  the  doings  of  The  Government,  as  it  does 
depend  upon  the  logical  and  proper  discharge  by  The  Electorate 
of  its  trust  functions  and  high  responsibilities.  If  these  were 
properly  discharged,  neither  The  Government,  nor  the  individual 
could  easily  or  safely  avoid  the  moral  obligations  each  is  under ; 
and  if  there  were  in  the  commonwealth  a  widespread  and  ever 
present  conviction  that  it  is  The  Electorate,  and  not  The  Govern- 
ment, and  not  The  People  who  really  govern,  would  not  that 
conviction  gradually  prick  the  general  intelligence  into  an  appre- 
ciation of  the  necessity  for  binding  that  small  body  by  appropriate 
legal  provisions  that  would  compel  its  individual  members  to  act 
in  accordance  with  the  Principles  of  Action  originally  ordained  by 
The  Commonwealth  ?  How  else  can  public  spirit  and  civic  virtue 
be  kept  alive  and  stimulated?  How  else  can  the  community  be 
kept  from  taking  illogical  actions  that  will  get  it  into  administrative 
difficulties  ? 

Nature  of  Electoral  Action :  The  questions  of  administration 
which  the  community  has  to  decide  for  itself  are,  in  the  main, 
either  of  a  political  nature  or  of  an  economic  nature. 

Those  of  a  political  nature  relate  more  specially  to  the  mainte- 
nance unimpaired  of  the  conditions  of  existence  which  are  defined 
by  the  Principles  of  the  State  Polity. 

Those  of  an  economic  nature  relate  more  specially  to  the  main- 
tenance of  or  the  readjustment  of  the  relations  existing  between 
the  individuals  of  the  body  politic. 

Political  questions  are  generally  those  affecting  the  general  or 
moral  welfare  of  The  Commonwealth,  while  economic  questions 
relate  more  specially  to  the  material  welfare  of  separate  individuals. 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,   THE   ELECTORATE      115 

In  theory,  the  final  decision  of  poHtical  questions  is  obtained 
through  a  direct  vote  of  the  individuals  who  compose  The  Electo- 
rate; while  the  final  decision  of  economic  questions  is  obtained 
through  a  direct  vote  of  the  individuals  who  compose  the  legisla- 
tive branch  of  The  Government. 

By  the  words  '*  final  decision"  I  do  not  mean  one  that  is  unalter- 
able ;  but  only  such  a  decision  as  stands  as  the  law  until  altered 
or  changed  by  some  competent  action  on  the  part  of  the  com- 
munity. No  question  can  be  considered  as  finally  settled  until 
it  is  settled  rightly ;  and  the  main  point  of  the  above  statement  is, 
that  the  community  adopted  an  indirect  way  of  settling  eco- 
nomic questions,  but  a  direct  way  of  settling  political  questions. 

Kind  of  Action.  The  original  intention  of  the  community  was 
to  delegate  the  exercise  of  some  of  its  political  powers  to  The 
Government,  but  to  have  The  Electorate  directly  exercise  all 
powers  reserved  in  the  original  grant  of  Authority.  The  com- 
munitv  recognized  the  fact  that  the  nature  of  the  Reserved  Powers 
of  Administration  called  for  a  direct  exercise  by  the  collective 
sovereign ;  and  the  community,  being  under  the  obligation  to 
maintain  individual  Justice,  and  being  also  under  the  obligation 
to  control  the  action  of  its  administrative  assistant  The  Govern- 
ment, reserved  unto  The  Electorate  the  exercise  of  the  powers 
necessary  to  enable  it  to  discharge  its  obligations  in  full  to  the 
community. 

Now  the  sole  object  of  exercising  these  powers  is  to  declare  and 
to  enforce  "  The  Will  of  The  People" ;  and  if  we  are  to  consider 
this  will  as  a  moral  will,  then  it  necessarily  follows  that  it  can  only 
be  rightly  produced  through  the  free  play  of  conscience  and 
reason. 

But  our  acting  sovereign,  The  Electorate,  is  a  collective  sover- 
eign, composed  of  individuals  having  "  free  wills."  Consequently, 
if  the  will  of  The  Electorate  is  to  be  considered  as  a  moral  will, 
then  it  can  only  be  rightly  produced  through  the  free  play  of  reason 
and  conscience  in  each  of  its  component  individuals.  Moreover, 
and  because  the  maintenance  of  Justice  is  made  to  depend  upon 
an  equally  effective  exercise  by  individuals  of  their  political 
powers,  the  exercise  of  reason  and  of  conscience  cannot  rightfully 
be  avoided,  or  delegated  by  one  individual  to  another ;  because  if 
it  is,  then  the  equality  in  the  ability  of  individuals  to  help  the 
community  is  immediately  destroyed,  and  the  discretionary  power 
of  the  community  is  that  much  weakened. 

Hence  it  is  that  Electorate  Action  was  originally  intended  to  be 


116  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

that  kind  of  action  which  is  the  result  of  direct,  free,  and  equal 
political  action  on  the  part  of  each  elector. 

As  to  the  manner  in  which  The  Will  of  The  People  is  to  be 
declared,  that,  of  necessity,  depends  entirely  upon  whatever 
means  and  methods  the  community  adopts.  Its  intention  may 
be  the  best  in  the  world ;  but  without  proper  means  and  methods 
its  intention  will  be  practically  inoperative. 

As  to  its  intention  concerning  the  settlement  of  political  ques- 
tions there  can  be  no  manner  of  doubt.  Such  questions  it  intended 
to  settle  through  a  direct  exercise  of  political  powers  by  individual 
electors.  But  when  we  pause  to  consider  that  The  Electorate, 
instead  of  deciding  questions  of  administrative  policy  by  voting 
directly  for  or  against  them  on  their  own  merits,  have  adopted  the 
method  of  deciding  such  questions  by  voting  for  candidates  who 
merely  avoiv  an  adherence  to  this  or  to  that  side  of  the  question, 
then  it  becomes  apparent  that  the  community,  through  permitting 
the  elector  to  express  his  "  opinion  of  right  "  through  an  expression 
of  preference  for  a  man  or  for  a  "  Party,"  and  irrespective  of  what 
has  caused  that  individual  preference,  has  been  gradually  led  into 
the  abandonment  of  the  direct  way  of  deciding  political  questions. 
But  this  is  only  the  initial  step ;  for  the  community,  through 
giving  The  Partizan  Party  the  control  over  electoral  action,  has 
been  forced  into  the  position  where  it  is  powerless  to  prevent  vital 
political  questions  from  being  unduly  postponed,  or  distorted,  or 
shelved,  or  set  aside  entirely  by  the  intermediary  which  now  is 
the  organizer  and  leader  in  electoral  action. 

Furthermore,  the  practice  of  permitting  individual  electors  to 
decide  questions  of  administrative  policy  by  voting  for  candidates 
has  the  effect  of  forcing  personal  considerations  affecting  candi- 
dates or  of  "  Parties  "  upon  the  immediate  attention  of  the  voter 
and  to  give  them  undue  prominence.  It  serves  to  arouse  personal 
feelings  and  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  average  voter  away  from 
the  true  character  of  the  action  that  is  required  of  him. 

Personal  feelings  and  considerations  being  kept  uppermost  by  a 
Partizan  Party  in  its  neighborhood  work,  the  great  mass  of  the 
less  informed  voters  unconsciously  get  to  regard  the  ballot  as  the 
means  by  which  such  feelings  are  to  be  expressed  and  such  con- 
siderations satisfied.  In  many  other  cases  personal  feelings  sub- 
merge the  political  consciousness  for  the  time  being,  and  voting 
at  the  elections  gets  to  be  regarded  as  the  act  of  an  individual 
rather  than  the  act  of  a  Sovereign-unit.  The  trust  character  of 
the  Right  of  Suffrage  is  lost  sight  of.     There  is  no  WTitten  law 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,    THE   ELECTORATE      117 

compelling  an  elector  to  take  truly  political  action.  The  power 
of  example  outweighs  the  power  of  precept.  He  sees  individuals 
all  around  him  taking  personal  action  for  personal  reasons  and 
considerations.  Considering  himself  merely  as  an  individual  and 
not  as  one  of  a  collective  sovereign,  he  becomes  conscious  of  his 
individual  weakness  and  impotence.  In  this  condition,  and  seek- 
ing the  aid  of  united  effort  in  the  support  of  whatever  opinions  he 
holds,  he  is  naturally  drawn  into  the  membership  of  some  associa- 
tion of  voters  which  is  'permanently  organized  to  give  added  force 
to  similar  opinions.  When  he  joins  such  an  organization,  he  has 
to  promise  to  submit  himself  to  its  rules. 

If  the  great  mass  of  individual  electors  take  this  course,  then 
several  results  immediately  follow. 

The  Electorate  is  no  longer  a  united  body. 

Electoral  Action  is  no  longer  united  and  direct. 

Individual  electors  are  split  up  between  the  memberships  of 
this  or  that  Partizan  Party ;  and  individual  electorate  action  is 
no  longer  free. 

Majority  Rule  as  ordained  becomes  impossible  because  it  is  no 
longer  possible  to  obtain  a  Political  Majority,  or  a  succession  of 
such  majorities. 

The  Will  of  The  People  as  the  moving  force  in  Political  Adminis- 
tration cannot  be  formed,  ascertained,  expressed,  and  enforced  in 
the  manner  originally  ordained ;  and  the  will  of  a  Partizan  Party 
is  substituted  to  act  in  its  place. 

"  Party  Success"  is  declared  to  be  the  first  great  object  to  be 
worked  for  by  the  individual  voter,  because  the  general  welfare  is 
made  to  appear  dependent  upon  party  success. 

A  consideration  of  political  questions  is  relegated  to  the  back- 
ground by  a  consideration  of  partizan  questions,  which,  however, 
are  called  political  questions  to  hoodwink  the  unintelligent  and 
careless. 

Summed  up  in  a  sentence,  The  Electorate  has,  in  effect,  delegated 
the  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  administration  to  The 
Partizan  Party  ;  and  the  elector  has  sunk  to  the  level  of  a  partizan 
party  voter. 

That  we  have  allowed  this  to  come  to  pass  is  one  of  the  glaring 
inconsistencies  in  our  political  action.  The  majorities  of  votes  at 
every  one  of  our  general  elections  are  partizan  party  majorities. 
Whenever  "  The  Boss  "  calls  for  party  success  these  partizan  party 
majorities  of  votes  are  gotten  together  by  the  use  of  every  fraud  on 
true  individual  political  action  that  the  ingenuity  of  man  can  devise. 


118  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

These  partizan  majorities  actually  express  the  will  of  the  partizan 
party  which  is  necessarily  partizan  in  nature  and  in  purpose.  But 
we,  incredible  as  it  might  seem,  not  only  employ  this  partizan 
will  in  the  place  of  the  ordained  Political  Majorities  described 
in  Chapter  VI,  but  we  actually  call  it  "  The  Will  of  The  People." 

With  the  will  of  The  Partizan  Party  operative  upon  and  in  The 
Government,  what  is  to  prevent  partizan  legislation,  or  what  is 
the  same  thing,  illogical  political  action  ? 

So  long  as  the  votes,  or  the  voters,  can  be  continually  manipu- 
lated, there  is  absolutely  nothing  to  prevent  the  reign  of  injustice. 
The  manipulation  of  votes,  or  of  the  voters,  is  an  atrocious  political 
offense,  whether  it  stands  on  the  statutes  as  a  crime  or  not.  To 
permit  the  manipulation  of  votes,  or  of  the  voters,  is  the  acme  of 
political  stupidity;  because  The  Government,  responding  easily 
to  a  vicious  impulse,  particularly  if  it  is  proclaimed  as  the  will  of 
the  people,  will  surely,  and  perfectly  consistently,  produce  legis- 
lation that  is  subversive  of  the  General  Welfare. 

Now  what  is  the  prime  underlying  cause  for  this  surrender  of 
sovereignty  by  The  Electorate  ?  What  has  weakened  the  binding 
influence  of  the  Principles  of  Political  Action  ordained  by  the 
community?  What  has  destroyed  true  cooperative  action  be- 
tween its  individuals  ?  What  has  deprived  its  individuals  of  their 
rightful  claim  to  united  and  direct  action  on  the  part  of  The 
Electorate  ?  What  has  allowed  self-interest  to  become  a  powerful 
influence  in  the  administration  of  restraint  ?  What  has  weakened 
the  force  of  the  political  and  of  the  individual  power  of  men  ?  If 
it  is  not  an  illogical  system  of  political  administration  that  is  the 
prime  cause  of  our  present  MTong  political  action,  then  are  the 
days  of  mourning  near  at  hand ;  for  it  is  either  through  the  inno- 
cent use  of  a  wrong  system,  or  the  wrongful  disregard  of  political 
morality,  that  we,  as  individuals,  are  led  into  a  constant  disregard 
of  honor,  and  into  a  continuous  violation  of  the  intent  of  our 
Political  Principles. 

Of  the  two  causes  I  arraign  the  system.  It  came  into  existence 
primarily  because  the  people  in  the  beginning  failed  to  appreciate 
the  fact  that  illogical  results  must  necessarily  flow  from  the  use  of 
illogical  means  and  methods  of  exercising  Political  Power  and 
because  they  failed  to  appreciate  the  further  fact  that  a  prescribed 
means  or  a  prescribed  method  for  making  a  principle  practically 
operative  is  an  indispensable  prerequisite  in  keeping  the  spirit 
of  the  principle  before  the  attention  of  the  individual  and  as  a 
guide  to  daily  action.     The  Fathers,  and  the  succeeding  genera- 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,   THE   ELECTORATE      119 

tions,  have  never  fully  appreciated  the  impossibility  of  main- 
taining the  general  Freedom  as  ordained  without  means  and 
methods  which  compel  the  individual  to  take  absolutely  free 
political  action. 

Does  not  freedom  as  originally  ordained  mean,  among  other 
things,  that  the  individual,  when  acting  in  a  political  capacity, 
shall  be  immune  from  any  outside  restraint  whatsoever  upon  his 
volition  ;  that  he  shall  be  and  remain  free  to  act  as  his  conscience 
and  his  reason  tell  him  will  best  promote  the  General  Welfare? 

And  if  the  people  have  mistakenly  allowed  a  statute  to  be  passed 
which  in  effect  compels  individual  electors  to  submit  themselves 
to  "  Party"  guidance,  is  not  the  general  freedom  as  ordained  im- 
mediately impaired,  diminished,  and  depleted  by  such  action? 

In  Political  Administration,  as  in  every  other  human  undertak- 
ing, this  much  is  true ;  the  use  of  wrong  means  and  methods  of 
individual  action  will  inevitably  and  necessarily  produce  wrong 
results,  while  the  use  of  right  means  and  methods  will  at  least 
make  it  possible  to  produce  right  results ;  that  is,  the  political 
results  which  at  the  outset  of  political  administration  were  declared 
to  be  the  objects  of  administrative  action. 

What  these  means  and  methods  should  be,  and  how  they  should 
be  provided  by  The  Commonwealth,  will  be  further  considered 
in  Chapter  XXIII. 


CHAPTER  IX 
POLITICAL   AGENCIES,    THE    GOVERNMENT 

Frame  of.  The  structure  or  frame  of  The  Government  is 
determined  by  the  manner  in  which  the  Delegated  Powers  are 
used. 

To  illustrate :  the  English  entrust  the  exercise  of  such  powers 
to  an  administrative  agency  of  two  branches ;  namely,  The  Legis- 
lative and  The  Executive;  or  Parliament  and  The  King,  We, 
however,  for  reasons  of  our  own,  have  added  another  branch  called 
The    Judiciary. 

Distribution  of  "  Powers  "  :  The  Roman  idea  was  to  distribute 
the  exercise  of  the  supreme  power  between  the  different  classes  in 
the  body  politic.  The  struggles  for  the  possession  and  exercise 
of  the  supreme  power  which  took  place  during  the  feudal  period 
between  the  four  classes  of  society,  namely,  The  Monarchs,  the 
Nobility,  the  Church,  and  the  People,  together  with  the  various 
compromises  and  settlements  between  them,  gradually  expanded 
the  Roman  idea. 

Threefold  Nature  of  the  Supreme  Power.  Gradually,  and  with 
the  growth  of  the  influence  which  the  people  exerted,  the  idea 
obtained  ascendency  that  in  order  to  preserve  effectively  the 
liberties  of  individuals  and  the  permanence  of  society,  classes 
should  not  be  set  against  classes  in  the  exercise  of  the  supreme 
power,  but  that  all  should  unite  in  the  promotion  of  a  Common 
Welfare.  The  supreme  power  was  held  to  have  a  threefold 
nature.  Some  communities  agreed  that  the  objects  for  which  its 
exercise  was  instituted  should  be  accomplished  through  making 
laws,  through  enforcing  laws,  and  through  applying  laws.  The 
power  to  make  laws  was  called  the  Legislative  Power.  The 
power  to  enforce  laws  was  called  the  Executive  Power;  and  the 
power  to  apply  laws  was  called  the  Judicial  Power. 

Three  Branches  of.  Finally,  in  Democratic  Communities, 
the  idea  was  conceived  that  the  exercise  of  the  delegated  portions 

120 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,    THE   GOVERNMENT     121 

of  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  powers  should  be  vested 
in  three  separate  bodies  of  individuals  in  the  administrative 
agency,  which  bodies  should  be  dependent  upon  "  The  Will  of  a 
Common  Superior"  capable  of  controlling  them,  and  that  these 
bodies  should  be  selected  from  the  people  at  large  at  stated  inter- 
vals for  the  express  purpose  of  exercising  these  "  Powers,"  and 
that  these  bodies  should  also  be  responsible  to  those  who  elected 
them  for  the  proper  exercise  of  authority,  and  that  the  people 
should  from  time  to  time  during  the  progress  of  society  decide  for 
themselves  what  Administrative  Policy  would  be  most  likely  to 
promote  the  Common  welfare. 

The  objects  sought  were :  to  unify  democratic  society ;  to  make 
the  people  the  Common  Superior  of  their  three-branched  adminis- 
trative agency ;  to  make  The  Will  of  The  People  the  moving  force 
in  that  agency ;  and  to  supply  an  easily  perceived  connection 
between  individual  action  and  agency  action. 

All  of  this  must  be  understood  as  a  most  general  statement  of 
results  attained  through  long  periods  of  political  development ; 
and  the  reader  is  necessarily  referred  to  history  for  a  full  explana- 
tion of  the  causes  and  events  preceding  this  ultimate  conception. 

Colonial  Action.  The  American  colonists  were  imbued  with 
the  idea  of  the  threefold  nature  of  the  supreme  power.  They 
framed  their  administrative  agency  accordingly.  They  gave  to 
the  legislative  branch  the  authority  to  propose,  discuss,  pass, 
amend,  and  repeal  "  Statutory  Laws"  or  those  laws  which  regulate 
the  detail  of  individual,  social,  economic,  and  political  action. 
They  gave  to  the  executive  branch  the  authority  to  enforce  the 
laws.  They  gave  to  the  judicial  branch  the  authority  to  determine 
the  validity  of  the  laws  as  passed  and  their  special  applicability 
to  matters  in  controversy  and  dispute.  But  they  reserved  to 
The  Electorate  as  "The  Common  Superior"  the  right  to  decide 
the  policy  to  be  pursued,  and  also  the  right  to  control  the  action 
of  The  Government. 

Efficiency.  Theoretically,  the  officers  in  each  branch  of  The 
Government  were  to  be  filled  with  the  most  able  statesmen  and 
public-spirited  citizens  ;  and  the  idea  which  prompted  the  colonists 
to  use  such  an  administrative  agency  was,  that  the  action  of  a 
body  so  composed  would  necessarily  be  superior  in  effectiveness 
to  action  that  otherwise  must  be  taken  by  The  Electorate  at 
Large. 

Authority  of  Branches.  Many  of  the  State  Constitutions 
contain  provisions  to  the  effect  that  neither  branch  of  the  govern- 


122  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

ment  may  exercise  "authority  or  powers  "  belonging  to  the  others  ; 
but  nevertheless  the  general  plan  of  separation  permits  each  of 
the  branches  in  some  cases  to  exercise  "  powers  "  which  are  not 
strictly  within  the  departmental  province  of  a  branch. 

Thus,  the  Executive,  in  using  the  veto,  exercises  a  legislative 
power ;  and,  in  passing  on  claims,  a  judicial  power. 

The  Legislature  may  exercise  the  power  of  appointment,  which 
is  executive  in  its  nature;  and,  in  adjudicating  claims,  or,  as  in 
some  States  granting  divorces,  it  acts  judicially. 

The  Judiciary  legislates  not  alone  by  decisions  which  modify 
the  existing  law,  but  also  by  making  rules  of  procedure  which  have 
nearly  the  effect  of  Statutes ;  and  it  is  also  clothed  with  the 
executive  power  of  appointment. 

Equality  of  Branches.  Since  all  the  branches  of  The  Govern- 
ment derive  their  special  authority  from  the  same  source,  they 
possess  the  attribute  of  authority  in  equal  degree.  In  respect  to 
the  duties  assigned  to  each,  and  in  the  exercise  of  its  special 
authority,  each  is  of  equal  dignity,  and  is  supreme. 

Independence  of  Branches.  Likewise  also  the  exercise  of  author- 
ity is  intended  to  be  exclusive  in  respect  to  the  duties  assigned  to 
each  branch  of  The  Government ;  and  in  so  far,  it  is  intended  that 
each  branch  shall  act  independently  of  the  others. 

The  scheme  as  originally  devised  accomplished  some  of  the 
objects  intended.  It  secured  the  separation  of  the  above-named 
political  "  Powers."  It  bestowed  the  exercise  of  a  special  authority 
on  each  of  the  three  branches.  It  made  each  branch  such  a  check 
upon  the  others  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  any  one  branch 
obtaining  the  exercise  of  a  degree  of  authority  sufficient  to  enable 
it  to  assume  control  of  the  entire  Administrative  Authority.  But 
it  was  insufficient  in  two  respects.  It  was  lacking  in  the  pro- 
visions necessary  to  keep  the  branches  dependent  upon  the  will 
of  the  Common  Superior  for  guidance ;  and  it  was  lacking  in 
provisions  necessary  to  enable  The  Electorate  to  maintain  its 
integrity  as  a  controlling  agency  over  The  Government. 

Usurpation  of  Official  Function.  The  Constituted  Authority 
of  a  Commonwealth  is  that  body  of  administrative  law  which 
among  other  things  is  intended  to  properly  regulate  the  action  of 
public  officials.  But  if  in  that  body  of  law  the  Constituted  Au- 
thorities are  not  mentioned  by  their  official  names,  and  if  the 
official  function  of  each  office  and  the  methods  of  procedure  of 
each  official  are  not  distinctly  set  forth,  what  is  to  prevent  any 
public  official  who  is  so  minded  from  usurping  functions  belonging 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,    THE   GOVERNMENT     123 

to  another  office ;  and  how  can  The  Commonwealth  mtervene 
immediately  to  prevent  such  action  ?  Without  a  system  of  action 
enabling  it  to  intervene  quickly  it  is  powerless  to  do  so  and  it  must 
illogically  defer  the  correction  of  administrative  abuse. 

But  delay  in  the  correction  of  abuse  is  dangerous ;  for  mean- 
while some  of  the  usurpations  may  continue,  and  may  gradually 
ripen  into  pernicious  customs  possessing  a  specious  sanction.  If, 
tlirough  the  failure  of  The  Commonwealth  to  intervene,  an  official 
is  'permitted  to  misuse  his  office,  not  only  is  the  intent  of  the  creator 
of  that  office  frustrated  but  the  proper  function  of  its  creator  is 
also  usurped.  Also,  the  power  of  the  creator  to  control  is  weak- 
ened because  so  long  as  The  Common  Superior  permits  the  misuse 
of  an  office  it  is  bound  by  the  permission  and  remains  powerless 
to  prevent  a  possible  miscarriage  of  justice  which  may  proceed 
from  the  misuse  of  authority.  In  such  a  case  the  permission 
originates  a  custom ;  and  the  custom,  through  making  omissions 
in  the  system  operative,  can  change  the  intended  operation  of  the 
law.  The  custom  may  be  illegal;  but  because  it  is  permissible, 
it  overrides  the  intent  of  the  law. 

Let  us  take  the  present  maladministration  of  the  office  of  The 
Speaker  of  The  House  as  an  example  of  the  truth  of  the  proposition 
that  prescribed  methods  are  indispensable  to  the  fruition  of  intent. 

This  office  is  purely  ministerial  in  nature.  Its  possession  was 
intended  to  confer  an  honor ;  but  it  was  not  intended  to  confer 
the  exercise  of  any  other  authority,  or  to  carry  with  it  the  exercise 
of  any  other  power  than  that  accorded  to  every  presiding  officer. 
In  theory,  its  occupant  merely  presides  over  the  meetings  of  The 
House.  But  because  the  people  failed  at  the  outset  to  clearly 
define  the  duties  of  The  Speaker  and  the  manner  in  which  they 
should  be  performed,  the  entire  character  of  the  office  has  been 
changed ;  and,  from  being  one  of  the  inconspicuous  and  non- 
executive offices  in  The  Government  it  has  come  to  be  the  seat  of 
and  the  means  for  the  exercise  of  a  dominant  formative  "  Power" 
that  is  foreign  to  the  theory  of  our  scheme  of  Government ;  which 
is  not  of  the  people  ;  which  is  not  that  of  a  true  political  leader  or 
of  a  statesman  ;  but  which,  on  the  other  hand,  is  that  of  a  puissant 
partizan ;  which  is  conferred  by  The  Partizan  Party ;  and  which 
is  often  exerted  by  the  individual  who  occupies  the  office  for  the 
express  purpose  of  furthering  the  interests  of  The  Partizan  Party, 
using  Congress  as  the  means. 

In  Chapter  XXI  we  shall  see  how  this  "  Power "  has  been 
developed  and  how  the  character  of  the  office  of  The  Speaker  has 


124  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

been  changed.  At  present  attention  is  merely  directed  to  the 
possible  misuse  of  political  authority  that  may  follow  the  failure 
of  The  Sovereign  to  provide  its  Sovereign-units  with  definite  and 
compulsory  methods  for  the  use  of  authority  conferred,  and  to 
the  further  fact  that  the  permitted  abuse  of  political  authority, 
or  office,  has  the  effect  of  weakening  the  ability  of  The  Sovereign 
to  control  the  action  of  its  agent.  This  leads  us  naturally  to  the 
consideration  of  another  characteristic  phenomenon  of  American 
administrative  action. 

"  Friction  between  Governmental  Branches"  :  In  most  of  our 
political  writings  we  are  told  that  there  is  constant  "  friction"  be- 
tween the  "  branches  "  in  The  Government ;  that  the  "  branches  " 
are  continually  encroaching  upon  the  province  of  the  others ; 
that  this  encroachment  is  watched  with  jealousy ;  that  it  is  con- 
stantly resisted  by  each  "  branch"  because  "  an  observance  of  the 
division  of  authority  is  considered  essential  to  the  maintenance 
of  our  form  of  government " ;  that  the  encroachment  by  one 
"branch"  and  the  resistance  by  another  "branch"  produces  a 
"  friction  between  the  branches "  that  not  only  hampers  and 
impedes  satisfactory  action  by  The  Government,  but  sometimes 
brings  action  to  a  standstill.  What  is  the  nature  of  this  friction, 
how  has  it  become  possible,  and  what  is  its  immediate  cause  ? 

Mr.  Gold  win  Smith  attributed  its  existence  to  an  "  unnatural 
separation  of  the  executive  from  the  legislative  power."  But  it 
is  difficult  to  perceive  how  friction  can  exist  between  "  powers  " 
whether  they  are  separated  or  not;  and  friction  can  not  exist 
between  "  separated  "  powers,  no  matter  how  unnaturally  they 
were  separated.  He  goes  on  to  say  in  substance  —  for  the  quota- 
tion is  from  memory  —  that  "  the  separation  of  the  executive 
from  the  legislative  power  is  a  dream,  although  Montesquieu  has 
established  a  belief  that  it  is  one  of  the  securities  of  liberty."  But 
it  is  patent  that  there  can  not  be  friction  between  political  •powers; 
that  political  friction  can  only  exist  between  individuah  or  bodies 
of  individuals;  and  that  it  can  not  exist  between  them  unless  they 
use  these  powers  either  illogically  or  immorally,  or  both  ways. 
Here  then  is  an  important  distinction  to  be  noted.  The  friction 
does  not  exist  between  the  branches,  but  between  the  individuals 
who  fill  the  branch  offices ;  and  we  are  forced  to  conclude  that 
Mr.  Smith  meant  that  the  successful  separate  exercise  of  these 
powers  by  separate  bodies  of  individuals  was  a  dream,  and  there- 
fore impracticable,  and  therefore  to  be  abandoned.  But  is  it 
impracticable?     Is  this  conclusion  conclusive?     Why  is  not  such 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,   THE   GOVERNMENT     125 

exercise  perfectly  practicable  provided  governmental  officials  and 
bodies  of  officials  while  engaged  in  the  exercise  of  separate  au- 
thorities are  bound  by  clear  and  distinct  statements  of  official 
functions  and  methods  of  action?  Does  not  the  practicability 
of  a  system  depend  entirely  upon  its  perfection?  On  the  other 
hand,  an  imperfect  or  an  insufficient  system  can  do  nothing  else 
but  afford  opportunities  for  impractical  results. 

Mr.  Smith  says  the  original  separation  was  "  unnatural."  As 
a  matter  of  fact  it  was  only  impracticable  because  it  was  performed 
so  indefinitely  and  so  incompletely.  For  instance  :  the  phraseology 
of  the  original  broad  grants  of  authority  (which  every  succeeding 
State  has  followed)  shows  that  each  branch  in  The  Government 
was  considered  as  if  it  were  merely  one  single  office.  This  was  an 
error  in  judgment  as  far  as  the  legislative  branch  is  concerned 
because  the  legislature  is  composed  of  two  distinct  sets  of  officials 
who  have  different,  distinct,  and  often  conflicting  functions  to 
perform.  It  was  also  more  of  a  mistake  in  those  States  where 
several  higher  elective  officials  besides  the  governor  are  elected  by 
ballot.  The  Senate  was  devised  to  act  as  a  check  upon  possible 
hasty  action  by  the  lower  chamber.  The  other  higher  executive 
officials  were  elected  partly  to  prevent  a  too  great  or  unwise 
concentration  of  authority  in  the  hands  of  one  individual.  Here 
were  distinct  ideas  to  be  made  smoothly  operative.  How  was 
that  possible  unless  the  special  action  of  each  office  was  distinctly 
regulated  and  the  action  of  all  correlated  together  into  a  working 
system?  But  no  such  general  system  was  constructed,  and  the 
only  way  by  which  the  commonwealths  sought  to  secure  proper 
individual  action  from  the  higher  officials  in  either  branch  was  to 
require  from  each  an  oath  to  faithfully  discharge  the  special 
authorities  of  an  office  the  duties  of  which  had  not  been  fuUy 
prescribed.  This  in  eft'ect  was  an  attempt  by  the  commonwealths 
to  secure  individual  responsibility  under  a  broad  grant  of  col- 
lective authority  that  was  silent  as  to  the  manner  in  which  separate 
individuals  were  to  exercise  the  separate  authorities  of  their  offices. 

The  commonwealths  were  thus  left  without  either  a  rule  by 
which  to  gauge  official  action  or  a  means  by  which  to  control  it. 
Not  having  expressed  their  wills  fully,  and  at  the  same  time  having 
bestowed  the  exercise  of  some  discretion  upon  their  public  servants, 
they  were  unable  to  keep  their  servants  in  the  necessary  degree  of 
subjection,  and  ultimately  they  found  themselves  in  the  position 
of  a  man  who  has  imprudently  given  another  a  general  power  of 
attorney  when  a  special  power  should  have  been  conferred. 


126  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Opportunity  for  Misuse  of  Authority.  If,  when  the  separation 
of  the  exercise  of  authority  is  made,  no  definite  provisions  for  its 
exercise  exist,  then  the  opportunity  is  presented  for  the  intro- 
duction and  use,  let  us  say,  of  Partizan  Party  objects  and  customs. 
The  effect  upon  public  officials  of  introducing  "  Party  "  objects 
and  customs  is  to  leave  them  in  uncertainty,  doubt,  and  confusion 
regarding  their  proper  ofiicial  action ;  and  this  is  so  especially  if 
they  owe  their  position  in  part  to  the  efforts  of  a  Partizan  Party. 
If  while  in  office  the  "  power  "  of  a  "  Party  "  bears  stronger  upon 
an  individual  than  the  Power  of  The  Electorate  does,  then  in- 
dividual officials  will  give  way  before  the  former,  especially  if  its 
exercise  is  a  permitted  factor  in  administrative  action. 

It  is  a  matter  of  fact  that  "  Party  "  power  and  customs  have 
been  introduced  into  the  scheme  of  Official  Action.  It  is  a  matter 
of  history  that  immediately  upon  this  introduction  officials  began 
encroaching  upon  rights  belonging  to  offices  not  their  own ;  not 
so  much  for  the  purpose  of  merely  exercising  a  political  authority 
not  their  own,  but  for  the  express  purpose  of  building  up  and 
increasing  "  Party  Power."  Departmental  authority  and  "  Party 
Power  "  conflicted  ;  and  quite  naturally  "  friction  "  at  once  ensued 
between  officials  who  on  the  one  hand  attempted  to  exercise 
departmental  authority  as  ordained  and  those  who  on  the  other 
hand  attempted  to  exercise  "  Party  Power." 

Separation  of  The  Electorate  from  the  Direct  Exercise  of  Power. 
The  "  Friction"  that  ensued  was  not  "  Friction  between  the 
Branches "  nor  was  it  originally  caused  by  any  "  unnatural  " 
degree  of  "  Independence  between  the  Branches."  It  was,  how- 
ever, caused  by  another  and  most  dangerous  "  separation  "  which 
The  Partizan  Party  was  mstrumental  in  bringing  about ;  namely, 
the  separation  of  a  part  of  the  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers 
of  Administration  from  the  hands  of  The  Electorate. 

After  this  unnatural  separation  was  accomplished  The  Partizan 
Party  assumed  the  exercise  of  the  "  powers  "  thus  separated ;  and 
it  is  this  permitted  exercise  which  creates  in  branch-officials  an 
unnatural  degree  of  "  independence  "  from  control  by  their  rightful 
Common  Superior ;  and  which  has  changed  The  Government  into 
an  agency  for  the  exercise  of  Party  Power.  The  Government  was 
designed  as  an  agency  for  putting  some  of  the  Political  Power  of 
The  People  into  operation  for  some  Political  Purposes ;  and  it 
can  not  work  smoothly  so  long  as  its  individual  members  are 
subjected  to  the  application  of  "  Party  power  "  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  "  Party  purposes." 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,   THE   GO\TRNMENT     127 

Control  of.  The  Government  was  designed  as  a  subordinate  as- 
sisting administrative  agency  of  The  Electorate.  As  such  it  was 
supposed  to  be  at  all  times  under  the  control  of  the  electorate. 
At  present  it  is  not  wholly  under  such  control.  Briefly,  the  loss 
of  control  by  the  electorate  has  come  about  through  permitting 
The  Partizan  Party  to  control  the  performance  of  some  of  the 
Processes  of  Administration. 

As  a  result  of  permission  given  in  this  direction  the  electorate 
has  failed  to  maintain  its  integrity  as  The  Sovereign.  It  no  longer 
directly  exercises  all  of  those  powers  which  it  was  created  to 
exercise  and  which  it  alone  can  rightfully  exercise.  It  is  no 
longer  the  sole  "  Superior "  of  The  Government  because  The 
Partizan  Party  is  permitted  to  share  that  position  with  it  and  to 
discharge  some  of  the  functions  of  that  position. 

What  has  made  this  unnatural  separation  possible?  In  what 
does  the  beginning  of  this  unnatural  and  actually  immoral  abdi- 
cation of  Sovereignty  lie  ?  Given  an  acceptable  policy,  acceptable 
principles  of  action ;  acknowledged  powers  and  rights,  and  an 
honest  desire  to  produce  through  right  action  the  "  Blessings  of 
Liberty,"  where  else  is  the  original  cause  for  the  present  loss  of 
the  political  power  of  The  Electorate  to  be  found  if  it  be  not  in 
the  original  absence  of  appropriate  and  compulsory  methods  by 
which  the  direct  exercise  of  all  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Adminis- 
tration could  be  maintained  inviolate  in  the  hands  of  the  electorate  ? 
With  a  fundamental  and  obligatory  system  of  methods  which  se- 
cured absolute  freedom  and  equality  of  power  to  each  individual 
elector  while  engaged  in  the  transaction  of  every  act  by  which 
sovereignty  is  expressed,  what  but  a  faulty  administrative  system 
—  unless  it  be  an  unthinkable  absence  of  public  spirit  in  the  great 
majority  of  the  electorate  —  could  prevent  united  action  on  the 
part  of  the  electorate  in  defense  of  its  powers  and  rights?  With 
a  logical  and  comprehensive  system  of  methods  how  could  the 
exercise  of  a  part  of  its  rightful  powers  be  dislodged  from  its  hands  ? 

But  on  the  other  hand,  and  supposing  The  Commonwealth  to 
have  constructed  a  system  which  leaves  private  individuals  free 
to  devise  administrative  expedients  and  unbound  to  use  only 
logical  methods,  then  does  it  not  become  possible  for  the  more 
selfish,  shrewd,  and  individually  powerful  to  devise  counterfeit 
"methods"  and  to  succeed  in  having  them  adopted?  And  if 
they  are  adopted,  will  not  their  use  in  the  end  produce  a  counterfeit 
Electoral  Action  amounting  to  a  separation  of  the  electorate  from 
the  proper  exercise  of  some  or  of  many  of  its  powers,  and  also 


128  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

amounting  in  the  end  to  the  destruction  of  its  power  to  wholly 
control  The  Government  ? 

The  adoption  and  use  of  illogical  and  partizan  methods  of 
Electoral  Action  is  exactly  what  has  transpired  in  the  American 
Commonwealths.  And  it  has  transpired  solely  because  there  was 
nothing  in  the  original  political  action  of  The  Commonwealths 
to  prevent  it.  If,  however,  we  look  back  at  the  times  when  the 
American  colonists  instituted  their  State  Governments  and 
realize  the  paucity  of  precedents  then  existing  regarding  electoral 
action,  we  cannot  be  surprised  that  The  Fathers  failed  to  antici- 
pate the  possibility  that  an  extra-constitutional  and  permanent 
partizan  association  of  voters  would  develop  within  the  electorate ; 
would  ultimately  absorb  the  exercise  of  the  political  power  of  some 
of  its  members ;  would  usurp  the  discharge  of  some  of  the  func- 
tions of  the  electorate ;  would  become  the  moving  force  in  The 
Government  and  would  exploit  administration  in  its  own  interests 
through  introducing  partizan  objects  and  partizan  methods  as  the 
Rule  of  Action  both  in  and  out  of  The  Government.  But  all  this 
has  happened ;  and  it  is  this  exercise  by  the  Partizan  Party  of 
unconstitutional  and  undemocratic  "  Power "  over  individual 
Electors  which  produces  the  so-called  "  friction  between  the 
branches  "  of  The  Government  as  this,  that,  or  the  other  "  Party  " 
drives  its  members  in  the  branches  to  encroachments  upon  sepa- 
rated authorities  in  order  to  supply  it  with  further  "  Power  "  in 
the  form  of  opportunity.  This  is  the  true  cause  of  the  observable 
friction,  and  not  the  supposed  fact  that  under  the  ordained  control 
of  their  rightful  Common  Superior  these  branches  are,  either  from 
the  nature  of  political  power  or  of  the  requirements  of  its  exer- 
cise under  a  Representative  Form  of  Government,  incapable  of 
harmonious  action. 

Under  the  Partizan  Party  System  the  whole  administrative 
agency,  being  dependent  upon  the  will  of  an  unnatural  Common 
Superior  for  motive  force,  and  being  wrongfully  energized, 
directed,  and  controlled,  must  of  necessity  work  unnaturally, 
illogically,  and  inharmoniously  together ;  and  must  also  of  neces- 
sity, but  in  perfect  consistency  to  the  illogical  system  of  action, 
produce  administration  that  is  in  part  destructive  of  individual 
justice  and  liberty.  From  this  ignoble  and  contemptible  electoral 
situation  there  is  but  one  avenue  of  escape.  The  Electorate  must 
either  provide  itself  with,  or  must  have  provided  for  it,  such  a 
system  of  methods  of  electoral  action  as  will  enable  its  members 
through  the  absolutely  free  exercise  of  their  public  powers  to 


POLITICAL   AGENCIES,   THE   GOVERNMENT     129 

resume  the  full  discharge  of  their  public  trust.  In  this  work  all 
of  the  individuals  of  the  community,  whether  members  of  The 
Electorate  or  not,  are  entitled  to  a  voice  and  to  active  participa- 
tion. The  Community  is  the  superior  of  The  Electorate  in  the 
same  way  that  The  Electorate  is  the  superior  of  The  Government ; 
but  The  Community  can  not  make  its  governmental  regime  fully 
operative  and  stable  unless  it  first  makes  The  Electorate  act 
according  to  the  principles  of  action  that  were  originally  ordained 
by  community  action. 


CHAPTER  X 
POLITICAL  MEANS  AND   POLITICAL  METHODS 

We  have  now  reached  a  part  of  this  subject-matter  where  it 
becomes  necessary  to  define  exactly  what  is  meant  in  this  book  by 
the  terms  "  PoHtical  Means  "  and  "  PoHtical  Methods." 

We  have  seen  that  theoretically  the  people  employ  two  distinct 
groups  of  individuals  in  the  transaction  of  their  political  work; 
namely,  The  Electorate  and  The  Government. 

Each  of  these  collective  bodies  has  its  ovrn  distinct  sphere  of 
action  and  each  has  its  own  distinct  political  function  to  discharge. 
Individual  action  within  each  of  these  bodies  produces  certain 
distinct  political  results,  and  the  final  collective  action  of  each 
goes  far  towards  determining  the  character  of  the  political  admin- 
istration of  any  given  period. 

Each  of  these  bodies  might,  in  one  sense,  be  considered  as  a 
means  to  an  end.  But  these  groups  are  more  than  a  mere  means. 
The  term  if  applied  to  them  does  not  sufiiciently  describe  them; 
and  inasmuch  as  a  means  is  generally  understood  to  be  a  some- 
thing which  is  employed  in  the  doing  of  things,  while  these  groups 
are  themselves  the  active  doers  of  the  things  required  of  them  by 
the  people,  I  have  given  them  the  distinctive  name  of  Political 
Agencies. 

The  function  of  an  agency  is  to  act.  The  function  of  a  means 
used  by  an  agency  is  to  assist  the  agency  either  to  accomplish  its 
full  purpose  or  to  accomplish  some  specific  object  necessary  for 
that  purpose. 

Considered  as  an  administrative  agent,  the  function  of  the 
electorate  is,  briefly,  to  provide  an  administrative  policy;  to  fill 
governmental  offices ;  and  to  control  the  action  of  public  officials 
during  a  period  of  administration.  Each  of  these  specific  objects 
may,  for  the  purpose  of  illustration,  be  called  secondary  objects 
inasmuch  as  they  each  contribute  to  but  do  not  separately 
constitute  the  sole  object  of  political  action  by  the  people. 

130 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND   POLITICAL  METHODS     131 

The  attainment  of  each  of  these  separate  results  constitutes  in 
itself  a  separate  stage  of  political  action ;  and  the  completion  of 
each  stage  is  reached  through  the  transaction  of  several  prelimi- 
nary matters  or  steps  of  action  which  lead  up,  one  after  another, 
to  the  final  accomplishment  of  each  definite  result. 

Theoretically,  each  of  these  preliminary  steps  is  supposed  to 
be  taken  by  the  individual  either  independently  by  himself  or 
when  acting  in  conjunction  with  others.  In  transacting  this 
work  the  individual  is  expected  to  avail  himself  of  certain  helpful 
instrumentalities,  the  object  of  which  is  to  bestow  force,  efficiency, 
definiteness,  and  propriety  to  such  individual  political  action. 

Theoretically,  the  work  of  the  agency  is  the  result  of  the  work 
of  the  individuals  who  compose  it ;  and  the  appliances  and  in- 
strumentalities serve  to  produce  the  proper,  true,  and  efficient 
agency-action  through  producing  in  the  first  place  proper  con- 
certed individual  action  in  the  various  steps  and  stages  of  agency- 
action. 

A  collective  political  agent  must  necessarily  act  as  a  collective 
political  unit ;  and  in  this  book  the  term  "  Means"  will  be  defined 
as  any  instrumentality  by  the  help  of  which  the  properly  concerted 
action  of  an  agency  is  obtained.  ]Means  differ  from  methods  in 
that  the  latter  relate  more  especially  to  the  way  in  which  independ- 
ent individual  action  should  be  properly  performed. 

In  transacting  the  distinctive  work  connected  with  the  accom- 
plishment of  each  of  the  secondary  objects  above  mentioned  the 
individual  does  not  use  the  same  identical  instrumentalities  and 
appliances.  Each  stage  of  political  action  requires  the  use  of 
distinctive  instrumentalities.  All  of  the  appliances  and  instrumen- 
talities taken  together  constitute  the  system  of  means  to  be  used. 
Some  one  means  may  be  used  for  the  accomplishment  of  some  one 
step  in  political  action,  and  others,  or  combination  of  others,  will 
be  used  in  other  steps.  So  regarded,  it  is  quite  possible  to  con- 
sider the  aid  used  in  any  one  stage  of  political  action  as  a  second- 
ary means  for  the  accomplishment  of  a  secondary  object. 

A  Means  :  The  term  "means,"  used  in  the  sense  of  a  "means  to 
an  end,"  may  be  defined  as  the  appliance,  or  instrumentality,  or 
combination,  by  the  orderly  use  of  which  a  definite  result  is  brought 
about. 

But  the  instrumentalities  which  we  are  at  present  considering 
are  those  which  are  connected  with  the  exercise  of  political  power 
or  of  political  authority ;  and  any  means  by  which  a  political 
result  is  attained  must  necessarily  possess  a  distinctive  political 


132  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

applicability,  characteristic,  and  peculiar  fitness ;  and  it  is  this 
which  distinguishes  it  from  all  other  means  as  a  political  means 
for  a  political  end. 

Under  our  theory  of  political  administration  each  Common- 
wealth is  supposed  to  possess  a  comprehensive  system  of  political 
administration  composed  of  means  and  methods  which  completely 
and  properly  regulate  the  exercise  of  administrative  power  for 
every  specific  object  for  which  that  power  is  to  be  used,  and  which 
has  received  the  sanction  of  approval  from  The  People.  Such  is 
not  the  fact ;  but  such  is  the  theory. 

A  Political  Means  :  Taking  the  theory  and  the  ultimate  object 
of  our  political  administration  into  consideration,  our  political 
means  —  using  the  term  in  the  plural  —  are  the  several  ordained 
instrumentalities  by  the  aid  of  which  the  Principles  of  the  State 
Polity  are  continually  made  operative  by  our  political  agencies  in 
the  conduct  of  public  and  of  private  affairs. 

But,  as  we  have  said,  there  are  many  specific,  secondary,  and 
mutually  supportive  objects  to  be  attained  before  final  action  in 
any  administrative  period  is  reached,  and  theoretically  we  employ 
several  distinct  and  servient  means  for  their  accomplishment 
which  will  be  readily  recognized  under  the  titles  of  The  Ballot, 
The  Ballot  Box,  Organization,  Leadership,  Political  Majorities, 
Political  Parties,  Representation,  and  so  on. 

Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  theory,  each  of  the  above-named 
instrumentalities  or  modes  of  specific  action  play  their  distinctive 
part  in  the  attainment  of  the  several  successive  and  secondary 
results  above  mentioned ;  and  I  have  chosen  to  distinguish  these 
several  modes  of  action  by  the  names  of  a  "  Political  Means,"  so 
that  my  readers  may  experience  no  difficulty  or  confusion  in 
determining  just  what  is  meant  in  this  book  by  this  term. 

Defined.  For  our  purposes,  therefore,  a  political  means  is  de- 
fined as  a  subsidiary  or  auxiliary  instrumentality  which  assists 
in  the  transaction  of  any  specific  part  of  the  whole  political  work 
of  an  ordained  Political  Agency. 

Character  of.  But  because  The  Commonwealth  is  professedly 
taking  right  political  action,  a  political  means  must  necessarily 
be  one  by  which  political  action  can  be  taken  properly.  The 
means  must  be  one  that  accords  in  spirit  with  the  fundamental 
principles  of  democratic  association.  It  must  also  be  one  that 
makes  democratic  rules  of  action  fully  operative ;  and  that  pro- 
duces the  ordained  exercise  of  political  power  and  of  political 
authority. 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND   POLITICAL  METHODS     133 

Any  means  which  does  not  possess  this  character  and  pecuHar 
effectiveness  is,  under  our  theory  of  government,  an  illogical  one. 
The  use  of  an  illogical  means  may  serve  to  make  the  transaction 
of  political  work  easier  to  the  individual  because  it  does  not  keep 
him  strictly  up  to  the  line  of  moral  civic  conduct ;  but  the  mere 
use  of  an  illogical  means  cannot  in  itself  bestow  upon  it  the  char- 
acter of  a  political  means,  for  the  latter  ranks  as  an  element  in  the 
moral  strength  of  The  Commonwealth  through  promoting  moral 
political  action. 

Conversely,  an  illogical  political  means  is  an  element  in  the 
moral  weakness  of  The  Commonwealth  because  its  use  will  pro- 
duce illogical,  and  therefore  ineffectual  and  improper  political 
action. 

At  present  much  of  our  political,  action  is  startlingly  ineffectual 
in  many  respects.  This,  in  a  measure,  is  due  to  the  character  of 
the  means  we  employ  in  our  political  work.  For  instance :  the 
illogical  means  that  we  are  using  at  present  do  not  assist  in  main- 
taining the  free  exercise  of  political  power  in  the  hands  of  the 
elector.  They  do  not  assist  The  Electorate  in  controlling  the 
exercise  by  public  officials  of  political  authority.  Quite  the  con- 
trary. Those  of  my  readers  who  through  experience  have  become 
initiated  in  the  "  practical "  politics  of  the  day,  know  that  the 
means  in  present  use  which  are  called  Organization,  Leadership, 
Political  Parties,  etc.,  are  gross  travesties  of  their  true  originals. 
By  the  "  Party  "  partizans  they  are  hypocritically  proclaimed  as 
"  Political  Means."  By  the  uninformed  they  are  heedlessly 
accepted  as  such.  The  only  trace  which  they  possess  of  a  political 
nature  springs  from  the  fact  that  they  are  used  in  our  political 
action ;  but  when  they  are  put  into  operation,  they  produce 
partizan  action  and  injustice  in  the  place  of  political  action  and 
justice ;  and  to  the  use  of  these  perverted  means  we  can  reasona- 
bly attribute  much  of  the  discordance  which  exists  between  our 
political  theory  and  our  political  practise. 

These  means,  in  their  present  shape,  are  the  finished  and  de- 
veloped products  of  The  Partizan  Party.  They  have  been  fur- 
nished to  us  for  use  by  The  Partizan  Party,  since  it,  as  George 
Bernard  Shaw  would  say,  was  made  the  Savior  of  American 
Democracy  by  universal  hallucination. 

If  I  have  succeeded  in  making  my  meaning  clear,  a  Political 
Means  will  appear  as  any  instrumentality  or  mode  of  orderly 
action  which  properly  assists  a  Political  Agency  to  the  right 
exercise  of  its  collective  political  power  or  political  authority  for 


134  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

the  accomplishment  of  its  specific  part  of  the  work  of  poHtical 
administration.  It  is  more  especially  an  aid  to  proper  action  that 
is  to  be  taken  by  a  group  of  individuals  acting  together  as  a  unit. 
This  characteristic  distinguishes  a  means  from  other  modes  of 
action  which  in  effect  regulate  the  way  in  which  separate  individual 
action  is  to  be  taken.  We  shall  have  to  consider  several  of  such 
means  as  are  now  in  use,  in  the  chapters  immediately  succeeding 
this  one. 

Method :  Turning  now  to  a  consideration  of  the  way  in  which 
right  political  action  is  to  be  obtained  from  the  individual  when 
acting  in  the  capacity  of  an  independent  Sovereign-unit. 

Ordinarily  a  method  is  defined  as  a  regular  manner  of  doing 
anything.  Manner  means  literally  the  handling  of  a  thing ;  and 
regularity  in  handling  anything  implies  a  generally  accepted  order 
in  the  process  by  which  a  desired  result  is  obtained. 

Concerned  as  we  are  in  the  investigation  of  the  proper  exercise 
either  of  individual  power  or  of  political  power  for  political  pur- 
poses, it  is  necessary  to  limit  the  general  meaning  of  the  term 
somewhat ;  and  methods  will  be  defined  as  the  regular  manner 
in  which  either  individual  power  is  used  to  accomplish  individual 
results,  or  political  power  and  authority  is  used  to  accomplish 
political  results. 

Where  individual  power  is  exercised  for  the  satisfaction  of  purely 
individual  desires,  the  methods  are  individual  in  character.  Such 
methods  are  usually  the  outcome  of  experience.  They  have  been 
devised  and  adopted,  and  are  used  by  the  individual  —  when 
acting  as  a  social  or  economic  unit  —  because  they  add  the  greatest 
possible  efficiency  to  his  effort. 

Where,  however,  political  power  or  political  authority  is 
exercised  for  the  satisfaction  of  political  desires,  the  methods  are 
necessarily  political  in  character;  and  the  point  to  be  noted  here 
is,  that  theoretically,  and  with  us,  the  methods  are  supposed  to 
be  devised  by  the  Collective  Sovereign  for  the  use  of  the  individual 
when  he  is  acting  in  a  political  capacity. 

In  either  case,  the  desire  for  the  happiness  which  accompanies 
a  self-produced  welfare  requires  that  the  method  shall  be  such  as 
puts  the  power  into  operation  with  the  greatest  possible  effect  and 
with  the  least  possible  hindrance  or  friction. 

System :  Comparatively  few  human  results  are  accomplished 
nowadays  by  the  use  of  one  single  method  standing  alone  by 
itself.  Social  and  economic  operations  are  more  or  less  complex. 
Usually  methods  are  combined  with  one  or  more  mechanical 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND  POLITICAL  METHODS    135 

appliances  or  means  which  aid  the  process ;  and  the  inchisive 
means,  methods,  and  order  of  action  constitutes  the  system  of 
operation. 

This  fact  is  exemphfied  by  the  common  use  of  such  terms  as 
"  agricultural  systems,"  "  business  systems,"  "  educational  sys- 
tems," "  political  systems,"  etc.  Each  system  has  its  own  dis- 
tinctive methods;  thus  we  speak  of  "agricultural  methods," 
"business  methods,"  "  educational  methods,"  "political  methods," 
etc. 

The  powers  utilized  or  used  may  be  either  natural  power, 
individual  power,  or  political  power;  but  the  point  to  be  kept  in 
mind  is,  that  in  either  case  the  character  of  the  methods  to  be 
used  is  determined  beforehand  by  the  specific  result  sought  for. 

Generally  speaking,  the  methods  that  will  produce  one  distinct 
result  will  not  produce  another.  For  instance :  pure  business 
methods  —  being  those  used  in  competition  —  will  not  produce 
pure  political  results ;  which  results,  in  free  communities,  proceed 
from  harmonious  cooperation. 

Political  Methods :  From  this  we  perceive  that  political 
methods  must  of  necessity  differ  from  all  other  methods  in  function, 
character,  purpose,  and  effect. 

To  function  properly  a  political  method  must  assist  in  making 
the  exercise  of  some  one  or  another  of  the  component  parts  of  our 
political  power  fully  operative  for  its  specific  purpose. 

In  character,  a  political  method  must  reflect  the  spirit  of  the 
original  Principles  of  Association,  and  also  the  intent  of  The 
Commonwealth. 

During  any  period  of  administration  the  individual  has  several 
distinct  political  objects  to  accomplish.  Each  object  is  accom- 
plished by  the  aid  of  its  distinctive  means  and  methods.  Depend- 
ing upon  the  specific  work  to  be  done,  and  summed  up  briefly,  let 
us  say  that  the  purpose  of  any  given  political  method  may  be 
either  to  produce  equality  in  the  political  action  of  individuals; 
or  regularity,  order,  and  similarity  in  the  performance  by  individu- 
als of  a  political  duty  that  is  common  to  all ;  or  certainty  and 
definiteness  in  the  desired  result;  and  lastly,  the  method  must  be 
such  as  will  produce  freedom  in  individual  political  action  through 
the  exclusion  of  influences  which,  under  our  governmental  agree- 
ment, are  considered  improper. 

Finally,  in  effect,  every  political  method  should  contribute 
towards  the  maintenance  within  the  territorial  limits  of  The 
Commonwealth  of  its  chosen  conditions  of  individual  existence. 


136  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Function  of  Method.  The  function  of  any  individual  method  in 
a  mechanical  operation  is  to  make  some  power  fully  operative. 
But  ahead  of  the  operative  process  there  exists  an  intent  to  reach 
a  definite  result.  In  all  mechanical  operations  there  is  a  most 
intimate  relation  existing  between  intent,  method,  and  result ; 
and  unless  the  mechanical  method  be  right,  the  mechanical  result 
will  not  be  that  intended. 

What  is  true  in  this  respect  concerning  a  mechanical  operation 
is  equally  true  regarding  a  political  operation.  If  anything, 
there  is  a  more  intimate  relation  between  political  intent,  political 
methods,  and  political  results,  because  the  element  of  morality 
is  included  in  the  operation. 

Expanding  the  general  definition  of  function  as  given  above  to 
fit  political  action,  let  us  say  that  the  function  6f  any  given  political 
method  is  to  make  some  part  of  the  political  power  fully  operative 
for  its  specific  purpose.  In  order  to  make  a  political  power  fully 
operative  we  have  to  take  its  intent  into  consideration ;  and  this 
element  of  intent  naturally  predetermines  the  character  of  the 
method.  Of  course  political  power  can  be  used  even  in  the 
absence  of  right  methods  of  action.  It  is  easily  possible  to  make 
a  political  power  partially  operative  by  substituting  an  expedient 
in  the  place  of  a  logical  means  or  a  logical  method ;  but  if  an 
expedient  is  used,  then  the  result  can  never  be  that  which  was 
originally  intended. 

The  intent  of  each  American  Commonwealth  is  to  maintain 
within  its  territorial  limits  those  certain  conditions  of  individual 
existence  which  it  calls  Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice. 
Each  Commonwealth  has  ordained  their  existence  and  main- 
tenance. Each  has  adopted  its  own  peculiar  way  of  maintaining 
these  conditions,  which  w^ay  differs  in  details  from  that  of  the 
others ;  but  in  all  of  the  States  the  general  intent  of  the  people 
was  to  maintain  what  each  Commonwealth  conceived  was  indi- 
vidual Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice.  Each  Common- 
wealth has  defined  these  terms  in  the  same  general  way  and  has 
given  to  these  definitions  the  name  and  force  of  Political  Prin- 
ciples ;  and  it  is  to  these  general  principles  as  ordained  that  we 
must  look  for  the  intent  of  the  people.  These  principles,  when 
adopted,  were  expressed  in  broad  terms.  No  attempt  was  made 
to  distinguish  sharply  between  freedom,  and  economic  freedom, 
and  political  freedom,  or  to  show  in  detail  how  either  of  these 
varieties  of  freedom  should  be  exercised  or  be  preserved  through 
individual  action.     The  general  idea  of  the  principle  was  supposed 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND  POLITICAL   METHODS    137 

to  be  accepted  by  the  people  as  a  whole  and  individuals  were 
supposed  to  be  governed  by  the  general  idea  when  acting  in  any 
capacity;  but  the  detail  manner  by  which  individuals  were  to 
exercise  and  to  maintain  these  several  forms  of  freedom  was, 
with  few  exceptions,  left  to  be  worked  out  by  the  people  in  the 
future. 

Looked  at  from  this  standpoint,  Political  Principles,  expressing 
as  they  do  the  general  intent  of  the  people  of  any  State,  are  the 
underlying  moving  forces  in  political  action. 

Couched  as  they  are  in  the  form  of  broad  generalizations,  they 
can  do  no  more  than  indicate  the  kind  or  character  of  action 
which  the  individual  is  to  take  when  transacting  the  work  con- 
nected with  any  given  step  or  stage  of  political  action. 

Political  Principles  the  Touchstone  of  Political  Methods.  But 
inasmuch  as  political  principles  do  indicate  the  kind  of  action 
which  is  expected  of  individuals,  they  become  the  sole  touchstone 
of  political  methods ;  for  we  can  always  judge  correctly  of  the 
propriety  or  of  the  impropriety  of  any  given  political  method  by 
first  ascertaining  whether  the  method  in  use  gives  full  and  logical 
efFect  to  some  one  or  another  of  our  political  principles. 

Theoretically,  the  individual  power  which  we  use  in  political 
action,  or  the  political  power  which  we  are  entitled  to  use,  is 
always  used  solely  for  the  purpose  of  putting  our  political  prin- 
ciples into  effective  operation.  The  function  of  a  political  princi- 
ple is  to  declare  the  general  intent  of  political  action.  The  function 
of  a  political  method  is  to  make  that  intent  fully  operative.  If 
the  general  intent  of  political  action  is  clearly  stated,  then  the 
general  character  of  individual  political  action,  whether  taken 
with  others,  or  by  oneself,  is  indicated  beforehand.  But  what 
is  it  that  in  the  end  absolutely  determines  the  character  of  such 
action  when  taken  beyond  any  possibility  of  a  doubt?  Not  the 
principles,  not  the  declaration  of  intent,  but  the  means  and  the 
methods  of  individual  action  which  are  used,  and  through  the  use 
of  which  alone  the  full  intent  of  the  principles  can  either  be  evaded 
or  made  operative. 

The  relations  which  exist  between  intent  and  method,  or  to 
put  it  more  specifically  the  relations  which  exist  between  any 
political  principle  and  any  political  method,  is  one  of  the  most 
interesting  as  well  as  important  subjects  for  investigation.  So 
far  as  I  know,  this  subject,  as  it  relates  to  proper  political  action 
on  our  part,  has  never  received  any  consideration  worthy  of  the 
name ;  but  a  master  hand  might  pen  a  book  on  this  theme  that 


138  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

would  be  of  inestimable  service  to  the  American  People,  not  to 
mention  humanity  at  large. 

Take  one  example  of  this  relation  by  way  of  illustration  :  drop- 
ping the  word  "  intent"  and  substituting  for  it  the  term  "  political 
freedom  "  as  generally  expressive  of  intent  concerning  political 
action.  If  individuals  are  to  remain  free  as  ordained  through 
their  own  free  political  action ;  if  they  are  to  transmit  this  or- 
dained freedom  and  accompanying  felicity  to  their  posterity, 
then  is  it  not  indispensably  necessary  that  they  have  and  use  only 
such  methods  as  enable  them  at  all  times  and  for  all  purposes  to 
act  freely  in  a  political  capacity  ?  Freedom,  or  immunity  from 
oppressive  government,  has  been  ordained  as  a  condition  of 
existence ;  and  political  freedom,  or  freedom  of  will  and  judgment, 
has  been  ordained  as  a  condition  of  individual  political  action. 
The  individual  has  been  made  politically  free,  so  that  he,  at  all 
times,  may  use  his  reason,  conscience,  and  will  -in  the  endeavor  to 
maintain  and  to  perpetuate  the  condition  of  freedom  as  ordained. 
Theoretically,  he  assists  in  perpetuating  freedom  by  transmitting 
to  succeeding  generations  in  the  State  the  opportunity  for  all 
citizens  to  act  freely  in  a  political  capacity. 

But  if  the  individual  uses,  or  has  thrust  upon  him  the  use  of, 
any  one  single  method  of  action  by  which  his  moral  freedom  is 
impaired,  or  destroyed,  then  not  only  is  his  usefulness  to  the 
State  lessened  but  his  action  is  changed  in  character  and  kind  from 
that  originally  ordained  from  him ;  and  if  the  use  of  such  a 
method  is  widespread  or  general,  then  the  opportunity  is  presented 
for  an  administrative  action  by  the  people  that  may  be  oppressive 
to  a  greater  or  lesser  extent. 

Finally,  if  the  individual  acquiesces  in  the  use  of  an  illogical 
method,  and  dies  while  it  is  in  general  use,  then  he  has  not  helped 
in  the  perpetuation  of  freedom ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  has 
helped  in  perpetuating  a  condition  of  affairs  under  which  in  the 
course  of  time  the  political  rule  may  become  either  undemo- 
cratically  oppressive  to  some  members  of  The  Commonwealth 
or  productive  of  unjust  privilege  to  others. 

What  is  true  of  one  political  principle  is  true  of  all  the  others. 
If  individuals  use  methods  of  political  action  by  which  the  force 
of  any  political  principle  is  lessened,  or  by  which  its  intent  is  not 
fully  carried  out,  then  the  political  action  of  such  individuals 
becomes  different  in  kind  from  that  originally  intended ;  and  if 
the  use  of  illogical  methods  be  general  among  the  individuals,  and 
is  persisted  in  by  the  people  of  a  State,  then  The  Commonwealth 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND   POLITICAL  METHODS    139 

will  never  be  able  to  ascertain  whether  it  is  possible  through 
political  administration  to  reap  the  benefits  to  humanity  that  were 
promised  through  an  adherence  to  its  original  Principles  of  Action. 

But,  as  said  before,  political  principles,  standing  by  themselves 
and  unsupported  by  a  rule  of  application,  possess  only  a  moral 
force.  Moral  force  resembles  physical  force  in  that  both  require 
the  aid  of  appropriate  means  and  methods  before  either  can  be 
made  fully  operative.  The  mere  moral  force  of  our  governmental 
agreement,  however,  is  not  in  itself,  and  all  of  the  time,  strong 
enough  to  cause  all  of  the  individuals  in  the  community  to  make 
the  intent  of  our  political  principles  fully  operative  through  their 
political  action.  Even  the  moral  force  of  the  principles  of  a 
religious  association  requires  a  system  of  organized  action.  The 
generality  of  individuals  require  the  immediate  compelling  force 
of  a  stated  rule  as  an  ever  present  stimulus  to  right  action.  The 
same  is  true  of  political  action ;  and  the  function  of  a  political 
method  is  to  make  the  intent  of  a  political  principle  fully  operative 
through  individual  action ;  and,  in  passing,  because  only  the 
Collective  Sovereign  can  make  its  individual  sovereign-units  act 
rightly  in  the  exercise  of  political  power,  the  political  methods, 
or  the  system  of  political  methods,  should  be  devised,  accepted, 
and  ordained  as  a  Law  by  The  People. 

Now  we  exercise  our  political  power  in  a  distinctive  way.  We 
attempt  to  make  the  intent  of  our  political  principles  fully  opera- 
tive through  a  serial  exercise  of  the  component  parts  of  our  Powers 
of  Administration  at  different  times  in  a  period  of  administration, 
and  for  certain  definite  and  distinct  objects.  Our  purpose  in 
exercising  some  of  the  parts  of  our  political  power  ahead  of  the 
others  is  to  continually  prepare  the  situation  for  the  proper 
exercise  of  the  remaining  parts.  The  various  subservient  or 
secondary  objects  worked  for  are  attained  in  a  regular  order  of 
succession ;  and  each  of  these  specific  objects  is,  in  turn,  accom- 
plished through  the  performance  by  individuals  of  several  separate 
and  distinct  series  of  political  actions. 

Defined.  If  the  above  brief  statement  of  the  peculiar  function 
of  a  political  method  is  correct,  then  we  may  define  a  political 
method  as  the  ordained  manner  in  which  the  intent  of  any  part 
of  the  inclusive  political  power  is  made  fully  operative  for  its 
specific  purpose  through  individual  action. 

Under  this  definition  there  can  be  but  one  right  or  logical 
method  ;  namely,  that  which  makes  the  intent  of  the  action  fully 
operative,  and  neither  more,  and  neither  less. 


140  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

Non-political  Methods.  Any  method  which  does  not  produce 
this  result  must  necessarily  produce  a  result  other  than  the  one 
intended.  Such  methods,  no  matter  how  they  get  into  use,  must 
be  excluded  from  the  category  of  political  methods,  because  their 
use  makes  the  individual  do  either  more  or  less  than  it  was  orig- 
inally intended  he  should  do. 

Such  methods  can  only  be  properly  considered  as  makeshifts, 
expedients,  customs,  usages,  practices,  and  so  on.  We  should 
habitually  think  of  them  as  such  and  call  them  so  as  an  aid  to 
right  thinking.  We  discriminate  constantly  between  non- 
political  and  true  political  methods  by  the  daily  use  of  the  term 
"  Party  methods  "  ;  thus  betraying  consciousness  of  the  fact  that 
"  Party  methods  "  are  those  which  have  received  the  sanction  of 
"  Party "  approval,  and  not  the  sanction  flowing  from  a  free 
exercise  of  The  Legislative  Power  by  the  people. 

The  character  of  a  "  Party  method  "  is  not  changed  by  calling 
it  a  political  method,  or  by  the  mere  fact  that  it  is  used  in  adminis- 
trative action.  Xor  does  the  fact  that  the  Collective  Sovereign 
has  given  its  units  permission  to  use  "  Party  methods  "  change 
them  into  true  political  methods,  for  the  latter  are  such  as  tend 
to  produce  the  intended  use  of  political  power  and  political  author- 
ity, while  "  Party  methods  "  are  such  as  tend  to  pervert  the  intent. 

Importance  of  Correct  Methods.  The  effectiveness  of  the  political 
principles  of  a  free  Commonwealth  depends  not  so  much  upon  the 
intent  of  the  people,  or  upon  their  desire  for  good  administration, 
as  upon  the  way  in  which  its  individuals  act ;  and  this  in  turn 
depends  very  largely  upon  the  appropriateness  of  the  methods  by 
which  their  principles  are  applied. 

Political  principles  merely  declare  the  intent  of  administrative 
work;  methods,  however,  make  that  intent  operative  or  not  as 
the  case  may  be.  The  People  at  Large  may  continue  to  be  infused 
with  and  animated  by  the  Spirit  of  their  First  Principles,  but 
unless  they  possess  the  assistance  of  logical  methods  their  admin- 
istrative action  must  as  of  course  prove  more  or  less  ineffective ; 
the  degree  of  ineffectiveness  bearing  a  close  ratio  to  the  pre- 
ponderance of  improper  methods. 

Political  Administration.  The  rightful  application,  by  The 
Commonwealth,  of  its  principles  of  action  while  managing  pub- 
lic and  private  affairs,  is  Political  Administration.  Economic 
progress,  however,  constantly  changes  the  face  of  affairs  and  the 
relative  power  of  individuals.  As  a  consequence.  The  Common- 
wealth is   continually  forced  into  a  consideration   of  questions 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND  POLITICAL  METHODS    141 

relative  to  just  actions  by  individuals.  It  has  to  do  one  of  two 
things.  It  must  either  reestablish  the  original  relations  between 
individuals  that  have  become  disturbed,  or  it  must  establish, 
under  the  new  social  and  economic  conditions,  such  new  individual 
relations  as  shall  be  in  accord  with  the  original  principles  of 
association. 

The  Electorate  exercises  the  initiative  of  The  Commonwealth 
in  this  work ;  and  because  it  is  given  the  exercise  of  discretion  it 
is  under  the  obligation  to  enforce  right  action  from  all  of  its  own 
members,  for  otherwise  immoral  and  conspiratous  action  between 
private  citizens  and  public  officials  becomes  possible. 

A  Rule  of  Right  Action  Indispensable.  The  success  of  Govern- 
ment, like  that  of  any  venture,  mainly  depends  upon  right  methods, 
rightfully  used.  We,  the  people,  are  The  Sovereign.  It  is  we, 
the  people,  who  create  the  added  opportunities  for  individual 
development  and  happiness.  We,  the  people,  must  preserve 
them ;  and  we  declare  ourselves  morally  free  in  order  to  do  so. 
We  are  bound  to  act  morall}'. 

But  right  action  cannot  be  definitely  ascertained  either  in 
the  absence  of  a  definite  rule  of  action,  or  in  the  presence  of  an 
indefinite  rule  of  action.  Hence  the  necessity  for  a  logical  and 
comprehensive  administrative  system. 

Kind  of  Methods  Intended.  At  the  first  glance  the  connection 
between  successful  administration  and  correct  electorate  methods 
may  not  appear.  But  it  becomes  more  apparent  when  we  realize 
two  facts ;  namely,  first,  that  the  forces  which  The  Commonwealth 
has  to  contend  against  are  human  ignorance,  selfishness,  and  a 
lack  of  public  spirit  in  many  of  its  individuals ;  and  second,  that 
methods  which  tend  to  minimize  these  forces,  or  which  prevent 
their  organization  by  individuals  into  active  factors  in  political 
administration,  are  the  ones  calculated  to  produce  the  best  admin- 
istration. (See  Mill,  on  "  Effect  of  Methods,"  Chapter  II,  Rep- 
resentative Government.) 

At  present  our  efforts  do  not  produce  either  the  required  or 
the  desired  kind  of  administrative  action.  Failing  in  this,  we  also 
fail  to  produce  all  of  the  results  to  individuals  which  our  form  of 
Government  was  instituted  to  secure.  Admitting  that  our  failure 
may  be  due  in  part  to  inherent  human  weakness ;  nevertheless, 
if  we  are  agreed  concerning  the  kind  of  action  to  be  taken  by  The 
Commonwealth ;  if  we  admit  that  the  motive  for  taking  such 
action  be  pure ;  that  the  objects  to  be  obtained  are  beneficent ; 
and  that  the  power  to  enforce  the  required  action  is  legitimate  and 


142  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

sufficient,  then  where  else  should  we  naturally  look  next  for  an 
explanation  of  the  presence  of  a  different  kind  of  action  from  that 
required  if  not  into  the  character  and  kind  of  methods  which  we 
use. 

Our  reasons  for  requiring  free,  direct,  and  independent  action 
from  electors,  whether  in  or  out  of  office,  are  based  on  our  knowledge 
of  human  nature  and  of  past  political  experiences.  Succinctly 
they  are  as  follows.  Government  is  instituted  by  us  to  impart 
permanence  to  The  Commonwealth,  and  to  secure  permanence  in 
individual  welfare  and  happiness.  True  happiness  consists  in 
the  satisfaction  of  moral  desires.  True  welfare  is  best  safe- 
guarded by  the  welfare  of  others.  But  the  force  of  these  truths 
is  not  sufficiently  strong  to  dominate  all  individual  action.  The 
desire  in  the  average  individual  to  promote  the  General  Welfare 
does  not  compare  in  strength  to  the  desire  to  promote  personal 
advancement  or  material  welfare.  The  satisfaction  of  this  latter 
desire,  if  unchecked,  will  before  long  so  unsettle  the  relations  of 
individuals  to  each  other  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  them  to 
live  together  in  happiness.  Unhappiness  produces  discord  and 
division ;  and  this,  if  long  continued,  finally  results  in  the  dis- 
memberment of  society.  This  means  social  death,  which  society 
strives  against  as  the  individual  strives  against  his  own  death  ;  and 
as  the  individual  resorts  to  correct  food  and  proper  exercise  to 
prolong  his  life,  so  does  society  resort  to  correct  means  and  proper 
methods  of  action  to  prolong  its  existence. 

Now  as  to  the  kind  of  methods  originally  intended.  It  is  rec- 
ognized and  admitted  that  no  mere  method  of  action  is  of  itself 
capable  of  producing  moral  action.  Nor  is  the  mere  ordination 
of  the  use  of  any  system  of  methods,  however  correct,  capable  of 
this.  But  there  is  value  in  methods,  for  it  is  admitted  that  the 
method  which  prescribes  a  free,  independent,  and  direct  exercise 
of  the  Powers  of  Administration  is  the  kind  of  method  under 
which  the  acts  of  the  individual  are  most  easily  observed;  and 
therefore  is  the  one  under  which  his  responsibility  to  act  morally 
—  that  is,  in  accord  with  the  true  intent  of  his  governmental 
agreement  —  can  be  most  speedily  enforced  by  The  Common- 
wealth. It  is  also  recognized  that  any  other  kind  of  method  than 
the  one  just  described  will,  if  used,  enable  an  individual  to  more 
easily  evade  his  moral  responsibility  in  part  or  in  whole,  and  will 
also  afford  him  greater  opportunity,  if  he  is  that  way  inclined,  to 
satisfy  his  selfish  desires  at  the  expense  of  his  fellows ;  but  also  at 
the  risk  of  creating  destructive  discord  in  society. 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND  POLITICAL  METHODS    143 

Consequently,  and  to  enable  The  Commonwealth  to  more  easily 
detect,  effectually  prevent,  and  speedily  punish  such  infractions 
of  the  general  moral  obligation,  it  must  have  the  means  for  securing 
a  direct  and  easily  observable  exercise  of  the  Powers  of  Adminis- 
tration from  each  elector  whether  he  is  in  or  out  of  office. 

Danger  in  Two  Sets  of  Methods.  The  Commonwealth  is  con- 
tinually striving  to  secure  exact  Justice  to  its  individuals  during 
a  rapid  progress  of  society  and  development  of  the  individual. 
In  doing  this  it  employs  methods  that  are  intended  to  produce 
proper  Leadership,  Organization,  Legislation,  Representation, 
Control,  and  so  on.  All  of  its  methods  when  taken  together  are 
intended  to  assist  it  to  produce  a  free  formation,  ascertainment, 
expression,  application,  and  enforcement  of  a  rightfully  animated 
Will  of  The  People. 

If  its  intent  is  to  be  realized,  then  all  of  its  various  methods  must 
harmonize,  correlate,  mutually  support,  and  complement  each 
other.  The  Commonwealth  should  not  have  in  its  administrative 
system  some  methods,  or  a  set  of  methods  like  "  Party  methods," 
which,  when  put  into  use,  offset  the  effects  produced  by  the  use  of 
whatever  true  political  methods  there  may  be ;  for  if  it  does, 
then  its  administrative  action  must  partake  necessarily  of  the 
uncertainty,  the  indefiniteness,  the  inefficiency,  the  delay,  and  the 
contradictions  that  always  flow  from  the  use  of  two  sets  of  incon- 
gruous methods  in  one  operation.  In  the  readjustment  of  social 
equilibrium  we,  the  people,  are  constantly  called  on  to  support  old 
methods  or  to  adopt  new  ones.  The  welfare  of  our  society,  the 
true  welfare  of  its  individuals,  and  possibly  the  welfare  of  humanity 
at  large  may  hinge  on  our  right  action  at  such  times.  It  is  not 
enough  that  we  possess  the  Power  and  the  Right  to  administer 
restraint  coupled  with  an  acceptable  State  Polity  and  theoretically 
correct  political  agencies.  These,  of  themselves,  will  not  produce 
the  results  aimed  at.  It  is  we,  the  individuals  of  The  Common- 
wealth acting  together,  who  produce  results.  Consequently,  we 
must  have  a  proper  and  a  homogeneous  working  system  or  our 
agencies  cannot  be  made  to  perform  their  theoretical  duties.  For 
instance  :  The  Government  does  not  work  automatically.  As  an 
agency  it  requires  constant  energizing  and  direction  from  the  Will 
of  The  People.  And  because  the  exercise  of  political  authority,  if 
left  improperly  guarded,  will  be  grasped  by  individuals  who 
(entirely  irrespective  of  their  morality)  are  most  capable  or  most 
anxious  to  wield  it,  and  because  The  Government  will  respond  as 
easily  to  an  improper  impulse  as  to  a  proper  one  (provided  the 


144  SAFE   AND    UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

improper  impulse  is  called  The  Will  of  The  People) ,  it  is  indispen- 
sably incumbent  upon  us,  if  we  wish  to  reap  our  ordained  benefits, 
to  provide  ourselves  with  methods  that  will  tend  to  produce  an 
absolutely  free  formation  of  Public  Opinion,  and  its  direct  appli- 
cation by  individuals  to  all  questions  and  matters  involved  in 
political  administration. 

Danger  in  Two  Codes  of  Action.  If,  in  political  administration, 
there  are  two  sets  of  methods  in  use,  then  there  exists,  in  effect,  a 
dual  code  of  action.  Our  present  administrative  system  contains 
provisions  under  which  the  individual,  while  engaged  in  the  various 
processes  of  administration,  is  required  to  act  solely  in  the  capacity 
of  an  elector;  but  it  also  contains  provisions  which  permit  him 
and  even  compel  him  while  so  engaged  to  act  in  the  capacity  of  a 
mere  Partizan  Party  Member. 

Results.  Through  making  Administrative  Success  depend  upon 
"  Party  Success"  we  have  in  effect  offered  an  opportunity  to 
Sovereign-units  to  subordinate  political  obligations  to  partizan 
party  obligations.  We  have  produced  indirect  action  where 
direct  action  was  ordained.  We  have  put  a  premium  on  dependent 
action  instead  of  on  independent  action.  We  have  seriously 
impaired  the  binding  force  of  the  ordained  political  obligations 
of  citizens  and  of  officials.  We  have  weakened  the  power  of  The 
Commonwealth  to  enforce  responsible  action  from  electors  and 
from  officials.  Instead  of  The  Will  of  The  People  we  allow  The 
Will  of  A  Partizan  Party  to  act  as  The  Impulse  to  The  Government. 
We  fill  the  offices  and  positions  in  The  Government  with  "  Party 
Workers,"  instead  of  filling  them  with  true  Political  Leaders, 
Statesmen,  and  Public-Spirited  Men.  We  have  passed  the  con- 
trol over  Governmental  Work  into  the  hands  of  A  Partizan  Party ; 
and  through  failing  in  logical  administrative  action  all  along  the 
line  we  have  failed  to  maintain  in  society  those  conditions  of 
individual  existence  which  we  as  a  people  originally  promised 
humanity  at  large  to  maintain. 

The  Necessary  Political  Guarantee.  The  American  Common- 
wealths bestowed  political  freedom  upon  their  Sovereign-units  so 
that  they  should  be  able  to  maintain  these  conditions  continuously 
through  free  individual  administrative  action.  But  the  Common- 
wealths have  never  taken  adequate  action  to  guarantee  the 
continued  existence  of  individual  political  freedom  or  the  oppor- 
tunity for  its  exercise. 

Apparently,  We,  the  people,  have  forgotten  that  individual 
Freedom,  Liberty,  and  Equality  as  ordained  can  be  maintained 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND   POLITICAL  METHODS    145 

in  a  Democracy  only  by  free  action  on  the  part  of  those  who 
exercise  political  power  and  authority.  Apparently  we  do  not 
realize  that  free  action  as  ordained  requires  the  support  of  a  body 
of  compulsory  law.  Apparently  we  do  not  perceive  as  yet  that 
the  exercise  of  political  power  and  of  political  authority  by  the 
individuals  who  compose  a  Collective  Sovereign  can  never  be 
regulated  properly  except  by  The  Collective  Sovereign  itself. 

Requisites  of.  An  adequate  political  guarantee  of  free  individ- 
ual administrative  action,  and  of  the  opportunity  for  such  action, 
must  possess  the  force  that  flows  from  direct  action  by  The  Col- 
lective Sovereign.  It  must  be  composed  of  ways  and  methods 
that  are  devised  and  ordained  into  use  by  The  Collective  Sovereign  ; 
and  the  ways  and  methods  must  be  of  a  kind  that  enables  each 
Sovereign-unit  to  promote  the  general  ivelfare  freely  in  every  step, 
stage,  and  process  of  political  administration. 

Such  action  only  is  logical  political  action.  Such  methods  only 
are  logical  administrative  methods.  Such  a  Body  of  Adminis- 
trative Law  constitutes  a  guarantee  beforehand  to  each  Sovereign- 
unit  of  the  opportunity,  at  least,  to  take  free  administrative  action 
in  the  promotion  of  the  general  welfare  as  ordained ;  but  a  Body 
of  Administrative  Law  that  is  devised  for  the  people,  or  by  any 
agencv  or  association  of  individuals  whatsoever  which  has  in 
immediate  view  other  objects  than  the  promotion  of  the  general 
welfare,  is  a  sure  guarantee  of  perverted  administrative  action. 

The  Specific  Political  Guarantee.  Now  the  IMassachusetts 
colonists  ordained  the  existence  of  what  they  called  their  Body  of 
Liberties.  But  they  failed  to  accompany  such  action  with  an 
explicit  statement  as  to  how  such  liberties  should  be  kept  in 
existence  during  their  future  political  administration ;  and, 
ultimately,  these  liberties  dwindled  to  distorts  of  their  original 
meanings  because  of  the  lack  of  support,  and  were  supplanted 
with  antagonistic  ideas,  ^^^lat  happened  in  Massachusetts  is  a 
substantiation  of  the  truth  that  the  guarantee  which  is  contained 
alone  in  and  by  the  mere  act  of  adopting  political  principles  as  a 
guide  is  too  general  to  be  of  immediate  or  of  effective  assistance  in 
the  attempt  to  prevent  —  or  even  to  punish  —  a  violation  of 
principle.  But  a  logical  method,  as  above  defined,  is  a  specific 
guarantee  that  is  immediately  available  and  efi'ective  because  it  is 
comparatively  easy  to  prove  a  violation  of  a  specific  legal  pro- 
vision if  the  attempt  is  made  seriously.  The  Commonwealths, 
lacking  in  sagacity,  have  failed  to  make  their  intent  fully  operative 
mainly  through  failing  to  make  their  Sovereign-units  act  con- 


146  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

sistently.  The  Partizan  Party,  with  sagacity  to  spare,  has 
succeeded  in  making  its  intent  fully  operative  through  making  its 
members  act  consistentl}".  The  Commonwealths  can  learn  a 
lesson  in  efficient  and  logical  administrative  action  from  The 
Partizan  Party.  That  body  started  out  to  control  the  exercise 
of  political  power  in  The  Electorate  and  to  control  the  exercise  of 
political  authority  in  The  Government.  Necessarily  its  members 
were  Sovereign-units.  It  had  to  teach  its  members  to  forget  the 
fact  that  they  should  act  as  Sovereign-units.  It  addressed  itself 
first  to  the  construction  of  its  own  System  of  ]\Ianagement ;  one 
of  its  parts  being  the  dogma  of  "  Party  Regularity."  It  defined 
this  dogma  specifically  as  "  Implicit  Obedience  to  the  Constituted 
Authorities  of  the  Partizan  Party  Organizations."  Then,  by  an 
inexorable  application  of  this  rule  of  action  to  its  members  while 
they  were  engaged  in  matters  of  political  administration,  a  partizan 
party  was  enabled  to  preclude  most  of  its  members  from  a  proper 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  in  The  Electo- 
rate, and  was  always  able  to  permit,  and  often  able  to  compel,  an 
improper  exercise  of  political  authority  in  The  Government. 

The  truth  suggested  by  "  Party  Action"  is  this :  if  a  partizan 
party  can  secure  improper  action  from  the  Sovereign-units  of  The 
State  by  the  construction,  and  the  enforcement  upon  them,  of 
improper  rules  of  administrative  action,  then  surely  The  State 
can  secure  proper  action  from  its  owti  Sovereign-units  by  the 
construction,  and  the  enforcement  on  them  of  proper  rules  of 
administrative  action. 

The  Political  .^gis :  The  idea  of  an  actively-working  and 
protective  power,  influence,  or  instrumentality  working  from  the 
outside  in  favor  of,  or  in  the  protection  of  the  people,  is  as  old  as 
The  Nations.  Its  latest  expression  "  Gott  mit  uns"  is  merely  an 
adaptation  of  the  Israelitish  idea  of  a  Favorite  Nation.  It  is  a 
dangerous  idea  in  that  it  contains  the  germs  of  Special  Privileges 
and  National  Self-Conceit. 

But  under  a  Popular  Form  of  Government,  or  where  the  people 
decide  for  themselves  what  shall  be  considered  just  action,  the 
idea  of  the  Political  iEgis  changes  somewhat.  It  is  no  longer 
considered  as  a  protective  instrumentality^  that  exists  and  acts 
from  somewhere  outside  of  the  people.  On  the  contrary!  It 
exists  because  it  has  been  created  by  the  people  through  an  ex- 
ercise of  Volition  :  and  its  influence  proceeds  not  from  somewhere 
outside  of  The  State,  but  from  the  Moral  Conscience  and  \Yill  of 
The  Commonwealth. 


POLITICAL  MEANS  AND   POLITICAL  METHODS     147 

Defined.  The  Political  iEgis  of  a  Free  Commonwealth  is, 
therefore,  the  universally  acclaimed  and  formally  ordained  state- 
ment of  the  people  as  to  the  Objects  for  which  Government  is 
established,  and  as  to  the  way  in  which  the  "  Benefits"  of  Govern- 
ment shall  be  preserved,  maintained,  and  perpetuated  to  the 
successive  generations  that  compose  The  State.  But  of  the  two 
parts  of  the  statement,  the  real  Protective  Law  is  contained  in 
the  Body  of  Administrative  Law. 

Method  of  Action.  In  the  olden  days  when  a  mythological  God 
was  supposed  to  exert  his  favoring  influence  over  a  Nation,  he 
did  so  through  protecting  the  action  of  its  individuals.  The 
Political  iEgis  of  to-day  works  in  exactly  the  same  way  as  of  old ; 
and  where  it  is  established  by  a  people  who  understand  the  mean- 
ings of  their  rights,  powers,  and  conditions  of  existence,  it  pos- 
sesses all  the  attributes  of  a  mandate  issuing  from  the  Collective 
Sovereign. 

It  aids  The  State  to  protect  itself  through  affording  protection 
and  aid  to  its  individual  Sovereign-units,  while  they  are  striving 
to  prevent  the  existence  of  Special  Privileges  and  their  accompany- 
ing Injustices. 

The  Non-Political  ^gis.  But  without  the  protection  afforded 
by  such  an  ever  easily  invoked,  clearly  understood,  and  promptly 
interposing  political  segis,  or  even  with  a  political  aegis  that  is 
lacking  in  some  of  its  necessary  parts,  the  opportunity  is  always 
presented  to  those  who  make  Self-interest  their  rule  of  action  for 
the  insidious  commission  of  the  gravest  possible  frauds  on  The 
Individual  and  frauds  on  The  Commonwealth. 

We  have  seen  how  through  insufficient  initiatory  action  the 
American  Commonwealths  left  the  opportunity  open.  We  know 
through  daily  reading  and  observation  that  many  such  frauds  are 
perpetrated  at  present. 

Apparently,  however,  there  are  but  few  who  realize  the  fact  that 
the  several  American  Commonwealths,  through  permitting  the 
adoption  and  use  of  The  Partisan  Party  System  of  Administration, 
have,  in  effect,  erected  for  themselves  a  Non-Political  iEgis. 

Apparently  but  few  realize  that  it  is  the  aid  and  protection 
afforded  by  this  Partizan  ^Egis  which  makes  the  perpetration  of 
all  forms  of  political  fraud  comparatively  easy,  and  the  prevention 
thereof  comparatively  hard. 

Apparently  but  few  realize  that  political  frauds  are  the  progeni- 
tors of  industrial  frauds,  or  that,  under  this  partizan  segis,  any 
Sovereign-unit  who  wishes  to  call  the  attention  of  The  Common- 


148  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

wealth  to  the  perpetration  of  well-known  and  easily  observable 
frauds  on  individual  political  sovereignty,  and  who  wishes  to  have 
The  Commonwealth  eliminate  the  opportunity  for  their  per- 
petration, is  placed  in  a  position  where  he  can  not  help  his  Country 
quickly,  his  State,  or  even  himself  and  those  with  whom  he  is 
immediately  associated. 

At  every  attempt  he  is  hampered  and  delayed  by  The  Partizan 
Party  acting  as  the  defender  of  established  illogical  action.  Say 
he  appeals  for  support  to  the  meanings  of  the  Principles  of  The 
State  Polity !  He  can  pursue  two  courses,  neither  of  which  is 
certain  and  expeditious,  and  each  of  which  is  roundabout,  ex- 
pensive, and  long  drawn  out.  If  he  applies  to  The  Courts  for  an 
interpretation  of  meanings,  then  his  appeal  is  to  be  decided  by  a 
Judiciary  that  in  most  States  is  at  present  very  largely  composed 
of  party  partizans,  who,  because  of  their  promised  partizanship, 
or  because  of  their  indebtedness  to  the  partizan  parties,  are  more 
or  less  unfitted  to  be  impartial  construers  of  political  principles. 
If,  as  the  other  course,  he  appeals  directly  to  the  people,  then  his 
cause  can  be  decided  by  the  people  only  after  a  majority  thereof 
have  been  educated  politically  to  a  point  enabling  it  to  perceive  the 
frauds,  the  manner  of  their  perpetration,  and  their  consequences. 

To  conclude :  the  performance  of  every  step,  stage,  and 
process  in  Political  Administration  should  be  regulated  by  logical, 
adequate,  and  minute  Fundamental  Law.  And  the  reason  is, 
that  without  such  law  it  is  quite  impossible  to  preserve  even  a 
remote  resemblance  of  political  freedom  to  the  individual  elector 
at  any  time,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  our  Political  Principles 
call  for  the  continuous  existence  of  absolute  political  freedom  for 
the  elector. 

Our  Duty  to  Posterity.  Our  duty  to  Posterity,  to  The  State, 
and  to  Humanity  at  Large,  is  to  maintain,  to  perpetuate,  and  to 
transmit  the  conditions  of  individual  existence  that  were  origi- 
nally ordained  to  exist  in  The  State.  We  cannot  discharge  this 
duty  now.  Undemocratic  conditions  exist.  Our  Administrative 
Methods  prevent  us.  Working  under  them,  we  are  forced  to 
transmit  undemocratic  conditions. 

But  if  "  Methods "  can  prevent  the  discharge  of  our  duty, 
"  Methods "  can  aid  us  in  its  discharge ;  all  that  is  necessary 
being  the  construction  by  The  Commonwealth  of  methods  of 
procedure  under  which  logical  administrative  action  in  all  of  its 
phases  can  be  taken  easily,  effectively,  and  as  a  matter  of  common 
agreement. 


CHAPTER  XI 
POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION 

The  action  of  a  monarch  does  not  need  to  be  organized.  It  needs 
only  to  be  systematized. 

The  political  action  of  a  Collective  Sovereign,  however,  is  the 
result  of  action  which  is  taken  by  its  individual  units ;  and  if  the 
action  of  the  Collective  Sovereign  is  to  be  as  effective  as  possible, 
the  political  action  of  its  individual  units  must  be  both  systema- 
tized, and  organized  to  a  certain  extent. 

Necessity  for.  The  necessity  for  organizing  the  political  action 
of  individuals  within  our  Commonwealths  proceeds  from  the  fol- 
lowing named  causes, 

First,  the  size  of  the  population. 

Second,  the  size  of  the  political  domain. 

Third,  the  dissimilarity  in  the  sagacity,  character,  temperament, 
knowledge,  ideas,  pursuits,  and  wealth  of  the  various  individuals 
composing  society ;  which  dissimilarity,  through  creating  varied 
and  often  conflicting  desires,  greatly  increases  the  difficulty  of 
obtaining  an  agreement  of  wills  concerning  the  administrative 
policy  to  be  pursued. 

Fourth,  the  immense  amount  of  physical  and  mental  work  re- 
quired of  the  individual :  first,  in  ascertaining  and  expressing  Public 
Opinion ;  second,  in  selecting  and  electing  the  numerous  candi- 
dates for  National,  State,  County,  and  local  offices ;  third,  in  con- 
trolling the  action  of  public  officials ;  and  fourth,  in  considering 
questions  relative  to  the  proper  political  procedure. 

Regarding  The  Electorate  as  the  acting  Sovereign,  in  no  State 
is  it  composed  of  less  than  thirty  thousand  individuals,  while  in 
the  State  of  New  York  there  are  about  nineteen  hundred  thousand 
electors. 

In  every  State  electorate  the  individual  is  the  unit  in  political 
action.  In  theory,  his  will  as  to  political  administration  is  to  be 
freely  formed,  ascertained  and  expressed,  and  his  political  power  is 

149 


150  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

to  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  the  body  politic  and  of  the  individual. 
In  such  tremendous  bodies  of  individuals,  scattered  as  they  are 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  large  political  domains,  the 
separate  and  independent  action  of  single  individuals  counts  for 
but  little ;  and  it  is  generally  accepted  as  true  that  for  the  effective 
transaction  of  political  work  by  such  large  bodies  of  men,  systemat- 
ically organized  political  effort  is  an  indispensable  political  means. 
The  word  "  political  "  is  emphasized  because  political  organization 
has  distinctive  political  ends  in  view  which  distinguish  it  from  any 
other  kind  of  organization.  It  is  one  of  the  means  which  assist 
The  State  in  taking  right,  moral,  and  just  administrative  action ; 
and  as  such  it  becomes  an  element  in  the  moral  strength  of  The 
State. 

In  analyzing  the  acquired  elements  of  individual  power  we  de- 
fined Organization  as  "  The  systematic  union  of  individuals  in  a 
body,  whose  members,  agents,  and  officers  work  together  for  a 
common  end,  and  whereby  united  strength  is  secured  to  effect 
the  purpose  of  the  dominating  will."  Let  us  try  to  make  this 
definition  applicable  to  Electoral  Action,  which,  we  remember, 
consists  in  the  formation  of  individual  will  as  to  administrative 
policy ;  the  ascertainment  of  the  majority  of  such  wills  as  to  such 
policy  ;  the  definite  statement  of  Public  Opinion  as  to  such  policy ; 
the  selection  and  the  election  of  candidates  for  public  ofiice ; 
and  the  enforcement  of  the  Public  Will  upon  public  oflBcials,  and 
also  upon  individuals  while  acting  in  a  political  capacity. 

In  this  connection  the  word  "  union  "  must  be  understood  as 
meaning  the  voluntary  getting  together  of  those  electors  who  hold 
a  common  desire  to  have  the  pressing  questions  of  political  ad- 
ministration decided  in  a  particular  way.  Differences  of  individual 
beliefs  and  convictions  will  always  exist;  and  those  who  think 
alike  will  naturally  seek  the  aid  of  association  to  give  force  to  their 
beliefs.  In  other  words :  during  a  period  of  administration  cer- 
tain of  the  electors  are  actuated  by  a  common  will  as  to  the  proper 
decision  of  the  administrative  questions  up  for  settlement ;  and 
this  agreement  in  individual  wills  naturally  draws  them  together 
into  united  action  for  the  purpose  of  more  effectually  advocating 
the  adoption  of  their  idea  of  a  proper  administrative  policy.  Such 
"  union  "  is  democratic  in  character,  for  it  proceeds  from  an  "  agree- 
ment of  individual  wills  "  regarding  right  administrative  action. 

Inasmuch  as  the  impulse  to  The  Government  proceeds  theoret- 
ically from  the  "  Majority  of  Wills  "  in  the  electorate,  the  term 
"  body  "  must  be  held  here  to  mean  whatever  spontaneously 


POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION  151 

formed  aggregations  of  electors  there  are  at  any  time,  and  which 
are  united  together  temporarily  by  a  common  conviction  as  to  ad- 
ministrative policy.  The  common  conviction  held  by  the  largest 
of  these  aggregations  stands  for  the  time  being  as  Public  Opinion, 
or,  the  dominant  will. 

As  to  the  "  common  end  "  to  be  attained,  the  ultimate  object 
of  electoral  action  is  the  promotion  of  the  general  welfare.  But 
The  Electorate  acts  repeatedly  to  this  end,  and  during  the  ever 
recurring  periods  of  administration.  Theoretically  it  accomplishes 
its  objects  through  commanding  the  application  of  some  one,  or 
another,  or  more,  of  the  ordained  principles  of  political  action, 
either  to  the  settlement  of  controversies  regarding  general  policy, 
or  to  the  readjustment  of  the  relations  between  individuals  which 
have  become  changed  during  past  periods  of  administration,  or 
which  at  any  time  are  considered  unsatisfactory  by  the  body  politic. 

Taking  the  purpose  and  the  procedure  of  electoral  action  into 
consideration,  the  immediate  "  common  end  "  of  such  action  must 
be  considered  as  the  rightful  decision  of  some  political  question, 
or  issue. 

Objects  of.  The  Commonwealth  takes  all  of  its  formative  and 
constructive  political  action  through  and  by  means  of  The  Elec- 
torate. It  is  bound  by  moral  obligations  to  compel  the  electorate, 
as  the  acting  sovereign,  to  take  right  political  action.  Right 
electorate  action  proceeds  from  right  individual  political  action ; 
and  such  action  is  action  that  is  morally  free. 

Free  individual  political  action  is  indispensable  to  the  continued 
existence  of  individual  freedom  as  ordained.  Individual  freedom 
is  always  engaged  in  a  struggle  with  "  interests  "  that  are  economic 
at  core ;  and  only  the  strong  arm  of  The  Commonwealth  can  regu- 
late the  selfish  action  of  such  interests  within  its  territorial  limits. 
The  regulation  of  these  interests  must  be  moral  in  order  to  be  just ; 
and  the  only  way  The  Commonwealth  can  take  moral  action  is 
to  secure  moral  action  from  the  electors.  Unless  it  does  this  it 
necessarily  assists  in  the  impairment  of  its  moral  strength ;  for 
the  moral  strength  of  a  body  politic  is  immediately  affected  one 
way  or  another  by  the  moral  or  immoral  action  of  its  politically 
acting  individuals.  Leaving  natural  opportunities  out  of  the 
question  at  present,  the  chief  source  of  the  physical  strength  of  a 
Democracy  is  its  professed  morality.  Individuals  are  attracted 
to  it  by  the  hope  of  sharing  the  ordained  conditions  of  individual 
existence.  These  conditions  are  either  maintained  or  not  by  the 
exercise  of  political  power  by  individuals.     Consequently,  one  of 


152  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

the  chief  ends  of  The  Commonwealth  should  be  to  secure  from  its 
individuals  a  continuously  moral  exercise  of  political  power  because 
such  action  is  an  ever  flowing  spring  of  physical  strength.  Finally, 
the  reputation  of  The  Commonwealth  for  political  honesty  and 
political  capacity  calls  for  such  action  because,  after  all,  it  is  upon 
the  exercise  of  political  power  by  The  Electorate  that  the  character 
of  the  political  action  of  The  Commonwealth  most  largely  depends. 

Political  Leadership.  Approaching  the  subject  from  another 
standpoint  we  shall  see  that  among  the  individuals  who  compose 
The  Commonwealth  there  will  always  be  some,  who,  by  reason 
of  their  superior  wisdom,  experience,  and  sagacity,  are  better  fitted 
than  their  fellows  to  determine  in  any  given  emergency  what  is 
right  political  action.  These  are  the  statesmen  and  the  natural 
leaders  in  political  action.  When  acting  freely  within  The  Com- 
monwealth these  men  discharge  the  very  important  educational 
and  practical  function  of  political  leadership.  The  logical  dis- 
charge of  the  function  of  such  leadership  in  the  electorate  results 
in  the  free  formation  of  true  political  parties  —  not  the  boss- . 
bidden  and  immorally  motived  associations  of  mere  voters  which 
are  at  present  permanently  maintained  within  the  electorate  for 
partizan  purposes,  and  which  heedlessly  by  some  and  hypocriti- 
cally by  others  are  called  political  parties  —  but  freely  formed 
associations  of  electors  who  work  collectively  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  some  one  or  another  political  object,  and  which  associa- 
tions, having  accomplished  their  object,  dissolve  as  entities, 
leaving  their  former  members  free  to  reassociate  with  others  for 
the  accomplishment  of  some  other  political  object ;  in  this  way  pro- 
ducing the  required  direct  exercise  of  political  power  by  the  in- 
dividual, the  united  exercise  of  political  power  by  The  Electorate, 
and  the  free  formation  of  successive  political  majorities. 

Viewed  in  this  way  there  seem  to  be  several  specific  objects  to 
be  attained  through  political  organization. 

One  is  to  assist  in  conserving  the  moral  strength  of  The  Com- 
munity. 

Another  is  to  help  in  keeping  the  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers 
of  Administration  within  the  hands  of  the  electors. 

Another  is  to  assist  in  keeping  the  exercise  of  these  powers  per- 
fectly free. 

Another  is  to  give  added  strength  and  effectiveness  to  the  polit- 
ical convictions  of  individual  electors. 

Another  is  to  afford  an  opportunity  to  "  Political  Leadership  " 
for  continued  existence,  and  to  give  it  an  added  facility  in  operation. 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  153 

And  another  is  to  provide  the  opportunity  for  the  free  formation 
of  true  political  parties,  through  the  action  of  which  the  required 
political  majority  can  be  obtained  properly  in  each  period  of  ad- 
ministration. 

Defined.  Summed  up  generally,  political  organization  is  one  of 
the  political  means  enabling  The  Commonwealth  to  take  political 
action  in  accordance  with  its  ordained  political  principles  and  those 
of  democratic  action. 

But  let  us  try  to  make  the  definition  more  applicable  to  the 
specific  objects  to  be  accomplished. 

Defined  as  a  noun,  Political  Organization,  as  described  in  this 
book,  will  mean  the  systematic  and  free  union  —  as  above  out- 
lined —  of  electors  in  a  political  party,  whose  members,  managing 
boards,  and  officers  work  together  for  the  proper  formation  of  a 
majority  of  wills  in  the  electorate  concerning  the  right  exercise  of 
the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  for  certain  political 
objects. 

Defined  as  an  administrative  means  it  will  be  considered  as  the 
collective  processes  by  which  an  added  effectiveness  is  given  to 
true  individual  political  action ;  to  true  political  leadership  in  The 
Electorate  and  in  The  Government ;  and  whereby  the  united 
strength  of  a  political  party  is  secured  to  effect  the  proper  forma- 
tion and  expression  of  Public  Opinion  regarding  any  political 
matter. 

Three  Stages  of  Electoral  Action :  Theoretically,  The  Electorate 
is  engaged  in  the  work  of  political  administration  all  of  the  time. 
If  we  classify  this  work  according  to  the  specific  objects  to  be  ac- 
complished, we  find  that  it  is  divided  naturally  into  three  separate 
divisions,  viz.  the  work  before  elections ;  the  work  of  and  at  elec- 
tions ;   and  the  work  after  elections. 

The  pre-election  work  properly  consists  of  the  processes  of 
Naturalization  and  Registration ;  the  free  formation  of  individual 
will ;  the  free  formation  of  Public  Opinion  as  to  administrative 
policy ;  and  the  free  nomination  of  candidates  for  public  office ; 
nomination  including  selection. 

The  election  work  properly  consists  of  the  casting  of  the  ballot ; 
the  counting  of  the  ballots ;  the  return  of  the  vote ;  and  the  cer- 
tification of  the  result  of  the  election. 

The  post-election  work  properly  consists  of  the  control  by  Tlie 
Electorate  of  the  action  of  all  public  officials  and  of  all  individuals 
acting  politically ;  the  enforcement  of  Responsibility  from  all 
such  officials  and  individuals ;   and  the  securing  of  action  from  all 


154  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

officials  that  is  truly  responsive  to  The  Will  of  The  People  con- 
cerning political  administration  during  the  current  administrative 
period. 

Theoretically,  all  of  this  work  is  supposed  to  be  done  first  in  the 
manner  indicated  by  the  Principles  of  the  State  Polity ;  and  second, 
in  accord  with  the  commonly  accepted  rules  of  democratic  pro- 
cedure. 

But  neither  the  election  work  nor  the  post-election  work  needs 
to  be  organized.  The  mere  acts  of  casting  the  ballot,  or  of  count- 
ing the  ballots  and  so  on,  need  no  organization.  All  such  acts  re- 
quire is  proper  systematizing  under  proper  laws.  While  voting, 
the  individual  should  at  all  times  be  and  remain  absolutely  free. 
It  is  largely  through  the  practise  of  "  organizing  "  the  election 
work  that  the  marked-ballot  frauds,  the  tissue-ballot  frauds,  the 
ballot  box  stuffing  frauds,  the  colonization  frauds,  and  the  repeating 
frauds  are  made  possible.  Theoretically,  the  individual  acts  in- 
dependently in  the  election  work,  and  the  electorate  acts  inde- 
pendently in  the  post-election  work;  and  in  either  case  nothing 
more  is  required  to  premise  right  action  than  appropriate  laws 
properly  enforced.  The  consideration  and  enactment  of  such 
laws  is,  however,  a  matter  that  is  always  before  The  Electorate 
at  Large  for  action. 

Pre-election  Work.  The  pre-election  work  by  The  Electorate 
in  determining  the  Administrative  Policy  partakes  of  the  nature  of 
"  caucus  action."  In  political  parlance  the  term  "  caucus  action  " 
is  the  name  applied  to  that  part  of  the  action  which  is  taken  ahead 
of  the  final  action,  w^hatever  it  may  be,  and  which  caucus  action 
is  had  for  the  express  purpose  of  determining  the  objects  to  be  ac- 
complished by  the  final  action,  or  of  forecasting  the  results  of  the 
final  action.  It  is  this  action  which  constitutes  the  foundation  of 
the  entire  structure  of  electoral  action ;  and,  theoretically,  all  of 
the  electors  are  supposed  to  participate  freely  in  it.  The  impor- 
tance of  the  formative  and  constructive  pre-election  work  of  the 
people  can  not  be  overestimated.  Individuals  who  are  not  electors 
are  just  as  vitally  interested  in  the  proper  transaction  of  this  work, 
and  frequently  join  in  its  discussion ;  for  it  is  recognized  that  in- 
dividual freedom,  liberty,  equality,  and  justice  do  not  in  the  end 
depend  so  much  upon  the  mere  act  of  voting  as  they  do  depend 
upon  the  reaching  of  a  free  agreement  of  wills  beforehand  concerning 
what  and  whom  shall  be  voted  for. 

Human  progress,  whether  attempted  through  political  action 
or  otherwise,  always  hinges  upon  the  object  sought  for.     In  politi- 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  155 

cal  action,  as  in  action  taken  by  a  public  meeting,  the  real  value 
of  the  action  depends  upon  the  object  for  which  it  is  taken.  Now 
the  particular  object  to  be  accomplished  by  the  action  of  a  public 
meeting  is  always  decided  upon  beforehand  by  those  who  call  and 
manage  the  meeting.  Given  a  proper  object,  then  moral  force  is 
added  to  the  action  of  the  meeting  by  the  use  of  recognized  and 
commonly  accepted  methods  of  orderly  procedure. 

The  same  holds  true  of  political  action.  The  deciding  before- 
hand of  the  objects  and  purposes  to  be  voted  for  is  caucus  action ; 
but  the  question  that  will  always  recur  to  the  student  of  Demo- 
cratic political  action  is,  How  can  moral  force  be  added  to  the 
caucus  action  of  the  electorate  except  by  establishing  beforehand 
an  ordained  and  logical  system  of  pre-election  work? 

With  such  a  system,  then  every  elector  could  call  upon  The  Com- 
munity to  compel  any  other  elector,  or  body  of  electors,  to  trans- 
act their  political  work  properly;  but  in  the  absence  of  such  a 
system,  then  every  elector  is  left  free  to  transact  his  particular 
share  of  the  political  work  according  as  he  may  be  influenced  by 
fear,  force,  favor,  inclination,  or  desire. 

Of  course  there  will  be  many  who,  conversant  with  Democratic 
ideals  and  action,  will  discharge  their  political  duties  properly; 
but  in  our  heterogeneous  and  populous  societies  there  will  be  more 
who,  through  the  lack  of  an  informing  rule,  cannot  decide  rightly 
what  those  duties  are.  These  will  be  easily  led  astray  through 
sophisms  concerning  the  "  established  order  of  things,"  the  force 
of  appearances,  and  the  natural  desire  to  go  with  the  crowd ;  and 
when  we  shall  have  finished  the  review  of  our  present-day  electoral 
action,  we  shall  find  that  most  of  the  electors  transact  their  pre- 
election work  in  the  very  opposite  way  from  that  in  which  they  are 
required  to  act  by  their  principles  of  association. 

Problems  of :  When  the  original  American  Commonwealths 
began  the  work  of  political  administration,  none  of  them  possessed 
a  body  of  law  which  comprehensively  regulated  organized  indi- 
vidual electoral  action.  Certain  means  and  customs  were  em- 
ployed which  will  be  considered  in  detail  later  on ;  but  no  logical 
system  was  devised  for  reaching  an  agreement  of  wills  before  the 
decisive  action  at  the  elections.  Remembering  that  the  "  Majority 
of  Wills  "  when  properly  ascertained  was  to  stand  as  The  Will  of 
The  People  as  to  political  administration,  the  questions  relative 
to  the  proper  transaction  of  the  pre-election  work  which  then 
awaited  a  decisive  answer  —  and  for  that  matter,  which  have  ever 
since  awaited  a  logical  settlement  —  were  these : 


156  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

(1)  How  shall  individual  wills  logically  obtain  the  added  force 
or  support  of  united  action  in  advocating  the  application  of  a  given 
policy  of  administration? 

(2)  How  shall  The  Electorate  logically  shape  and  advocate  politi- 
cal questions  as  they  arise,  and  frame  the  political  issues  ? 

(3)  How  shall  The  Electorate  logically  select  candidates  for  public 
office  and  place  them  before  the  people  for  election  ? 

The  problem  contained  in  these  three  questions  is  merely  one  of 
operation.  The  power  to  logically  transact  this  pre-election  work 
exists.  The  manner  in  which  it  is  to  be  done  logically  is  indicated 
by  the  principles  of  the  State  Polity.  Wliat  more  then  is  needed 
to  provide  the  opportunity  for  a  logical  transaction  of  this  work 
but  an  ordained  system  of  logical  means  and  methods  by  which  it 
shall  be  done  ?  The  sole  function  of  a  political  system  is  to  afford 
an  opportunity  for  right  final  political  action.  The  system  stand- 
ing by  itself  is  a  part  of  the  legislation  of  the  people.  Legislation, 
however,  will  not  necessarily  produce  right  individual  action ;  but 
a  system  which,  because  of  its  logical  parts,  affords  an  opportunity 
to  any  elector  to  invoke  the  aid  of  The  Commonwealth  to  compel 
any  other  elector  to  transact  his  political  work  properly,  is  the 
system  that  is  best  adapted  to  produce  right  political  action  from 
the  electorate  as  a  whole. 

Character  of  Pre-election  Methods.  Now  the  fact  which  I  have 
mentioned  before,  namely,  that  the  particular  administrative 
object  for  which  The  Commonwealth  strives  is  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  its  individuals,  makes  the  means  and  methods  by  which 
the  individuals  are  to  agree  beforehand  upon  the  object  of  almost 
equal  importance  to  them  also.  Briefly,  the  methods  for  the  trans- 
action of  the  political  work  in  this  stage  of  political  action  must 
be  of  a  character  which  tend  : 

First,  to  preserve  the  political  freedom  of  the  elector;  keep 
the  direct  exercise  of  political  power  within  his  hands ;  and  main- 
tain the  political  equality  of  each  elector. 

Second,  which  produce  direct,  independent,  logical  —  and 
therefore  moral  —  political  action  by  individual  electors. 

Third,  which  give  free  play  to  political  leadership  and  permit 
of  the  free  formation  and  dissolution  of  political  parties ;  and 

Fourth,  which  produce  the  required  political  majority  in  each 
successive  period  of  political  administration. 

Freedom,  of  the  Elector.  It  is  self-evident  that  the  ordained  polit- 
ical freedom  of  the  elector  can  only  be  maintained  through  a  free 
exercise  of  political  power  by  the  individual.     Theoretically,  each 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  157 


elector  is  bound  to  give  a  free  expression  of  individual  will  as  to 
administrative  policy  whenever  required.  No  one  has  the  temerity 
to  openly  deny  that  in  forming  and  expressing  his  political  will  the 
individual  must  be  absolutely  free. 

It  is  obvious  that  if  individual  political  freedom  is  hampered  in 
any  way,  then  the  individual  will  be  unable  to  apply  all  of  his 
rightful  political  power.  If  the  hands  are  bound,  a  man  cannot 
apply  all  of  his  strength  or  skill  to  his  physical  task,  and  it  will 
suffer.  Similarly,  if  the  exercise  of  volition  concerning  adminis- 
trative matters  is  restricted  by  any  other  influence  than  the 
promptings  of  reason  and  conscience,  then  the  moral  force  of  in- 
dividual political  action  is  diminished  and  the  elector  is  caused  to 
apply  his  political  power  or  influence  only  to  a  limited  extent,  or 
possibly,  in  a  direction  not  freely  chosen  by  himself  but  by  another. 
If  this  happens  —  and  it  may  happen  because  of  the  character  of 
the  means  and  methods  in  use  —  then  the  action  of  the  individual 
in  political  matters  helps  to  change  the  impulse  to  The  Govern- 
ment from  a  logical  to  an  illogical  impulse.  If  The  Government 
receives  an  illogical  impulse,  then  an  illogical  application  of  the 
principles  of  the  State  Polity  will  be  had,  and  this  illogical  applica- 
tion will  in  turn  produce  changes  in  the  relations  between  the  in- 
dividuals within  the  body  politic  which  of  necessity  are  illogical 
and  therefore  immoral,  and  which  also  tend  to  create  unrest,  dis- 
satisfaction, and  sometimes  disorder.  Hence  the  supreme  need,  if 
political  administration  is  to  freely  reflect  The  Will  of  The  People,  for 
absolute  freedom  on  the  part  of  each  elector  while  engaged  in  forming 
his  will  as  to  administrative  policy  ;  for  under  no  other  condition  can 
a  logical  agreement  of  individual  wills  on  this  point  be  obtained. 

Necessity  for  Logical  Pre-election  Methods.  The  necessity'  for 
having  and  using  only  logical  pre-election  means  and  methods  is 
most  urgent  because  the  results  produced  by  the  use  of  the  means 
and  methods  that  are  employed  in  this  stage  of  political  action 
affect  the  results  produced  by  all  subsequent  action.  For  in- 
stance :  the  character  of  the  means  and  methods  by  which  the 
impulse  to  The  Government  is  obtained  vitally  influences  the  char- 
acter of  that  impulse.  The  character  of  the  governmental  impulse 
will  seriously  affect  both  the  moral  status  of  the  agency  and  the 
character  of  its  administrative  action.  Finally,  the  very  capacity 
of  The  Commonwealth  to  govern  according  to  the  Principles  of 
the  State  Polity  must  necessarily  be  affected  by  the  means  and 
methods  which  it  employs ;  and  the  stability  of  the  chosen  condi- 
tions of  existence  within  the  body  politic  will  eitiier  be  maintained 


158  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

or  shaken  according  to  the  means  and  methods  by  which  individuals 
exercise  political  power  in  their  caucus  action. 

Direct  Electorate  Action :  \  Theoretically,  The  Electorate  is  a 

United  Electoral  Action :  /  governing  body  specially  designed 
for  the  continuous  administration  of  Government  as  ordained.  It 
is,  however,  obliged  to  entrust  the  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers 
of  administration  to  an  administrative  agency  the  members  of 
which  are  selected  and  are  elected  to  office  by  itself.  But  we  will 
search  our  theory  of  government  and  our  plan  of  administration 
in  vain  for  any  intimations  even  that  The  Electorate  has  the  right 
to  delegate  the  exercise  of  any  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Admin- 
istration. The  Electorate  is  a  body  designed  to  exercise  certain 
political  powers,  and  not  authority  which  is  exercised  by  The  Gov- 
ernment ;  and  every  provision  in  our  plan  of  administrative  action 
points  to  the  fact  that  these  powers  are  to  be  exercised  continuously, 
unitedly,  and  directly  by  The  Electorate.  If  The  Electorate  un- 
warrantedly  delegates  the  exercise  of  its  Reserved  Powers,  then 
such  action  on  its  part  must  necessarily  result  in  the  unauthorized 
creation  of  a  third,  uncontemplated,  and  unconstitutional  political 
agency  for  the  exercise  of  these  powers ;  and  furthermore.  The 
Electorate  can  not  with  safety  permit  any  of  its  individuals  to  dele- 
gate the  exercise  of  their  discretion  to  others  because,  such  action, 
if  persisted  in  by  many,  will  ultimately  destroy  the  character  of 
the  electorate  as  the  specially  designed  agency  for  the  exercise  of 
the  political  prerogative  of  the  people. 

Nor  is  there  anything  in  the  true  requirements  of  the  political 
situation  that  makes  it  necessary  for  The  Electorate  to  delegate 
the  exercise  of  its  peculiar  powers.  If  The  Electorate  is  provided 
with  a  body  of  proper  political  means  and  methods,  both  the  elec- 
tors and  The  Electorate  can  properly  discharge  their  respective 
functions  and  duties.  Organized  individual  electoral  action  being 
resorted  to  merely  as  a  means  to  obtain  the  effectiveness  of  united 
strength  through  orderly  procedure  does  not  of  itself  change  the 
nature  of  our  administrative  action ;  it  merely  affects  results ;  it 
neither  warrants  the  creation  and  use  of  a  political  agency  not 
mentioned  in  the  plan  of  political  administration,  nor  permits  the 
use  of  any  but  purely  political  means  and  methods  in  electoral 
work,  nor  confers  the  right  upon  The  Electorate  to  adopt  and  use 
any  but  logical  means  and  methods  for  the  exercise  of  any  of  its 
administrative  powers. 

Effects  of  Allowing  a  Partizan  Party  to  Provide  Methods  of.  But 
the  resort  to  organization  as  a  political  means — which  in  itself 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  159 

was  perfectly  proper  —  did,  when  it  took  place,  impose  an  added 
political  obligation  upon  the  people;  namely,  to  distinctly  pre- 
scribe in  advance  of  such  action  the  means  and  methods  of  political 
organization,  and  of  organized  political  action.  This  obligation 
the  people  did  not  fully  discharge ;  and,  in  order  to  relieve  indi- 
viduals of  what  then  appeared  to  be  an  impossible  political  bur- 
den, they  have  allowed  The  Partizan  Party  to  gradually  provide 
methods  for  such  action,  and  also  to  establish  itself  as  an  expedien- 
tial  political  agency.  By  this  action  the  people  destroyed  all  pos- 
sibility of  securing  the  united  and  direct  performance  of  their 
necessary  political  caucus  work  by  the  electorate.  Through  the 
use  of  partizan  party  methods  the  electorate  has  become  split  up 
into  two  or  more  permanent  associations  of  mere  "  party  "  voters, 
the  members  of  which  voluntarily  relinquish  their  right  to  initiate 
political  action  mto  the  hands  of  those  who  assemble  and  manage 
these  associations. 

The  individual  electors  who  joined  the  partizan  party  associa- 
tions, in  the  main  did  so  honestly ;  and  in  order  to  add  effectiveness 
to  their  individual  political  work.  The  managements  of  the 
partizan  party  associations  outwardly  professed  to  secure  to  such 
members  the  full  exercise  of  all  of  their  political  powers  and  rights. 
But  at  the  same  time  they  themselves  made  the  so-called  "  Con- 
stitutions and  By-Laws  "  of  the  associations,  under  the  provisions 
of  which  the  logical  exercise  of  these  powers  and  rights  was  rendered 
impossible.  The  joining  of  such  partizan  associations  by  unin- 
formed electors  was  a  leap  in  the  dark ;  and  it  has  since  transpired 
that  the  individual  members,  having  when  they  joined  no  ordained 
body  of  legal  political  methods  absolutely  securing  to  individuals 
the  free  exercise  of  the  Right  to  Choose,  have  not  only  lost  the  right 
to  initiate  political  action  within  the  partizan  associations,  but  they 
also  have  —  through  the  undemocratic  action  of  the  association 
managements  above  mentioned  —  been  gradually  deprived  of  all 
direct  control  over  the  action  of  the  associations  and  over  the 
managements  of  the  associations ;  for  in  every  important  political 
district  partizan  organization  the  managements  of  the  association 
have  so  prescribed  the  qualifications  for  membership,  and  have  so 
arranged  the  code  of  action  within  the  partizan  association,  as  to 
completely  prevent  the  membership  from  getting  control  of  the 
partizan  organization  so  long  as  the  membership  continues  to  be 
governed  by  the  "  Party  Rules  "  which  are  imposed  upon  the  par- 
tizan associations  by  their  managements. 

The  managements  of  the  partizan  party  organizations  are  very 


160  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

peculiarly  constituted  bodies ;  that  is,  they  are  peculiarly  consti- 
tuted when  we  take  the  ordained  exercise  of  political  power  into 
consideration.  They  are  usually  self-constituted  bodies.  The 
character  of  the  managements  is  not  alike  in  all  of  the  partizan  as- 
sociations. Dependmg  upon  the  chcumstances,  exigencies,  local- 
ities, and  conditions  in  which  they  develop,  we  find  them  assuming 
the  forms  described  as  Rings,  Combines,  The  Boss,  and  so  forth. 
As  for  the  general  plan  of  organizing  the  partizan  party  associa- 
tions, and  the  plan  of  partizan  association  action,  these  strongly 
resemble  the  plans  by  which  some  "  big  business  "  corporations 
are  organized  and  act.  Corporations  are  quasi-permanent  organi- 
zations. Certain  individuals  contribute  cash  capital  to  the  busi- 
ness venture,  receive  certificates  of  capital  stock  in  return,  and 
become  associated  permanently  together.  The  stockholders  del- 
egate the  exercise  of  initiative  in  economic  action  into  the  hands 
of  the  board  of  directors.  This  board,  in  turn,  generally  passes 
this  exercise  along  into  the  hands  of  an  executive  committee  of  the 
board,  and  this  executive  committee  not  infrequently  passes  this 
exercise  still  further  on  into  the  hands  of  some  one  executive  officer. 

The  partizan  party  associations  of  voters  are  permanently  organ- 
ized ;  that  is,  the  organizations  are  kept  alive  and  active  over  many 
periods  of  administration.  The  individual  members  of  these  as- 
sociations are  obliged  by  the  "  Party  Rules  "  to  delegate  the  man- 
agement and  the  control  of  the  organization  into  the  hands  of  a 
self-constituted  managing  body  called  "  The  Committee,"  which, 
in  turn,  generally  passes  the  management  and  control  of  the  associ- 
ation on  into  the  hands  of  an  executive  committee  of  "  The  Com- 
mittee," which  executive  committee  may  be  and  often  is  either  a 
Ring,  or  a  Combine ;  and  finally  the  Ring,  or  the  Combine  may, 
and  usually  does,  pass  this  exercise  along  to  the  "  Chairman  of  The 
Executive  Committee,"  which  is  the  euphonious  appellation  of  the 
partizan  party  Boss. 

The  self-constituted  Party  Committee  discharges  the  self-im- 
posed function  of  devising  the  "  Party  Rules."  These,  with  a 
due  regard  to  sound  and  appearances  if  not  to  substance  and  effect, 
are  pleasingly  entitled  "  The  Constitution  and  By-Laws  "  of  such 
and  such  a  body.  The  Committee  —  as  the  ostensible  executive 
of  the  partizan  party  organization  —  causes  The  Party  Convention 
—  as  the  ostensible  legislating  body  of  the  partizan  party  organiza- 
tion —  to  adopt  the  Party  Rules  so  devised  as  the  organic  law  of 
the  organization ;  and  then  The  Committee  assumes  the  power  to 
construe  the  meaning  of  these  rules. 


POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION  161 

For  the  present  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  this  parasitic 
custom  of  organizing  sovereign-units  into  permanent  par- 
tizan  party  associations  of  voters,  combined  with  the  practise 
of  allowing  the  entire  management  and  control  of  such  asso- 
ciations to  be  vested  in  and  exercised  by  "  The  Committee," 
the  Combine,  the  Ring,  or  the  Party  Boss,  has  produced  some 
very  startling  results  in  American  political  action.  Of  course  it 
will  be  interjected  at  this  point  that  there  are  laws  which  permit 
of  the  doing  of  all  this.  That  is  admitted.  But  on  the  other  hand 
it  will  be  well  contended  that  these  laws  were  not  passed  by  the 
free  action  of  the  people  in  the  direct  exercise  of  their  legislative 
power  and  of  their  political  prerogative.  They  were  passed  in 
the  State  Legislatures  that  were  packed  with  partizan  party  mem- 
bers, and,  all  protestations  to  the  contrary  nevertheless,  they  were 
passed  with  the  secret  intention  of  permitting  The  Partizan  Party 
to  do  things  which  are  in  direct  contravention  of  the  principles  of 
our  political  action. 

Some  of  the  results  of  permitting  The  Partizan  Party  to  act  as 
it  does  are  as  follows : 

Fear  of  "  discipline  "  —  the  partizan  party  name  for  punish- 
ment —  or  hope  of  material  reward,  or  of  political  preferments 
which  carry  substantial  emoluments,  or  of  opportunities  for  private 
gain,  have  been  established  as  a  binding  force  between  individuals 
in  a  professedly  political  association. 

"  Partizan  Party  Success  "  has  been  substituted  as  the  object 
of  organized  electoral  action. 

Freedom  in  political  action  on  the  part  of  mere  partizan  party 
organization  members  can  not  exist  under  the  party  rules,  and  has 
ceased  to  exist.  Having,  when  they  joined  the  partizan  associa- 
tions, agreed  to  do  as  they  were  told  to  do,  those  electors  who  are 
merely  association  members  have  sunk  to  the  level  of  a  body  of 
voting  puppets  whose  ballots  do  not  have  to  be  worked  for  by  The 
Committee  or  The  Boss  at  elections.  Such  electors  may  be  re- 
warded if  they  act  "  regularly,"  that  is,  strictly  in  accordance  with 
the  party  rules  ;  but  they  will  surely  be  "  disciplined  "  if  they  take 
free,  independent  political  action.  But  the  point  to  be  noted  here 
is,  that  if  they  do  act  regularly,  their  reward  comes  out  of  the  public 
revenues  and  is  always  ])aid  them  for  actioii  that  weakens  the  moral 
strength  and  the  political  capacity  of  The  Commonwealth.  In 
other  words,  the  great  body  of  the  people  is  taxed  to  pay  for  im- 
moral political  action. 

Then  again,  the  partizan  party  organizations  are  not  kept  alive 


162  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

by  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  association  membership  to  acquire  the 
added  strength  of  united  action  in  properly  promoting  the  general 
welfare.  They  are  improperly  kept  together  by  their  manage- 
ments, so  that  they  can  be  utilized  by  The  Committee,  the  Ring, 
the  Combine,  or  The  Boss,  as  the  case  may  be,  as  a  private  means 
whereby  the  managements,  in  whatever  form  they  exist,  may  as- 
sume and  discharge  the  functions  of  political  leadership ;  or  may 
create,  frame,  and  advocate  administrative  issues  which  are  not 
wholly  political  in  nature ;  and  whereby  the  managements  may  be 
enabled  to  determine  the  qualifications  of  candidates  and  the 
detail  manner  of  their  nomination.  ^Mlile  vigorously  protesting 
that  it  has  been  solely  animated  by  the  desire  to  promote  the  gen- 
eral welfare,  nevertheless  its  acts  at  all  times  have  shown  that  The 
Partizan  Party  has  also  been  animated  by  the  selfish  desire  to 
obtain  and  wield  political  power  for  private  advantage  of  one  kind 
or  another.  The  Partizan  Party  has  been  allowed  to  organize 
the  pre-election  work  of  the  electors,  and  it  has  done  so  in  a  manner 
which  enables  the  managements  of  the  partizan  associations  to 
obtain  control  of  the  offices  and  positions  in  The  Government,  and 
to  distribute  them  as  they  please  in  return  for  "  regular  party  sup- 
port "  both  in  and  out  of  The  Government.  The  partizan  party 
managements  also  desu*e  the  exercise  of  political  power  (which 
carries  with  it  the  control  of  the  exercise  of  political  authority)  for 
still  other  immoral  purposes,  such  as  the  production  of  party  rev- 
enue from  individuals  not  connected  with  the  partizan  organiza- 
tions, and  which  is  paid  into  the  party  treasury  in  return  for  "  fa- 
vorable legislation  "  and  like  services. 

Now  let  every  reader  ask  himself  these  questions  concerning  the 
methods  which  The  Partizan  Party  has  been  allowed  to  devise  and 
employ  in  the  transaction  of  pre-election  work. 

Do  the  methods  which  have  been  introduced  into  general  use  in 
this  work  by  The  Partizan  Party  tend  to  preserve  the  political 
freedom  of  the  elector,  or  tend  to  keep  the  direct  exercise  of  politi- 
cal power  within  his  grasp,  or  tend  to  maintain  the  political  equal- 
ity of  each  elector,  or  tend  to  shield  the  moral  character  of  the  true 
political  agency  that  was  designed  to  exercise  the  political  pre- 
rogative of  the  people ;  or  the  contrary  ? 

Do  they  tend  to  produce  direct,  independent,  and  moral  politi- 
cal action  from  individual  electors ;  or  the  contrary  ? 

Do  they  tend  to  give  full  play  to  true  political  leadership  and  to 
the  free  formation  at  all  times  of  true  Political  Parties ;  or  the  con- 
trary ? 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  163 

Do  they  tend  to  produce  the  required  political  majority  in  each 
successive  period  of  administration ;   or  the  contrary  ? 

Do  they  tend  to  produce  a  perfectly  definite  and  unmistakable 
expression  of  public  opinion  in  any  period  of  admmistration ;  or 
the  contrary? 

If  they  do  not  tend  to  produce  these  results,  and  if  they  tend  to 
produce  other  and  contrary  results,  then  has  not  the  time  come  for 
every  patriotic  citizen,  every  statesman,  and  every  educational 
agency  to  institute  an  exhaustive  research  into  the  character  and 
functions  of  political  methods,  which,  if  wrong,  are  capable  of  under- 
mining and  corroding  the  political  ability  and  morals  of  the  in- 
dividual, and  which  if  wrong  are  also  capable  of  impairing  the  polit- 
ical capacity  and  moral  strength  of  The  Commonwealth  ? 

Taking  the  condition  of  the  average  individual  into  considera- 
tion, the  immediately  pressing  necessity  is  that  of  a  daily  income 
with  which  to  meet  the  daily  expenses  of  living.  The  great  major- 
ity of  men  are  under  agreement  to  render  their  services  to  others 
in  return  for  wages.  When  their  daily  service  is  rendered  most  of 
them  are  too  tired,  even  supposing  they  desired  to  do  so,  to  take 
up  the  difficult,  exacting,  and  exliausting  consideration  of  right 
administrative  action  and  its  requirements.  The  result  is  that 
the  consideration  of  political  work  is  habitually  deferred  by  the 
great  mass  of  the  people,  and  individually,  they  are  unprepared 
for  its  proper  transaction  when  the  time  comes  for  final  action. 
The  danger  in  this  condition  lies  in  the  possibility  of  a  right- 
minded  electorate  taking  unwitting  action ;  and,  unless  their 
political  means  and  methods  are  logical,  the  taking  of  unwitting 
action  is  fully  insured.  The  difficulty  in  individual  administra- 
tive action  mainly  consists  in  determining  what  is  right  action. 
But  even  if  right  action  is  determined  upon,  without  right  means 
and  methods  peaceable  right  action  is  impossible. 

The  great  majority  of  the  right-minded,  however,  do  not  fully 
appreciate  this  fact.  As  it  is  at  present  under  our  partizan  party 
system  of  political  administration,  individuals  are  required  to 
solve  the  problem  of  right  political  action  with  wrong  political 
means  and  methods.  Of  course,  that  problem,  with  such  factors, 
is  unsolvable.  The  right-minded,  but  uninformed,  attempt  its 
solution  with  the  means  and  methods  provided  ;  and  the  result 
is  their  utter  confusion,  bewilderment,  irritation,  failure,  and 
sometimes  despair.  Oftentimes,  instead  of  finding  difficulty  in 
doing  right,  the  real  difficulty  consists  in  escaping  from  doing  wrong  ; 
a  ridiculous  situation  for  a  right-minded  and  a  free  man ;    but 


164  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

brought  about  in  part  by  his  own  unwitting  action  concerning 
poHtical  means  and  methods.  Something  is  wrong  somewhere. 
Organization  has  worked  wonders  in  economic  efficiency.  Why 
does  it  not  do  the  same  for  poUtical  efficiency  ?  Of  course  it  will 
if  it  is  the  right  kind,  is  used  properly,  and  for  proper  objects; 
and  the  reason  it  works  badly  in  our  instance  is,  that  we  employ 
the  wrong  kind,  improperly,  and  for  some  objects  that  are  not 
strictly  political  in  nature,  such,  for  instance,  as  the  maintaining  of 
a  permanent  association  of  voters  within  the  body  politic,  the  in- 
dividuals of  which  are  prevented  from  taking  considerations  of 
right  into  account  when  they  are  attempting  to  act  in  the  capacity 
of  the  political  sovereign. 

In  a  passage  that  is  evidently  intended  to  be  eulogistic  of  the 
effectiveness  of  the  partizan  party  way  of  organizing  electoral  ac- 
tion, Mr.  Bryce  in  Chapter  LIX  of  the  American  Commonwealth 
says,  "  The  Americans  made  the  discovery  .  .  .  that  the  victories 
of  the  ballot  box  .  .  .  must  be  won  by  the  cohesion  and  disciplined 
docility  of  the  troops ;  and  that  these  merits  can  only  be  secured 
by  skilful  organization  and  long  continued  training."  The  omis- 
sions indicated  above  show  that  Mr.  Bryce  used  the  word  "  troops  " 
as  a  simile  by  which  to  convey  the  idea  of  electors ;  because  these 
are  the  only  individuals  by  whom  "  the  victories  of  the  ballot  box  " 
can  be  won. 

But  to  the  broad  statement  that  "  disciplined  docility  "  in  an 
elector  is  a  merit,  assent  must  be  withheld  for  several  reasons. 

In  the  first  place,  any  cohesive  force  that  binds  electors  together 
in  political  work  other  than  that  of  an  agreement  of  wills  freely 
obtained,  is  an  illogical  (and  necessarily  immoral)  force  to  use  in 
political  action. 

In  the  second  place,  any  "  docility  "  on  the  part  of  an  elector  to 
any  influence  other  than  that  exerted  by  reason  and  conscience,  is 
a  stigma  upon  the  individual. 

And  finally,  such  "  cohesion  "  as  results  from  "  Party  discipline  " 
and  "  Party  training,"  instead  of  being  meritorious  either  in  the 
individual  or  as  a  political  means  in  a  free  commonwealth,  deserves 
the  condemnation  of  every  citizen. 

Later  on  in  the  chapter  and  while  writing  about  the  "  Party 
System  "  of  nominating,  Mr.  Bryce  says :  "  The  essential  feature 
of  the  system  is  that  it  is  from  bottom  to  top  strictly  representative. 
This  is  because  it  has  power,  and  power  can  only  flow  from  the 
people.  .  .  .  But  when  an  organization  which  the  party  is  in  the 
habit  of  obeying,  chooses  a  party  candidate,  it  exerts  power,  power 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  165 

often  of  the  highest  import.  .  .  .  Such  power  would  not  be  yielded 
to  any  but  a  representative  body,  and  it  is  yielded  to  the  bodies  I 
shall  describe  because  they  are,  at  least  in  theory,  representative." 

The  above  quotation  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  kind  of  misinforma- 
tion concerning  our  political  action  that  is  given  to  the  American 
public  and  to  the  reading  world.  Let  us  analyze  the  statement  a 
moment. 

First  it  is  a  system  that  has  power,  and  finally  it  is  a  body  that 
has  power.  First  it  is  a  system  that  is  representative,  and  finally 
it  is  a  body  that  is  representative.  But  representative  of  what  ? 
Of  the  people?  Of  their  moral  character?  Of  their  democratic 
principles  of  action?  Mr.  Bryce  does  not  say.  What  does  the 
reader  make  out  of  his  statement  ? 

If  he  is  a  Republican  by  affiliation  he  will  die  protesting  that 
the  "  system  "  used  by  the  Democratic  Party  (one  of  the  bodies 
Mr.  Bryce  had  in  mind)  never  did  and  never  can  be  representative 
of  the  whole  people ;  if  for  no  other  reason,  then  for  the  perfectly 
good  reason  that  the  Republican  Party  is  at  least  as  numerous  as 
the  Democratic  Party. 

If  he  is  a  Democrat  he  will  reject  Mr.  Bryce's  statement  that  the 
"  system  "  used  by  the  Republican  Party  is  representative  of  the 
people,  as  a  libel  pure  and  simple. 

We  shall  have  to  reject  as  wholly  untenable  the  supposition  that 
Mr.  Bryce  really  meant  that  the  "  Party  System  "  in  use  actually 
represents  the  moral  character  of  the  people,  because  the  whole  tenor 
of  his  work  shows  that  he  intended  to  be  fair,  if  not  complimentary. 

And  from  what  we  already  know  of  the  lack  of  political  principles 
underlying  any  partizan  party  system  of  operation,  we  cannot 
accept  as  true  the  supposition  that  such  systems  are  representative 
of  the  Democratic  Principles  of  Action  which  were  ordained  by  the 
people  as  their  moral  and  political  creed. 

Mr.  Bryce,  in  common  with  many  other  writers  on  this  subject, 
fails  to  note  the  fact  that  there  exists  no  comprehensive  system  of 
administrative  action  in  any  of  our  American  Commonwealths, 
and  that  each  of  them  always  uses  two,  and  sometimes  three  or 
four  distinct  partizan  party  systems,  which  systems  are  repre- 
sentative of  nothing  else  under  the  sun  but  the  ideas  and  desires 
which  are  held  by  the  managements  of  the  partizan  associations 
of  voters. 

Returning  to  the  consideration  of  the  quotation,  how  can  a  mere 
system  be  representative,  either  from  bottom  to  top,  or  vice  versa f 
How  can  a  system  have  and  exert  power  ?    Which  is  the  top  and 


166  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

which  the  bottom ;  and  what  parts  do  its  intermediary  portions 
—  if  any  —  play  ?  A  system  is  a  collection  of  provisions  intended 
to  regulate  individual  action ;  and  when  Mr.  Bryce  spoke  of  "  the 
system  "  he  probably  meant  some  body  of  individuals  who,  acting 
in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  system,  put  it  in  operation. 
He  speaks  of  "an  organization  "  which  "  chooses  a  party  candi- 
date "  and  "  is  in  the  habit  of  obeying  the  party."  This  utterance 
describes  a  form  of  systematic  action,  but  not  a  system.  When 
Mr.  Bryce  speaks  of  "an  organization  which  chooses  a  party 
candidate  "  we  must  understand  him  as  describing  the  "  Party 
Management  " ;  and  by  the  term  "  the  party  "  we  must  under- 
stand that  either  the  inclusive  membership  of  a  partizan  associa- 
tion, or  all  those  who  vote  a  party  ticket,  is  meant. 

Mr.  Bryce  recognizes  the  fact  that  it  is  the  party  managements 
which  make  the  party  nominations ;  but  from  this  mere  fact  — 
and  using  his  terms  for  the  time  being  —  he  has  jumped  to  the  con- 
clusion that  "  the  organization  "  has  been  obtained  by  action  on 
the  part  of  the  membership  of  "  the  party,"  and  that  such  action 
has  been  taken  in  accord  with  Democratic  principles  of  representa- 
tion and  of  representative  management. 

Such  a  conclusion  is  unwarranted  by  the  facts  in  the  matter,  and 
such  a  statement  as  the  one  we  are  considering  is  entirely  mis- 
leading as  information  because  the  facts  in  this  connection  are  that 
in  any  State  partizan  associations  "  the  organizations  "  are  self- 
created  and  self-maintaining  bodies,  over  the  composition  of  which 
the  mere  "  party  "  members  are  deprived  of  any  adequate  action 
or  volition  by  the  "  Party  Rules  "  which  "  the  organizations  " 
make  or  cause  to  be  made  in  the  manner  above  set  forth.  Word 
comes  down  from  the  top  —  The  Boss,  or  The  Committee  —  to 
the  bottom  —  the  membership  of  any  lesser  territorial  division 
of  the  partizan  association  —  to  send  such  and  such  representa- 
tives up  into  "  the  organization  "  ;  and  the  members,  with  the  fear 
of  discipline  in  their  minds,  do  as  they  are  told. 

But  how  about  the  power  that  is  "  exerted  "  by  Mr.  Bryce's 
"  organizations  "?  Does  it  reaWy  fiow  from  the  people?  Or  is  it 
a  power  that  has  really  been  created  by  "  the  organizations  "  ? 
And  how  about  the  nature  of  this  power?  Is  it  democratic,  or  is 
it  autocratic  in  nature?  And  if  it  is  really  autocratic  in  nature 
how  can  it  flow  from  the  people  ? 

We  must  conclude  that  the  idea  Mr.  Bryce  intended  to  convey 
was  that  "  the  party  "  nominating  agency  was  representative  in 
composition,  character,  and  action. 


POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION  167 

Resuming  the  use  of  the  terms  employed  in  this  book  let  us  see 
if  such  is  the  fact.  The  ostensible  nominating  agency  of  the  State 
partizan  party  associations  is  called  "  The  Party  Convention." 
It  is  composed  of  "  Delegates  "  from  the  various  territorial  divi- 
sions of  the  association ;  which  so  called  delegates,  however,  are 
selected  in  the  manner  above  described  by  the  executive  managers 
at  the  top  of  the  association.  The  membership  of  the  territorial 
divisions  of  the  association  merely  go  through  the  form  of  selecting 
and  electing  such  "  delegates."  This  farcical  action  on  their  part 
gives  the  Party  Convention  the  appearance  of  a  representative 
assembly  but  not  the  character  of  one ;  and  in  this  matter  of  rep- 
resentative character  it  looks  as  if  the  author  of  the  above  quota- 
tion had  been  deceived  by  outward  appearances. 

Lender  the  scheme  in  present  use  by  which  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  partizan  associations  are  managed,  the  party  nominations 
and  the  party  platforms  are  supposedly  made  by  the  Party  Con- 
vention. As  a  matter  of  fact  these  nominations  and  platforms 
are  made  by  those  members  of  the  Party  Committee  who  control 
its  action,  into  whose  hands  the  Party  Committee  has  passed  the 
discharge  of  its  functions  as  above  described. 

The  Party  Committee  shrew^dly  employs  the  Party  Convention 
(outwardly  representative  in  composition  and  character)  as  the 
means  for  putting  the  despotic  action  of  the  Party  Committee 
before  the  people  in  a  democratic  guise.  By  causing  the  "  Dele- 
gates "  when  assembled  in  the  form  of  a  Party  Convention  to 
strictly  observe  the  democratic  formalities  of  orderly  procedure 
in  proposing  and  in  choosing  candidates  and  in  adopting  an  admin- 
istrative policy,  the  Party  Committee  contrives  to  impart  the  ap- 
pearance of  democratic  and  of  representative  action  to  the  party 
convention  w'ork ;  but  that  the  great  majority  of  the  "  Delegates  " 
who  compose  the  party  convention  exercise  free  will,  or  actually 
by  their  free  action  ever  frame  any  political  issue  or  decide  any 
nominations,  is  a  proposition  impossible  of  serious  consideration 
by  those  who  know ;  for  the  "  Delegates  "  as  a  body  are  driven 
through  the  convention  ritual,  and  they  w^ould  not  be  there  if  they 
could  not  be  driven. 

Concerning  the  composite  character  of  the  party  convention. 
Are  the  delegates  "  docile  "  —  fairly  so.  "  Disciplined  "  —  many  of 
them.  "  Trained  "  —  every  man  of  them.  "  Cohesive  "  —  as  a 
general  rule ;  and  also  unanimously  adhesive  to  all  public  offices 
and  positions.  So  composed  and  constituted  the  party  convention, 
as  the  partizan  party  nominating  agency,  certainly  presents  a  type 


168  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

of  representation ;  but  not  that  which  proceeds  from  "  bottom  to 
top."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  kind  of  representation  that  prevails 
throughout  every  partizan  party  organization  is  an  upside-down 
representation,  in  that  the  act  of  every  association  member  and 
subordinate  managing  body  or  official,  must  represent  the  will  of 
his  or  its  party  superiors. 

These  party  superiors  are  called  "  Constituted  Authorities," 
thus  spreading  the  impression  that  they  are  properly  constituted 
by  proper  democratic  action  on  the  part  of  the  organization  mem- 
bership, and  leaving  the  impression  to  obscure  the  perception  of 
the  truth  that  these  so-called  constituted  authorities  are  in  reality 
self-constituted  bodies  and  officers.  This  knowingly  false  and 
consciously  misleading  use  of  this  unwarranted  term  is  one  of  the 
many  petty  deceptions  that  are  practised  by  The  Partizan  Party 
to  draw  support  from  unthinking  or  easy-going  electors ;  and  we 
shall  as  we  proceed  have  occasion  to  disclose  others  of  the  same 
nature. 

Finally,  the  kind  of  representation  that  is  in  use  in  every  partizan 
party  organization  is  in  fact  strictly  from  top  to  bottom ;  and,  in 
kind,  is  wholly  irreconcilable  with  the  democratic  ideas  that  the 
right  to  govern  belongs  to  the  individuals  who  compose  a  political 
association,  and  that  the  right  to  freely  participate  in  matters  of 
association  management  belongs  to  them  also.  It  is  this  peculiar 
kind  of  autocratic  regulation  of  the  internal  affairs  of  the  partizan 
party  associations  which  makes  it  impossible  to  accurately  describe 
either  the  association  or  its  action  by  the  use  of  terms  which  cor- 
rectly express  ideas  of  democratic  political  action ;  and  whenever 
such  an  attempt  is  made,  it  invariably  results  in  the  confusion  of 
thought  on  the  part  of  all  concerned. 

The  various  usages,  practises,  and  customs  of  The  Partizan 
Party  do  not  constitute  a  system  of  political  action ;  but  only  a 
system  of  partizan  party  action.  That  which  the  partizan  party 
managements  succeed  in  having  done  within  its  associations,  and 
also  by  means  of  these  associations,  does  very  materially  affect  the 
political  action  of  the  people.  A  contribution  of  $250,000  to  a 
partizan  party  by  some  big  "  Business  interest,"  to  be  used  in  in- 
fluencing individual  votes  at  an  election,  also  affects  the  political 
action  of  the  people  very  materially  ;  but  in  neither  case  would  we 
be  warranted  by  these  facts  alone  in  concluding  that  the  systems 
of  either  of  these  associations  were  political  systems.  It  is  true 
that  the  partizan  party  associations  are  organized  with  the  express 
purpose  of  affecting  the  political  action  of  the  people;   but  even 


POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION  169 

that  fact  can  not  convert  its  system  into  a  system  of  political  action 
which  must  be  applicable  to  all  electors  alike.  Each  partizan 
party,  irrespective  of  its  purposes,  and  of  the  final  results  of  its 
association  work,  has  its  own  peculia,r  system  which  lacks  many 
characteristics,  objects,  and  provisions  that  are  indispensable  in 
a  system  of  political  action ;  and  a  partizan  party  system  can  never 
become  a  political  system  until  such  time  as  the  partizan  party 
has  become  the  Collective  Sovereign  and  has  ordained  the  use  of 
its  system  upon  every  individual  elector  in  The  Commonwealth. 

Other  Evils.  The  partizan  party  system  of  internal  management 
produces  one  or  two  effects  which  we  may  as  well  notice  here  as 
elsewhere.  The  individual  members  of  the  partizan  party  associa- 
tions, considered  as  the  membership,  do  not  initiate  "party  action." 
Word  comes  down  from  the  top  to  the  members  to  do  so  and  so ; 
and  they  do  it.  In  other  words,  the  association  members  do  not 
act,  in  the  sense  of  deciding  what  the  association  shall  do ;  and, 
in  the  same  sense,  neither  does  the  partizan  association  act.  If 
we  speak  of  the  action  of  any  big  business  corporation  (outside 
that  taken  at  a  meeting  of  the  stockliolders)  we  do  not  mean,  nor 
are  we  commonly  understood  to  mean,  the  acts  of  the  stockholders. 
WTiat  we  mean,  and  what  our  hearers  understand  us  to  mean,  is 
either  the  action  of  the  board  of  directors  of  the  corporation,  or 
the  action  of  some  officer  or  executive  committee  of  the  board  which 
is  sanctioned  by  the  board.  So  in  any  partizan  party  association, 
it  is  "  The  Management  "  of  the  association  which  really  acts ; 
and,  in  one  sense,  the  managements,  so  far  as  association  action 
is  concerned,  are  in  fact  the  Partizan  Party  itself.  The  mere 
partizan  association  members  really  discharge  but  one  important 
partizan  function ;  namely,  that  of  constituting  a  passive  nucleus 
of  "  regular  party  votes  "  which  the  partizan  party  managements 
can  be  reasonably  sure  of  ahead  of  The  Campaign. 

But  the  uninitiated  reader  must  not  imagine  that  those  who 
occupy  positions  in  the  partizan  party  managements  recline  on 
beds  of  roses.  Professional  Politics  —  the  management  of  a 
Partizan  Party  Association  —  as  contrasted  with  Political  Ad- 
ministration—  the  administration  by  the  people  of  Government 
as  ordained  —  is  a  "  business."  Business  is  Business.  Compe- 
tition for  the  positions  is  fierce.  Those  who  can  not  "  make  good  " 
to  the  managements  must  give  place  to  those  who  have  shown  that 
they  can.  There  is  no  true  politics  in  professional  politics ;  and 
this  is  but  one  of  the  many  evils  of  the  partizan  party  system  of 
organizing  the  pre-election  work  of  individual  electors. 


170  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Then  again.  A  partizan  party  considered  as  an  agency,  and  its 
system  considered  as  a  means,  lack  everj^  element  of  moral  strength 
that  a  political  means  of  a  Democracy  should  possess.  No  warrant 
for  either  can  be  found  in  our  plan  of  administrative  action. 
Neither  give  full  operative  force  to  any  one  single  principle  of  the 
State  Polity  while  each  acts  to  destroy  the  force  of  every  principle 
of  democratic  action.  Each  operates  directly  for  the  creation  of 
"  opportunities  "  for  the  misuse  of  political  power  to  private  ad- 
vantage. The  secret  intent  of  the  partizan  party  is  wrong.  The 
practises  of  its  system  are  wrong,  for  they  hamper  the  free  formation 
of  Political  Majorities  as  far  as  is  possible  and  they  promote  the 
production  of  illogically  obtained  "  majorities  of  votes  "  through 
affording  opportunity  to  the  partizan  party  managements  to  in- 
fluence the  political  action  of  individual  electors  by  favor,  fear, 
force,  fraud,  and  falsity.  Of  course  the  truth  of  this  statement 
will  be  vigorously  denied  in  certain  quarters.  But  "  by  their 
fruits  ye  shall  know  them."  Their  acts  speak  louder  than  their 
words ;  and  the  acts  of  the  partizan  party  managements  through-, 
out  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land  amply  prove  the  truth  of 
the  statement,  and  warrant  the  conclusion  that  the  partizan  party, 
by  reason  of  its  inherent  political  immorality,  is  totally  unfit  to 
discharge  the  functions  of  political  organization. 

The  partizan  party  association  —  which  individual  electors  are 
invited  to  join  for  the  purpose  of  helping  the  partizan  party  man- 
agements to  "  form  a  majority  "  —  is  just  what  the  above  name 
implies.  It  is  an  association  of  "  voters  "  which  belongs  to  the 
partizan  party  management ;  which  is  kept  together  by  it ;  which 
is  utilized  as  a  catspaw  by  it ;  and  without  which,  as  compacted, 
"  The  Management "  as  constructed  could  not  exist.  These 
associations  are  composed  only  of  those  "  voters  "  who  "  regu- 
larly "  comply  with  the  requirements  of  membership  and  action 
that  are  prescribed  by  the  "  Party  Committee."  There  is  nothing 
of  a  political  nature  in  these  requirements,  for  they  merely  impose 
"  obedience  "  to  the  dictates  of  the  "  Party  Committee."  It  is 
true  that  the  partizan  associations  are  made  to  appear  to  act  freely ; 
but  in  making  them  to  appear  so  the  "  Party  Committee  "  has  to 
use  a  mixture  of  favor,  fear,  deception,  and  despotic  force  that 
would  destroy  any  free  association,  or  any  other  that  was  not  held 
together  by  human  greed. 

Now  the  partizan  party  association  is  only  the  theoretical  foun- 
dation and  not  the  actual  foundation  of  the  partizan  party  manage- 
ment.    Because  the  association  is  practically  devoid  of  the  moral 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  171 

desire  and  force  which  alone  can  properly  unite  individuals  to- 
gether in  a  political  association ;  because  the  ever  pressing  need  of 
"  The  Management  "  is  to  secure  public  offices,  public  positions, 
and  "  Party  "  positions  for  distribution  between  its  members  and 
the  members  of  the  association  for  the  purpose  of  producing  the 
desired  "  cohesion  " ;  because  there  are  never  at  any  one  election 
as  many  vacant  offices  and  positions  as  there  are  "  office  seekers  "  ; 
and  because  these  numerous  claimants  are  persistently  seeking 
from  "  The  Management  "  a  fitting  recognition  of  their  individual 
claims,  that  body  is  necessarily  subject  to  many  disturbing  and 
disrupting  influences  that  are  not  political  in  nature. 

The  association  is  also  rendered  unstable  because  so  many  of  the 
active,  "  regular  "  and  enrolled  members  are  seeking  to  satisfy 
personal  and  not  political  desires.  These  members  expect  some 
political  office  or  position,  or  a  cash  return  for  their  services  ;  and, 
there  being  no  moral  consideration  involved  in  their  action,  if  they 
can  not  get  from  one  partizan  association  what  they  want,  have  no 
hesitancy  in  trying  another  at  times.  The  very  existence  of  these 
associations  itself  is  rendered  precarious  for  the  very  reason  that 
the  majority  of  the  enrolled  members  are  always  seeking  their 
personal  advantage  out  of  the  political  necessities  of  The  Com- 
monwealth. That  is  one  of  the  reasons  why  the  partizan  party 
management  constantly  resorts  to  deceptions  in  the  effort  to  create 
in  the  minds  of  uninformed  electors  the  impression  of  proper 
action  by  the  partizan  party  association ;  for  if  the  majority  of  the 
people  should  once  fully  appreciate  the  true  nature  of  the  action 
of  the  partizan  party  association  and  perceive  its  effects  upon 
the  morals  of  individuals  and  on  the  political  capacity  of  The 
Commonwealth,  this  association  and  its  "  Constituted  Authori- 
ties "  would  forever  be  abolished  as  a  political  instrumentality,  as 
it  should  be. 

Its  theoretical  foundation,  being  unstable,  "  The  Management  " 
is  unstable,  and  is  constantly  struggling  to  maintain  its  position. 
That  in  itself  is  not  surprising ;  but  the  way  it  is  allowed  to  work 
is.  It  constantly  uses  undemocratic,  immoral,  and  often  crimi- 
nal means,  and  not  infrequently  resorts  to  the  organization  of  the 
criminal  classes  in  the  cities  as  the  pivotal  means  by  which  to  man- 
ufacture a  majority  of  votes  for  its  ticket.  If  it  gets  its  "  victory 
at  the  ballot  box,"  then  it  retains  its  position  as  "  The  Manage- 
ment "  of  the  partizan  party  association.  But  is  an  instrumentality 
which  is  capable  of  such  action  a  proper  one  to  use  in  the  organi- 
zation of  individual  electoral  effort? 


172  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Factions.  But  this  is  not  all.  The  partizan  party  manage- 
ment contains  other  sources  of  instability  within  itself  which  poison 
the  springs  of  political  action.  Sometimes  a  divergence  of  opinion 
between  its  own  members  concerning  what  a  partizan  party  should 
do  before  the  people ;  or  as  to  their  own  relative  positions  or  in- 
fluence within  "  The  Management  " ;  or  as  to  individual  claims 
to  the  "  Spoils  of  Victory  " ;  or  as  to  individual  chances  for  nom- 
inations —  nominations  being  the  gateway  to  political  preferment 
—  is  sufficient  to  cause  a  separation  between  the  members  of  the 
partizan  party  managements. 

When  the  management  of  a  partizan  party  association  becomes 
separated  into  opposing  groups,  the  aggrieved  group,  persistently 
seeking  the  control  of  the  association  for  the  satisfaction  of 
its  own  ends,  is  commonly  called  a  Faction.  If  a  faction 
succeeds  in  getting  control  of  the  managemental  positions  in 
the  association,  then  it  becomes  the  partizan  party  manage- 
ment itself. 

Measured  by  the  standard  of  democratic  ideals  the  immorality 
of  such  action  lies  first,  in  the  object  for  which  it  is  taken ;  and 
second,  in  the  fact  that  the  faction  becomes  the  management  of 
the  association  independently  of  the  action  by  the  association  as 
such ;  for  the  mere  partizan  association  members  are,  as  a  general 
rule,  totally  powerless  to  prevent  such  quarrels  between  their 
"  Constituted  Authorities,"  and  are  equally  powerless  to  depose 
their  quarreling  superiors.  It  is  true  that  members  can  always 
leave  a  partizan  association  if  they  are  sufficiently  dissatisfied.  If 
they  remain,  their  attention  is  systematically  diverted  away  from 
a  consideration  of  the  political  needs  of  The  Commonwealth,  and 
is  directed  mainly  to  a  consideration  of  "  partizan  party  "  needs, 
and  often  to  the  settlement  of  factional  disputes  within  the  par- 
tizan party  managements.  If  the  members  leave,  and  do  not 
join  any  other  partizan  association,  then  they  are  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  fighting  these  partizan  party  associations  as  a  means 
by  which  to  truly  promote  the  general  welfare.  In  such  a  situa- 
tion the  difficulties  of  political  action  are  greatly  increased,  and 
elements  of  discord  and  unhappiness  exist  which  should  not  ac- 
company the  transaction  of  political  work.  But  the  situation  is 
general,  and,  as  a  result,  there  is  hardly  a  large  community  in  any 
State  in  which  there  are  not  one  or  more  groups  of  independents 
actively  engaged  in  fighting  the  immoralities  that  are  practised 
by  this,  or  that,  or  the  other  partizan  party  in  the  name  of  political 
organization. 


POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION  173 

Wings.  Also  in  times  of  great  political  unrest  the  solidarity  of 
the  partizan  party  associations  themselves  becomes  disrupted  by 
differences  in  opinion  between  association  members  concerning 
desired  administrative  action,  ^^^lere  the  partizan  association 
becomes  separated  into  groups  holding  different  convictions  on 
questions  of  public  or  of  administrative  policy,  the  group  actively 
opposing  the  course  advocated  by  the  partizan  party  management 
is  commonly  called  a  Wing. 

This  separation  of  a  partizan  association  membership  into  the 
groups  called  "  wings  "  is  not  so  much  to  be  deplored  by  an  out- 
sider, for  the  reason  that  the  cause  of  the  separation  is  sometimes 
political  in  nature ;  but  the  period  in  which  "  wings  "  are  forming 
is  always  one  of  great  "  Party  "  strife,  bitterness,  and  machina- 
tions. The  members  of  a  partizan  party  who  associate  together 
as  a  "  wing  "  are  taunted  with  "  party  "  irregularity  and  personal 
disloyalty.  They  are  reminded  of  their  promises  to  maintain  the 
solidarity  of  the  partizan  party,  the  maintenance  of  which  condi- 
tion is  placed  before  every  other  political  consideration  and  duty. 
The  managements  of  the  partizan  associations,  being  self-consti- 
tuted bodies  and  leaders  in  electoral  organization,  naturally  strive 
to  maintain  the  solidarity  of  their  associations  and  the  permanent 
existence  of  the  partizan  party  organization  undepleted  in  num- 
bers ;  and  at  such  times  the  managements  place  every  possible 
obstacle,  and  use  every  "  party  "  force  and  means  in  their  power,  to 
prevent  the  enrolled  members  in  the  partizan  associations  from 
freely  exercising  their  individual  reason  and  conscience  in  the  dis- 
charge of  w^hat  they  then  conceive  to  be  their  political  duty.  The 
maintenance  of  the  improper  "permanence  of  the  partizan  party 
lies  at  the  bottom  of  tliis  improper  action  by  the  partizan  party 
managements ;  and  the  discord,  bitterness,  and  personal  strife  in 
the  body  politic  during  periods  of  unusual  political  unrest  would 
be  largely  done  away  with  were  individual  electors  left  free  under 
the  law  to  form  themselves  into  true  political  parties  as  the  means 
for  advocating  the  adoption  of  their  political  convictions  as  an 
administrative  policy  for  the  time  being. 

"  Personal  Politics."  —  On  the  other  hand,  in  times  of  "  politi- 
cal quiet,"  when  The  Electorate  is  not  agitated  by  questions  of 
administrative  policy,  or  is  practically  agreed  upon  an  advisable 
course  of  political  administration,  then  the  partizan  party,  con- 
sidered as  the  organizer  of  political  action,  loses  much  of  its  con- 
trolling power  over  the  political  action  of  individuals ;  thus  re- 
vealing a  weakness  that  is  hidden  in  times  of  political  unrest. 


174  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

A  true  political  leader  is  never  at  any  time  without  his  immediate 
influence  and  control  over  the  political  acts  of  individuals;  but 
the  partizan  party  managements,  in  times  of  political  quiet,  and 
when  the  people  are  satisfied  with  the  way  in  which  public  affairs 
are  being  administered,  do  not  have  sufficient  "  Spoils  "  in  the 
way  of  public  offices  and  positions  for  distribution  among  the 
workers.  This  lack  of  immediate  personal  reward  for  party  serv- 
ices dissolves  the  "  cohesion  "  w^hich  primarily  keeps  the  members 
of  the  partizan  associations  compacted  together,  and  the  naturally 
dissatisfied  members  seek  other  fields  for  their  activities. 

Such  a  period  of  political  quiet  was  the  so-called  "  Era  of  Good 
Feeling  "  following  Monroe's  election  in  1817.  The  partizan  party 
managements  were  unable  in  this  era  to  hold  their  partizan  associa- 
tions together,  and  the  members  of  their  associations  grouped 
themselves  together  in  other  associations  under  such  names  as 
"Adams  Men,"  "Clay  Men,"  "  Cahiounites,"  "  Clintonians," 
and  the  like.  As  some  one  has  pithily  observed,  these  various 
groups  soon  succeeded  in  working  up  an  "  Era  of  Personal  Feeling," 
the  influence  of  which  lasted  long  after  they  were  dissolved  or  had 
become  amalgamated  within  new  associations  formed  to  advocate 
or  oppose  the  creation  of  a  national  bank;  the  spending  of  the 
national  revenues  for  "  internal  improvements  " ;  the  adoption 
of  a  "  protective  tariff,"  and  other  measures.  These  were  matters 
upon  which  the  widest  divergence  of  individual  opinion  existed 
at  that  time.  The  National  Government  was  new.  Its  juris- 
diction was  a  matter  of  controversy;  and  the  majority  of  The 
Nation  was  fearful  lest  its  administrative  agency  should  exceed 
its  proper  functions.  This  fear  is  not  dead  yet  by  any  means  and 
it  still  continues  to  be  one  of  the  causes  which  tend  to  separate  the 
people  of  The  Nation  into  opposing  groups  on  National  Issues. 
But  these  groups,  unfortunately  for  logical  political  administra- 
tion, are  not,  and  never  can  be  true  political  parties  so  long  as  we 
retain  in  use  the  present  illogical  partizan  party  methods  of  organiz- 
ing electoral  action,  whereunder,  the  partizan  party  associations 
are  made  as  permanent  as  possible  by  the  exercise  of  fraud  and 
force,  and  whereunder  the  formation  of  true  Political  Majorities 
is  rendered  as  remote  as  possible  in  every  period  of  administration. 


^<-' 


CHAPTER  XII 
POLITICAL   LEADERSHIP 

Let  us  say  that  Public  Opinion  is  the  controlling  force  in  admin 
istrative  action ;    and  that  its  moral  force  springs  from  the  free   ^*'  > 
agreement  of  electoral  wills  concerning  that  action.     How  can  The 
Commonwealth  strengthen  the  moral  force  of  public  opinion  ? 

In  the  heterogeneous  societies  of  the  American  Commonwealths 
a  large  proportion  of  the  electorates  consists  of  individuals  who  are 
incapable  of  forming  even  an  approximately  correct  estimate  of 
the  probable  effect  of  their  individual  action  on  administrative 
action  —  the  immigrants ;  the  illiterates ;  the  fh-st  voters ;  the 
unintelligent,  and  others.  The  administration  of  Government  as 
established  is  to  them  more  or  less  of  a  mystery.  About  the  only 
details  in  electoral  action  with  which  they  are  familiar  are  con- 
nected with  the  casting  of  the  ballot ;  almost  the  last  act  in  the  long 
series  of  acts  which  they  are  required  to  perform. 

Concerning  the  proper  transaction  of  the  formative  and  con- 
structive administrative  work  of  The  Commonwealth  and  con- 
cerning the  effects  produced  by  a  proper  or  improper  trans- 
action of  that  work,  the  masses  stand  in  constant  need  of  instruc- 
tion and  guidance ;  and  in  the  absence  of  any  duly  constituted 
educational  agency,  and  to  supply  that  lack,  The  Commonwealth 
is  obliged  to  make  use  of  the  special  ability,  knowledge,  sagacity, 
and  virtue  possessed  by  a  few  of  its  hidividuals  as  a  means  for 
obtaining  such  instruction  and  guidance. 

True  Political  Leaders.  Because  men  differ  in  ability  there  will 
always  be  some  men  in  every  community  who  are  better  able  than 
their  fellows  to  comprehend  the  trend  of  events  and  the  exigencies 
of  The  Commonwealth  ;  and  because  men  differ  in  temperament 
there  will  always  be  some  among  the  more  competent  who,  actuated 
by  civic  virtue  to  a  superior  degree,  will  be  able  to  explain  the  affairs 
and  the  needs  of  The  Commonwealth  unbiased  by  personal  con- 
siderations. 

175 


176  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Statesmen.  Such  men  are  called  "  Statesmen  "  by  Pericles. 
They  are  the  natural  and  logical  leaders  in  social  and  in  political 
action ;  and  when  they  are  afforded  an  opportunity  to  freely  in- 
fluence the  political  actions  of  the  individuals  of  The  Common- 
wealth, then  true  Political  Leadership  is  secured,  and  becomes  a 
natural  and  proper  means  for  the  formation  of  Public  Opinion. 

Considered  as  a  Position.  Normal  ability  to  lead  in  the  political 
action  of  the  free  community  depends  mainly  upon  the  combination 
in  one  individual  of  mental  power  and  moral  force ;  and  Political 
Leadership,  considered  as  a  position,  is  normally  obtained,  or 
conferred,  through  the  more  or  less  general  recognition  and  free 
support  that  is  given  to  the  ideas  that  are  advocated  by  some  one 
or  more  individuals. 

"  Noblesse  oblige."  The  institution  of  self-government  does  not 
release  "  The  Nobility  "  from  their  obligations  to  lead  society 
in  the  promotion  of  the  General  Welfare ;  but  the  "  Nobility  " 
of  a  democracy  is  composed  solely  of  those  individuals  in  whom 
virtue  and  wisdom  are  combined.  The  obligation  of  such  to  lead 
society  always  exists ;  but  considering  leadership  in  administrative 
action  as  a  position  to  which  a  man  has  been  raised  by  the  sponta- 
neous agreement  of  his  fellow^s,  then  it  follows  that  there  is  no 
obligation  on  the  part  of  his  fellows  to  support  a  leader  in  any- 
thing that  does  not  meet  with  the  approval  of  their  conscience 
and  judgment;  for  the  obligation  to  support  springs  from  the 
agreement  of  wills  and  desires  that  exists  between  the  leader 
and  those  who  are  led. 

Character  of  Action.  Theoretically,  a  political  leader  does  not 
act  like  a  delegate;  that  is,  like  one  under  instructions.  He  is 
supposed  to  instruct  and  lead  the  people  in  the  proper  exercise  of 
their  political  power,  and  to  instruct  and  lead  the  representatives 
of  the  people  in  the  proper  and  desired  exercise  of  their  political 
authority ;  and  in  each  instance  he  must  lead  through  the  force 
of  arguments  addressed  to  their  understanding. 

Specific  Work  of.  The  specific  work  of  Political  Leadership  is 
to  crystallize  public  opinion  upon  all  administrative  questions. 
These  questions  are  discussed  before  the  people  first  in  order  to 
get  from  the  electorate  a  definite  expression  of  will  concerning 
them.  They  are  again  discussed  in  the  legislature  for  the  purpose 
of  determining  how  the  expressed  will  of  the  electorate  shall  be 
made  applicable  in  detail. 

As  an  Individual  Obligation.  Theoretically,  the  desire  to  enjoy 
what  is  commonly  called  "  The  Blessings  of  Liberty  "  furnishes 


POLITICAL  LEADERSHIP  177 

the  motive  for  political  action  in  free  communities.  Desire  in 
itself,  however,  will  never  produce  good  political  administration, 
for  that  follows  only  from  the  exercise  of  perseverance,  sagacity, 
wisdom,  and  morality  by  the  Collective  Sovereign.  But  good 
political  administration  —  by  far  the  most  intricate  work 
attempted  by  man  —  has  at  present  to  be  produced  from  and 
by  a  society  the  larger  part  of  which  is  composed  of  individuals  who 
but  vaguely  comprehend  the  detail  problems  involved.  All  are 
supposed  to  know  what  is  generally  required  from  individuals; 
but  few  really  know  how  to  act  wisely  in  each  administrative 
move.  Each  is  given  the  right  to  participate ;  but  the  bestowal 
of  political  equality  does  not  in  the  least  alter  inherent  inequalities. 
AVhile  the  bestowal  of  political  equality  increases  the  political 
capacity  of  The  Individual  it  does  not  increase  his  natural  ability ; 
and  good  democratic  political  administration  depends  very  largely 
upon  correct  initiative  in  detail  and  a  widespread  knowledge  of 
probable  resvlts.  All  are  supposed  to  be  animated  by  the  desire 
to  promote  the  general  welfare ;  but  because  the  masses  must  be 
instructed  concerning  the  special  objects  and  effects  to  be  produced 
by  proposed  action,  it  is  possible  to  consider  Political  Leadership 
as  a  special  individual  obligation  resting  upon  the  more  capable 
to  help  the  less  capable  to  take  proper  administrative  action. 

As  an  Individual  Right.  In  the  exercise  of  its  power  to  initiate 
action  The  Electorate  works  theoretically  as  a  composite  unit.  Its 
ignorant  element  is  one  of  its  inherent  weaknesses.  L^nless  the 
mentally  blind  are  helped  to  proper  political  action  The  Common- 
wealth is  more  than  likely  to  fail  of  its  ultimate  objects.  One  of 
these  objects  was  to  protect  its  individually  weak  members  from 
encroachments  by  its  individually  powerful  members.  The  exer- 
cise of  political  power  was  given  to  all  as  a  means  for  preventing 
such  encroachments  and  oppression ;  consequently  it  is  possible 
to  consider  Political  Leadership  as  a  special  individual  right  of  the 
ignorant  to  be  led  into  proper  administrative  action  by  the  en- 
lightened. 

As  a  Political  Necessity.  But  since  the  ignorant  can  participate 
directly  and  effectually  in  political  administration  by  means  of  the 
ballot  —  the  vote  of  the  politically  ignorant  counting  for  just  as 
much  in  the  final  expression  of  the  Will  of  The  People  as  the  vote 
of  the  statesman  ;  and  the  proportion  of  the  politically  uninformed 
to  statesmen  being  as  thousands  to  units  —  political  leadership, 
considered  as  a  means  for  imparting  the  right  direction  to  the 
political  action  of  a  heterogeneous  society,  becomes  a  political 


178  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

necessity  as  well ;  and  one  that  will  continue  to  exist  so  long 
as  individuals  differ  in  the  natural  and  acquired  elements  of 
individual  power. 

Individual  freedom,  liberty,  equality,  and  justice  as  ordained 
are  not  the  fruits  of  any  mere  form  of  Government.  They  are  the 
fair  blossoms  or  promises  of  fruits  that  are  held  possible  of  obtain- 
ment  under  a  given  form  of  Government.  Government  is  not  a 
vegetative  process  deriving  its  nourishment  from  the  forces  of 
nature  and  fructifying  by  itself.  Considered  as  a  human  institu- 
tion Government  always  acts  by  and  through  individuals.  It  is 
individuals  who  promise  these  fruits.  The  promises  themselves 
are  conditional.  In  the  American  Commonwealths  the  final 
possession  and  enjoyment  of  the  promised  fruits  is  made  to  depend 
upon  the  logical  exercise  of  the  Powers  of  Administration;  and 
whatever  "  Fruits  of  Government  "  we  garner,  we  gather  as  the 
result  of  individual  administrative  action. 

In  the  Formation  of  Political  Majorities.  The  economic  and 
moral  freedom  of  an  individual  can  be  affected  by  the  final  ad- 
ministrative action  of  a  democracy  as  well  as  by  that  of  a  monarch. 
Unless  the  required  majority  of  wills  is  properly  formed,  and 
unless  the  sovereign  units  are  correctly  informed  concerning  the 
true  objects  of  proposed  administrative  action,  then  individual 
freedom  stands  in  danger ;  if  not  of  being  destroyed,  then  of 
being  seriously  impaired.  Consequently,  one  of  the  prime  req- 
uisites to  proper  administrative  action  by  The  Commonwealth  is 
the  proper  formation  of  political  majorities ;  and  one  of  the  prime 
necessities  of  the  commonwealth  is  a  proper  means  for  forming  in- 
dividuals into  political  majorities.  This  is  especially  true  of 
commonwealths  which,  like  ours,  attempt  to  administer 
Government  according  to  the  Will  of  a  constant  succession  of 
political  majorities  ;  and  Political  Leadership  meets  this  necessity. 

Necessity  for  Morality  in.  As  stated  before,  the  moral  strength 
of  a  democracy  is  founded  upon  the  fundamental  principles  govern- 
ing its  collective  political  action.  Political  principles  require 
some  means  through  which  their  force  can  be  brought  to  bear 
on  the  individuals  who  exercise  political  power  and  authority ;  and 
The  Commonwealth  is  under  the  moral  obligation  to  keep  its 
political  means  strictly  in  unison  with  its  moral  principles  of 
action. 

The  ultimate  success  of  society  will  depend  most  largely  upon 

First.  Its  Principles  of  Action  —  which  supply  individuals 
with  proper  motives  of  action ; 


POLITICAL  LEADERSHIP  179 

Second.  The  general  intelligence  of  at  least  a  majority  of 
society  —  which  enables  its  members  to  know  what  they  want  and 
to  forecast  the  probable  results  of  their  proposed  administrative 
action ;  and 

Third.  The  absolute  fitness  of  their  political  means  and 
methods,  which,  if  they  are  fit  and  are  combined  with  right  motives 
and  a  fair  amount  of  individual  sagacity,  will  at  least  guarantee 
the  continued  opportunity  for  taking  right  political  action. 

But  unless  the  channel  through  which  the  moral  force  of  the 
principles  is  led  to  the  people  is  kept  unobstructed  and  pure,  then 
the  impulse  which  proceeds  from  the  people  is  likely  to  become 
impure  and  of  insufficient  vitality  to  produce  the  promised 
"Fruits  of  Government." 

A  Political  Means :  In  all  of  its  aspects,  however,  Political 
Leadership  is  one  of  the  political  means  which  The  Commonwealth 
employs  first,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  Collective  Sovereign 
to  discharge  its  obligations  of  sovereignty  properly ;  and  next,  for 
the  purpose  of  enabling  the  legislature  to  provide  The  Common- 
wealth with  the  best  Statutory  Law  obtainable. 

Functions :  As  originally  conceived  Political  Leadership  is  the 
natural  means  for  obtaining  general  support  to  administrative 
policies ;  for  presenting  these  policies  to  the  people  at  large  in  a 
clear,  definite,  and  understandable  manner;  for  elevating  the 
moral  conscience  and  public  spirit  of  the  individual;  and  for 
"Heveloping  the  political  capacity  of  The  Commonwealth.  It  is 
also  one  of  the  means  for  inculcating  a  general  desire  for  democratic 
methods  of  political  action,  and  for  stimulating  the  love  of  the 
Principles  of  the  State  Polity.  It  is  one  of  the  logical  means  in 
a  Republic  for  obtaining  a  truly  representative  administrative 
agency;  for  assisting  the  people  at  large  to  understand  what  is 
being  done  in  and  by  that  agency ;  and  for  enabling  The  Electorate 
to  obtain  responsive  action  from  it  and  to  enforce  responsible 
action  from  its  members. 

In  the  Formation  of  Political  Parties.  Of  course  there  will  always 
be  differences  of  opinion  between  individual  electors  concerning 
either  the  necessity  for  or  the  propriety  of  a  proposed  course  of 
action ;  and  it  is  these  differences  in  opinion  that  raise  the  political 
issues  which  The  Electorate  has  to  decide.  The  issues  are  con- 
stantly arising  as  society  progresses  and  the  differences  in  indi- 
vidual opinion  work  constantly  to  separate  individuals  into 
two  or  more  groups,  the  individuals  of  which  work  together 
for   the   purpose   of   securing  the  adoption  and  application  of 


180  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

some  administrative  policy  which  they  all  agree  will  promote 
the  general  welfare  most. 

Such  groups,  so  separated,  so  animated,  and  so  working,  fill  all 
the  requirements  of  true  political  parties ;  and  it  is  a  special  prov- 
ince of  true  Political  Leadership  to  enlighten  the  less  informed 
among  the  electorate  concerning  the  meaning  and  the  proposed 
effects  of  any  given  administrative  policy  so  that  individuals 
may  freely  form  and  reform  themselves  into  true  political  parties 
working  for  the  production  of  true  political  majorities  as  often 
as  the  constantly  changing  administrative  questions  arise. 
Leadership  is  thus  made  to  serve  as  a  factor  in  logical  action,  the 
integrity  of  which  both  the  community  and  the  individual  are 
interested  vitally  in  preserving. 

Requisites  of.  Unless,  however,  each  individual  is  absolutely 
free  to  choose  between  the  ideas  that  are  advocated  by  the  natural 
leaders,  and  unless  these  leaders  are  also  afforded  full  opportunities 
to  freely  and  directly  reach  the  people  at  all  times,  then  political 
leadership  in  electorate  action  loses  most  of  its  operative  force. 

Also,  unless  The  Commonwealth  possesses  a  system  of  electorate 
action  under  which  it  is  both  possible  and  easy  for  the  people 
to  send  their  natural  leaders  into  The  Government,  then  it  becomes 
impossible  for  the  community  to  secure  the  full  benefits  of  Political 
Leadership,  to  say  nothing  of  its  having  to  put  up  with  whatever 
kind  of  leadership  the  defective  system  makes  possible  and 
probable. 

Defined.  Political  Leadership  is  natural  leadership  used  in 
administrative  action.  The  main  difference  between  the  two 
lies  in  the  fact  that  while  natural  leadership  may  be  and  is  used 
by  all  sorts  of  individuals  in  all  kinds  of  social  and  economic  effort, 
political  leadership  is  or  should  be  exercised  by  those  natural 
leaders  only  who,  animated  by  public  spirit,  will  place  the  obliga- 
tions of  sovereignty  above  personal  or  party  considerations. 
When  such  leaders  are  given  a  free  opportunity  to  act.  Political 
Leadership  becomes  the  free  play  of  Statesmanship  upon  the 
intelligence  of  the  Sovereign-units. 

Distinctive  Problem  of.  There  is  no  step  or  stage  of  adminis- 
trative work  in  which  political  leadership,  if  permitted,  does  not 
impart  the  deciding  character  of  that  work.  Theoretically,  it  is 
only  when  public  opinion  is  freely  and  deliberately  formed  under  the 
guidance  of  political  leadership  that  it  becomes  the  energizing 
force  in,  and  the  controlling  influence  over,  the  action  of  The 
Government.     If  the  individual  while  forming  his  opinion  upon 


POLITICAL  LEADERSHIP  181 

administrative  policies  and  candidacies  is  subjected  to  influences 
and  considerations  which,  not  being  prompted  by  reason  and  con- 
science, do  not  bear  directly  upon  the  right  or  wrong  of  his  action 
and  the  probable  consequences  thereof,  then  his  vote  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  adoption  contributes  nothing  but  uncertainty  and  in- 
definiteness  to  the  result  considered  as  an  expression  of  public 
opinion.  And  taking  nominations  into  consideration,  unless  the 
individual  is  unhampered  in  his  efforts  to  entrust  the  exercise  of 
political  authority  to  the  leaders  in  whom  he  has  confidence,  then 
his  ability  to  assist  in  keeping  the  character  of  his  representative 
agency  up  to  the  required  level,  or  in  filling  it  w^ith  members  who 
are  representative  of  the  true  Will  of  The  People,  will  be  impaired 
or  possibly  destroyed. 

It  often  happens  that  many  periods  of  administration  elapse 
before  the  people  decide  finally  what  administrative  policy  shall 
be  adopted.  During  these  periods  of  suspense  the  true  political 
parties  —  those  spontaneous  and  voluntary  associations  of 
Sovereign-units  that  are  formed  to  advocate  or  to  oppose  the 
adoption  of  any  given  policy  —  continue  to  exist.  Even  in 
States  with  the  least  population  the  membership  in  such  parties 
will  reach  into  the  thousands ;  and  since  the  action  of  any  body 
of  men  which  reaches  even  into  the  hundreds  will  always  be  the 
action  in  fact  of  the  smaller  body  of  men  who  —  in  order  to  make 
the  action  of  the  larger  body  more  effective  —  are  encouraged 
to  assemble,  organize,  and  lead  the  larger  body,  the  people 
are  brought  face  to  face  with  this  political  problem ;  namely, 
How  to  keep  their  Political  Leadership  always  political  in 
composition  and  character,  and  how  to  prevent  it  from  dete- 
riorating into  a  means  for  the  promotion  of  private  and 
selfish  interests  and  so  to  the  production  of  discord  and  dis- 
content in  society. 

Must  Be  Safeguarded  by  Law.  The  Commonwealth  can  solve 
the  problem  in  just  one  way ;  namely,  through  affording  public- 
spirited  leaders  a  continuous  opportunity  to  reach  the  Sovereign- 
units  directly;  not  through  educational  institutions  merely,  be- 
cause the  people  do  not  fully  control  them  ;  not  through  the  various 
departments  of  the  press  for  the  same  reason ;  but  face  to  face 
in  the  forum  and  through  the  power  of  the  spoken  word  and  the 
force  of  personality. 

This  was  one  of  the  problems  facing  the  people  of  the  original 
Commonwealths  which  they  never  met.  The  situation  called 
for  the  passage  of  Laws  that  sharply  defined  and  prescribed  the 


182  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

proper  exercise  of  political  power  by  the  electors  in  each  step  and 
stage  of  their  action.  It  does  not  matter  what  the  means  may- 
be, whether  it  be  leadership  or  the  ballot.  Neither  can  be  kept 
pure  or  used  properly  in  the  absence  of  appropriate  and  compre- 
hensive laws ;  for  Laws  are  the  only  rules  in  political  action  that 
stand  a  fair  chance  of  observance. 

Our  experience  with  the  ballot  is  illustrative.  We  have  been 
trying  for  a  century  and  a  quarter  to  keep  the  ballot  pure ;  and 
the  reason  we  have  not  succeeded  yet  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  up  to  the  present  we  have  not  regulated  properly  many  of  the 
processes  of  administration  which  center  on  the  use  of  the  ballot, 
and,  as  a  consequence,  we  have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  prevent  its 
use  for  illogical  purposes. 

How  Kept  Pure  through  Utilizing  Natural  Forces,  If  laws 
existed  under  which  individuals  could  remain  free  to  act  in  ad- 
ministrative matters  according  to  the  best  of  their  understanding 
and  belief;  and  if  there  were  nothing  to  prevent  but  everything 
to  encourage  political  activity  in  the  natural  leaders  of  society; 
then,  the  fundamental  desire  which  lies  deep  in  the  hearts  of  the 
great  masses  of  the  people  for  individual  freedom,  liberty,  justice, 
and  political  equality,  combined  with  the  public  spirit  and  acumen 
of  their  true  leaders,  could  be  relied  upon  to  keep  the  political 
leadership  of  the  people  political  in  nature,  for  both  individuals 
and  leaders  would  have  the  means  for  keeping  it  so. 

Would  Guarantee  Existence  of  Political  Parties  Only.  And  with 
nothing  to  prevent,  but  ever;yi:hing  to  encourage  the  free  formation 
of  individual  belief  and  the  free  expression  of  individual  will  in 
matters  administrative,  then  the  separate  bodies  of  electors 
hereinbefore  mentioned  could  never  attain  a  permanent  basis 
naturally ;  because  the  free  groupings  and  regroupings  of  in- 
dividuals according  to  their  political  beliefs  would  render  that 
impossible.  True  political  parties  would  spring  naturally  into 
existence  for  the  express  purpose  of  giving  an  added  efficiency  to 
the  work  of  true  political  leadership ;  and  the  group  would  cease 
to  exist  as  an  association  when  the  political  issues  upon  which  its 
individuals  were  united  were  finally  decided.  Political  parties 
as  an  institution  would  not  cease  to  exist.  On  the  contrary; 
their  existence  and  their  use  as  a  political  means  would  be  guaran- 
teed to  The  Commonwealth ;  but  partizan  party  associations  of 
mere  voters  in  which  despotic  and  undemocratic  power  is  applied 
to  Sovereign-units  would  cease  to  have  a  place  among  the  ad- 
ministrative means  of  a  democracy,  for  moral  freedom  in  adminis- 


POLITICAL  LEADERSHIP  183 

trative  action  would  tend  towards  keeping  leadership  non-partizaii 
in  nature  through  causing  it  to  receive  support  on  political  grounds 
alone. 

Makes  Political  Action  Attractive.  Then  again,  and  looking 
at  the  matter  from  another  standpoint.  If  individuals  while 
engaged  in  administrative  matters  were  wholly  free  to  act  in  a 
democratic  manner,  then  the  power  of  the  separate  electoral 
groups  would  be  in  the  group  membership ;  and  could  be  used 
for  drawing  into  political  action  those  men  who  by  nature  and 
education  are  best  equipped  for  the  work  of  Political  Leadership. 
The  work  of  such  men  would  tend  inevitably  towards  making 
politics  and  administrative  work  not  only  interesting  but  attractive 
to  the  peDple  at  large  through  showing  the  less  informed  individual 
electors  how  to  use  their  political  powers  towards  the  correct 
solutions  of  the  political  problems  of  The  State. 

Effect  on  Force  of  Public  Opinion.  Also,  were  true  political 
leadership  assured,  then  public  opinion  could  become  in  fact  the 
virile  source  of  administrative  activity.  Instead  of  possessing  the 
uncertain  and  indefinite  force  of  a  mere  opinion  that  is  produced 
in  and  from  an  uninformed  or  a  misinformed,  or  in  an  unguided 
or  a  misguided,  or  in  a  bewildered,  deluded,  and  disunited  populace, 
public  opinion  could  become  free,  definite,  spontaneous,  powerful, 
and  possessed  of  a  force  fully  entitled  to  and  fully  able  to  command 
respect  and  observance  from  individuals,  officials,  and  adminis- 
trative agencies. 

Ttoo  Fields  of  Action.  Political  Leadership  has  two  distinct 
fields  of  action ;  namely,  in  The  Electorate,  and  in  The  Govern- 
ment. In  each  it  produces  separate  and  distinct  effects.  Working 
freely  in  The  Electorate,  it  is  capable  of  producing  logical  initiatory 
action.  Working  freely  in  The  Government  it  is  capable  of 
producing  logical  detail  administrative  action. 

Dual  Functions  of.  Political  Leadership  has  a  dual  function  to 
discharge ;  namely : 

First:  To  guide  The  Electorate  in  the  exercise  of  political 
power;  and 

Second:  To  guide  The  Government  in  the  exercise  of  political 
authority. 

Electorate  Leadership.  Of  the  two  functions  the  guidance  of  the 
electorate  is  the  most  important.  Under  our  plan  of  action  the 
final  character  of  our  administrative  action  is  made  to  depend 
largely  upon  the  character  of  the  individuals  sent  into  The 
Government;    and  the  character  of  that  agency  depends  very 


184  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

largely  upon  the  manner  in  which  the  work  of  political  leadership 
is  performed  in  The  Electorate. 

United  Electoral  Action.  For  all  administrative  purposes  The 
Electorate  is  the  Collective  Sovereign.  As  such  it  must  necessarily 
impart  impulse  and  direction  to  the  action  of  The  Government. 
The  Commonwealth  has  declared  that  the  Right  to  Govern,  the 
Power  to  Govern,  and  the  Obligation  to  Govern  belongs  to  and 
rests  with  the  entire  male  (and  in  some  States  female)  population 
of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  and  over  who  have  complied  with 
certain  other  provisions  of  eligibility.  The  power,  the  right,  and 
the  obligation  is  the  power,  right,  and  obligation  of  a  Sovereign ; 
and  cannot  be  considered  properly  as  an  individual  attribute,  or 
be  exercised  properly  by  any  single  individual  or  small  group  of 
individuals.  Consequently  there  can  be  no  logical  transfer  or 
delegation  of  the  exercise  of  any  electoral  power  by  an  individual 
to  another ;  there  can  be  no  logical  individual  relinquishment  of  a 
political  right,  or  its  exchange  for  a  private  and  material  advan- 
tage ;  there  can  be  no  logical  transfer  by  one  individual  to  another 
of  the  discharge  of  the  obligation ;  and  the  only  logical  course  left 
open  to  Sovereign-units  while  they  are  engaged  in  initiating  ad- 
ministrative action  is  through  united  electoral  action  under 
political  leadership ;  unquestionably  not  through  "  Party  Leader- 
ship "  because  that  has  the  effect  of  disuniting  electoral  action 
and  also  works  for  the  promotion  of  objects  other  than  the  general 
welfare. 

Leadership  in  The  Government.  Political  Leadership  to  be 
effectual  must  act  continuously;  and  in  order  to  secure  the  full 
benefits  flowing  from  continuous  political  leadership  the  common- 
wealths originally  adopted  the  plan  of  sending  their  true  political 
leaders  into  The  Government;  in  this  way  securing  the  benefit 
of  their  action  w^hile  the  changed  relations  of  individuals  were 
being  temporarily  adjusted  by  that  body.  With  true  political 
leaders  in  The  Government,  where  they  could  deal  authoritatively 
with  these  problems  of  adjustment,  that  body  would  be  relieved 
to  a  great  extent  of  difficulties  caused  by  the  rapidly  shiftmg 
partizan  majorities  that  are  sent  into  it.  The  present  inability  of 
the  electorate  to  freely  select  or  to  elect  its  representatives  and 
to  directly  control  their  official  action  is  not  innate  or  inherent  in 
the  electorate.  It  is  one  of  the  manifestations  of  an  illogical 
leadership.  It  arises  partly  out  of  the  unprincipled  restraints  that 
are  put  upon  the  free  and  natural  action  of  individual  electors 
by  The  Partizan  Party  while  it  is  assuming  to  act  as  the  leader 


POLITICAL  LEADERSHIP  185 

in  electoral  action.  By  means  of  these  wrongful  restraints  The 
Partizan  Party  succeeds  in  destroying  Political  Leadership,  and 
so  at  the  same  time  succeeds  in  destroying  the  natural  relation- 
ship or  connecting  bond  that  would  otherwise  exist  between 
The  Electorate  and  The  Government.  Acting  as  the  "  Leader  " 
in  electoral  action  The  Partizan  Party  succeeds  in  filling  the  govern- 
mental offices  with  the  party  partizans  it  sends  there  for  partizan 
reasons  and  purposes ;  and  the  interminable  attempts  of  these 
partizans  to  make  a  political  office  serve  "  Party  "  and  personal 
ends  creates  that  friction  in  the  governmental  part  of  adminis- 
tration which  is  commonly  ascribed  to  defects  in  our  "  Form  " 
of  Government.  The  defects  are  not  in  our  form  of  Government. 
They  do  exist,  however,  in  our  present  administrative  system 
which  affords  the  opportunity  to  The  Partizan  Party  as  the  ad- 
ministrative leader  to  engraft  "  party  "  functions  upon  political 
offices  and  enforce  these  functions  afterwards  for  "  Party  "  and 
personal  reasons. 

Partizan  Party  Leadership.  No  American  Commonwealth 
has  ever  safeguarded  the  opportunity  for  the  continued  existence 
of  political  leadership  by  Law.  As  a  consequence  none  of  them 
now  possesses  political  leadership  in  the  true  sense  of  the  term. 
Each  has  a  spurious  leadership  that  manipulates  individual  action 
and  official  action.  But  this  leadership  is  a  partizan  party  leader- 
ship and  not  a  political  leadership.  It  is  directed  towards  obtain- 
ing "  Party "  advantage  which  is  desired  mainly  for  private 
reasons.  It  is  not  used  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  individual 
freedom  in  political  action.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  directed  towards 
the  destruction  of  such  freedom  as  far  as  is  possible.  Under  it 
The  Commonwealth  can  not  take  free  action  because  many  of 
its  Sovereign-units  are  bound  in  their  action  by  "  Party  "  custom 
and  consequently  are  restricted  in  their  political  freedom.  Those 
who  acknowledge  the  binding  force  of  "  Party  "  custom  and  regu- 
lations are  not  absolutely  free  to  group  and  regroup  themselves 
into  true  political  parties.  Such  parties  do  not  exist.  In  their 
place  we  have  the  permanent  partizan  party  associations  composed 
of  two  classes :  the  drivers  and  the  driven,  the  active  and  the 
passive.  The  small  active  class  has  assumed  the  exercise  of 
leadership  in  administrative  action.  It  is  composed  exclusively 
of  men  who  place  "  Party  Success  "  ahead  of  everything  else  in 
political  administration.  It  is  largely  composed  of  men  who  seek 
either  positions  of  individual  power,  or  of  "  party  power,"  or 
special   opportunities   for  the  acquisition  of  wealth,   or  salaried 


186  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

positions  in  the  public  service  or  in  the  partizan  party  organiza- 
tions ;   none  of  which  are  true  political  objects. 

A  leadership  so  composed,  and  which  is  dominated  by  personal 
considerations,  must  necessarily  produce  maladministration.  It  is 
useless  to  claim  that  because  "  Party  leadership  is  the  free  choice 
of  the  people  "  it  amounts  in  the  end  to  Political  Leadership.  The 
very  nature,  composition,  character,  and  objects  of  The  Partizan 
Party  preclude  every  other  idea  but  that  of  partizan  party  leader- 
ship. As  well  claim  that  because  paper  money  is  the  free  choice 
of  the  people  it  is  the  same  thing  in  effect  as  gold  money.  One 
means  is  never  the  same  thing  as  another  means.  Each  has  its 
own  applicability  and  produces  its  own  results. 

The  Purity  of  The  Leader.  Unquestionably  if  the  people  are 
to  have  partizan  party  leadership  then  it  becomes  necessary  for 
them  to  keep  the  partizan  parties  purely  political  in  character, 
composition,  and  action.  But  the  people  have  never  taken  any 
adequate  steps  towards  securing  proper  action  within  and  by  the 
partizan  parties.  Upon  the  pretext  of  "  mutual  service  "  the 
people  have  permitted  partizan  parties  to  contend  with  each 
other  for  the  control  of  the  exercise  of  the  administrative  powers 
and  have  allowed  the  active  class  in  the  partizan  parties  to  obtain 
an  ascendancy  over  the  consciences  of  the  passive  members  of  a 
partizan  party  through  specious  "  appeals  "  for  "  Regularity  in 
party  action."  The  people  have  allowed  the  active  class  either 
to  make  these  appeals  effectual  through  an  illogical  bestowal  of 
personal  advantage,  or  to  turn  the  "  appeals  "  into  threats  by 
hinting  at  the  exercise  of  "  party  discipline." 

The  people  have  failed  utterly  to  maintain  the  requisite  character, 
composition,  and  action  of  their  accredited  leadership  agency.  As 
partial  results  partizan  parties  have  been  allowed  to  destroy  the 
idea  of  the  responsibility  of  The  Sovereign  in  the  minds  of  many 
Sovereign-units ;  partizan  parties  have  succeeded  in  separating 
many  such  units  from  their  rightful  exercise  of  administrative 
powers;  and  have  actually  prevented  the  remainder  from  dis- 
charging their  political  duties  and  obligations  effectively. 

"The  Choice  between  Two  Evib."  Such  leadership  action 
produces  very  serious  effects.  There  are  two  or  more  partizan 
party  organizations  in  every  State.  To  them  is  given  the  right 
to  frame  the  political  issue  up  for  decision.  The  "  Issues  "  raised 
by  these  organizations  are  never  strictly  political  issues.  The 
memberships  do  not  frame  the  issues.  Partizan  party  necessities 
are  merely  "  framed  up  "  by  the  managements  into  the  appearance 


POLITICAL  LEADERSHIP  187 

of  political  issues,  and  the  people  are  obliged  to  choose  between 
them.  Thus,  through  giving  the  exercise  of  the  power  to  frame 
political  issues  to  partizan  parties  the  Commonwealth,  in  effect, 
reduces  its  Sovereign-units  to  a  choice  between  two  non-political 
courses  of  action  as  the  means  for  obtaining  good  political  adminis- 
tration. 

Proper  Administrative  Action  Impossible.  Under  partizan 
party  leadership  any  so  called  "  Party  "  is  allowed  to  coop  some 
of  the  Sovereign-units  within  "  Party  "  organizations  where,  by 
forcing  them  to  vote  as  the  management  dictates,  a  partizan  party 
succeeds  in  producing  subordinate  action  from  sovereign-units; 
in  disuniting  electoral  action ;  in  securing  from  a  disunited  and 
partizan  party-hampered  electorate  a  partizan  party  impulse 
which  perverts  political  administration  from  its  intended  objects 
and  purposes ;  and  finally  succeeds  in  producing  Government  by 
The  Partizan  Party  instead  of  Government  by  The  People. 

The  Abdication  of  Sovereignty.  If  we  consider  The  Electorate 
to  be  the  guardian  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  the  people ;  if  we 
consider  the  object  of  electorate  action  to  be  the  promotion  of  the 
General  Welfare ;  if  we  consider  that  one  of  the  special  functions 
of  the  electorate  is  the  control  of  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated 
Powers ;  then  it  follows  that  if  for  any  reason  or  pretext  what- 
soever The  Electorate  passes  the  immediate  control  over  in- 
dividual electoral  action  and  official  action  into  the  hands 
of  any  mere  group  of  electors  whatsoever,  then  it  has  com- 
mitted the  act  of  abdicating  sovereignty  whether  it  has  done 
so  wittingly  or  unwittingly. 

Finally,  no  ultimate  result  in  administrative  action  proceeds 
solely  from  the  use  of  any  one  single  means ;  but  each  of  the  above 
named  results  is  attributable  very  largely  to  the  use  of  a  wrong 
kind  of  leadership  in  administrative  action.  The  work  of  main- 
taining the  ordained  conditions  of  individual  existence  is  the 
hardest  work  faced  by  the  electorates  of  free  communities.  It 
can  not  be  done  so  long  as  communities  are  led  by  the  organized 
force  of  self-interest  and  by  a  leading  agency  that  manipulates 
the  electors  in  the  interests  of  "  The  Party."  Of  all  forms  of 
government  Democracy  is  most  dependent  for  its  success  upon 
its  administrative  system.  If  the  people  are  to  succeed  in  solving 
their  political  problems  correctly  they  must  have  a  system  under 
which  true  political  leadership  is  afforded  the  fullest  opportunity  to 
stimulate  Public  Opinion  and  increase  administrative  knowledge. 
True  political  leadership,  however,  can  not  exist  in  a  Democratic 


188  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

commonwealth  unless  the  sovereign-units  keep  themselves  politi- 
cally free,  and  free  also  to  follow  the  lead  of  those,  who,  combining 
within  themselves  a  sense  of  public  duty  and  political  sagacity,  are 
capable  of  showing  the  uninformed  how  the  general  welfare  as  or- 
dained can  be  produced  through  logical  political  administration. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
POLITICAL  PARTIES 

A  Necessity  in  a  Republic.  In  every  populous  and  territorially 
large  Republic  wherein  the  exercise  of  The  Powers  of  Administra- 
tion is  entrusted  to  a  given  class  of  its  citizens  a  true  Political 
Party  is  a  proper  and  logical  political  means.  It  is  capable  of 
contributing  so  much  of  propriety  and  of  effectiveness  to  political 
administration  that  its  use  as  a  means  becomes  not  only  advisable 
but  practically  indispensable. 

Each  body  politic  has  its  own  distinctive  problems  to  solve; 
and  each  is  confined  necessarily  to  the  use  of  certain  definite  and 
characteristic  instrumentalities  of  action.  The  political  parties 
in  a  Representative  Democracy  will  differ  in  many  respects  from 
those  in  pure  Democracy  and  also  from  those  in  a  Monarchy. 
Consequently,  and  in  order  to  determine  with  certainty  just 
what  constitutes  a  true  political  party  in  our  Commonwealths 
we  shall  have  to  take  into  consideration  the  various  ideas  which 
govern  the  manner  of  its  formation,  determine  its  composition, 
fix  its  character,  prescribe  its  objects  and  functions,  and  limit 
the  sphere  of  its  action  and  its  duration. 

Principles.  Whenever  large  bodies  of  individuals  are  at  one 
and  the  same  time  engaged  in  promoting  the  political  welfare 
of  The  State  and  the  private  welfare  of  the  individual,  differences 
in  belief  concerning  the  course  of  administrative  action  best  cal- 
culated to  produce  these  results  will  naturally  arise  and  divide 
individuals  into  groups  holding  opposite  beliefs ;  but  no  matter 
what  the  cause  may  be  that  separates  individuals  into  groups 
advocating  different  courses  of  administrative  action,  each  in- 
dividual, while  engaged  in  the  settlement  of  the  controversy, 
whether  he  acts  alone  or  in  combination  with  others  is  theoretically 
bound  to  act  so  that  he  violates  neither  the  spirit  and  intent  of  his 
ordained  principles  of  association,  nor  transgresses  the  commonly 
accepted  rules  of  free  Democratic  action.     The  necessary  free 

189 


190  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

agreement  of  wills  between  individuals  is  to  be  produced  by  the 
force  of  arguments  addressed  to  their  intellects  and  consciences, 
and  by  the  use  of  no  other  means  whatsoever. 

Administrative  Routine.  Theoretically,  The  Electorate  imparts 
the  necessary  impulse  to  action  in  The  Government  b}^  deciding 
the  temporary  administrative  policy  in  each  period  of  administra- 
tion. Theoretically,  the  impulse,  in  order  to  be  authoritative 
and  binding  upon  the  Government,  must  proceed  from  a  logically 
formed  and  ascertained  majority  of  individual  wills.  If  a  definite 
or  satisfactory  agreement  of  wills  can  not  be  reached  in  one  period 
of  administration,  then  the  attempt  to  reach  an  agreement  con- 
tinues through  two  or  more  periods  until  the  attempt  is  successful 
or  is  abandoned  by  common  consent  and  for  suflBcient  reason. 
When  the  agreement  is  finally  reached  then  The  Government 
is  supposed  to  work  out  the  detail  connected  with  putting  the 
settled  course  of  action  into  effective  operation. 

The  Question.  The  question  is.  Whether  a  given  course  of  ad- 
ministration shall  be  had,  or  not  ?     This  is  a  political  question. 

The  Problem.  The  problem  is,  How  can  a  definite  decision  of 
the  question  be  reached  in  a  logical  manner  ? 

The  Practise.  Under  Democratic  procedure  the  practise  is, 
To  bring  the  question  before  the  people,  to  give  it  a  full  hearing ; 
and  to  obtain  a  free  vote  on  it. 

An  added  force  can  be  imparted  to  individual  effort  by  con- 
certed and  common  advocacy  of  ideas  that  are  held  by  many ; 
and  theoretically,  the  similarly  minded  individuals  in  the  body 
politic  are  permitted  to  organize  themselves  into  groups  under 
political  leaders  of  their  choice  for  the  express  purpose  of  securing 
this  added  force ;  and  for  no  other  purpose  whatsoever. 

The  Management  of.  Those  members  of  an  organized  group 
who  do  not  take  an  active  part  in  the  direction  of  its  affairs, 
voluntarily  defer  to  their  leaders  in  thought.  This  secures  a 
unity  of  management  with  which  to  advocate  the  unity  of  purpose. 
The  unity  of  management  is  an  element  of  strength  in  the  or- 
ganization. It  promotes  efficiency.  It  generally  inspires  con- 
fidence and  tends  to  draw  from  separated  and  isolated  individuals 
a  concerted  and  harmonious  support  of  the  common  object. 

Is  a  Voluntary  Organization.  The  act  of  associating  himself 
with  others  in  constructive  administrative  work  is  purely  voluntary 
on  the  part  of  the  individual.  The  desire  for  added  force  prompts 
the  act.  The  individual  is  under  no  legal  obligation  to  join. 
A  political  party  is  not  a  political  agency.     It  is  never  entrusted 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  191 

with  the  exercise  of  pohtical  power  or  political  authority.  Its 
province  is  to  produce  a  right  exercise  of  that  power  and  authority 
from  the  duly  constituted  agencies ;  and  the  mere  fact  that  since 
the  beginnings  of  American  State  Government  the  partizan  party 
has  succeeded  through  partizan  party  legislation  in  obtaining 
a  specious  "legal "  standing  before  the  people  as  an  agency  can  not 
be  advanced  properly  or  successfully  in  opposition  to  the  claims 
made  here  concerning  a  Political  Party. 

Is  a  Freely  Fanned  Organization.  The  individual  is  free  to  join 
a  political  party.  He  is  also  at  all  times  free  to  leave  it.  He  is 
under  no  compulsion  one  way  or  the  other  except  that  exercised 
by  his  conscience  and  reason,  which  are  free.  If  he  joins,  he 
relinquishes  no  right  whatsoever.  Nor  does  he  escape  respon- 
sibility for  the  proper  discharge  of  any  obligation  of  sovereignty ; 
nor  avoid  responsibility  for  the  proper  performance  of  any  duty 
of  citizenship ;  nor  alter  the  nature  of  his  moral  obligations. 
If  he  joins  he  merely  agrees  to  be  governed  in  his  immediate  ad- 
ministrative action  by  the  superior  sagacity,  wisdom  and  experi- 
ence of  his  voluntarily  accepted  leaders  in  political  thought  so 
long  as  their  actions  receive  the  approbation  of  his  conscience 
and  reason,  and  no  longer. 

Is  a  Temyorary  Organization.  A  Political  Party  can  never 
remain  permanently  organized.  Government  is  permanent ; 
Political  Agencies  are  permanent;  Political  Administration  is 
continuous ;  but  political  parties  like  political  majorities  form 
and  disappear  as  the  changing  social  conditions  produce  con- 
stantly changing  political  problems,  which  in  turn  produce  con- 
stantly changing  associations  of  individuals  that  are  organized 
on  the  spur  of  the  moment  to  advocate  the  adoption  of  new  rules 
of  administrative  action,  or  the  reformation  of  old  rules,  methods, 
and  procedure. 

All  administrative  questions  are  distinct.  All  call  for  distinctive 
action ;  and  each  calls  separately  for  its  proper  and  final  settle- 
ment. When  an  association  of  electors  has  accomplished  the 
distinctive  object  that  unites  its  members  together,  what  more 
is  there  for  it  to  do?  If  it  does  more,  if  it  attempts  to  exercise 
political  power  instead  of  influencing  its  exercise,  then  it  ceases 
to  be  a  political  party  in  object  and  character  because  it  grasps 
at  the  exercise  of  power,  which  exercise  belongs  to  The  Electorate. 

Contrasted  with  Political  Majorities.  Especially  are  the  younger 
readers  of  this  book  cautioned  to  keep  the  distinction  between 
political   parties   and   political  majorities   clear   in  their   minds. 


192  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Both  have  some  features  in  common  but  both  differ  in  the  following 
respects.  A  political  party  is  never  so  large  numerically  as  a 
political  majority.  The  political  party  is  the  logical  means  for 
the  creation  of  a  political  majority.  If  its  work  is  successful 
it  draws  support  to  its  ideas  from  individuals  who  have  contrib- 
uted neither  money  nor  effort  in  support  of  its  organization. 
Considered  as  an  organization  a  political  party  is  a  group  of  electors 
actively  working ;  while  a  political  majority  is  merely  a  defi- 
nitely ascertained  number  of  concurring  political  wills.  The 
party  is  an  entity :   the  majority  is  an  expression. 

Functions,  Work  of.  The  work  of  a  political  party  is  intended 
to  produce  convictions  in  the  minds  of  the  people  at  large.  The 
convictions  in  turn  produce  support  throughout  the  State.  The 
similarly  minded  work  together  as  temporary  aggregations  of 
individuals  having  a  common  political  will.  One  of  these  aggre- 
gations will  contain  more  individuals  than  the  other  or  others. 
Their  votes  express  the  temporary  majority  of  political  wills  or 
the  political  majority,  which  for  the  time  being  determines  the 
Administrative  Policy. 

The  prime  function  of  a  political  party  is  the  formation  of  a 
political  majority.  Leaving  questions  of  candidacy  out  of  con- 
sideration for  the  moment,  the  function  of  a  political  party  is  to 
secure  from  widely  separated  Sovereign-units  a  speedy,  logical, 
and  decisive  expression  of  Public  Opinion  on  questions  of  ad- 
ministrative import  that  are  pressing  for  immediate  settlement. 
Individual  action  that  is  so  obtained  is  proper  individual  action 
because :  first,  no  illogical  compulsion  is  exerted  and  individual 
electors  are  enabled  to  participate  freely  in  Administrative  Action ; 
second,  because  by  the  use  of  such  a  means  individual  electors 
can  exercise  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  directly,  and 
perform  their  Duties  of  Citizenship  as  it  was  originally  intended 
they  should  be  performed ;  and  thirdly,  because  by  the  aid  of 
such  a  means  the  impulse  to  The  Government  is  made  to  proceed 
directly  from  the  people. 

A  Means  for  Promoting  the  General  Welfare.  A  political  party 
is  a  logical  means  for  assisting  individual  electors  to  promote  the 
general  welfare  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  and  intent  of  their 
Governmental  Agreement.  The  people  permit  aggregations  of 
electors  to  avail  themselves  of  the  added  force  of  organization 
solely  upon  the  theory  that  a  political  party  will  assist  individuals 
in  and  to  a  logical  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administra- 
tion as  questions  arise  concerning  its  proper  exercise.     Acting  in 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  193 

this  way  a  political  party  becomes  a  logical  means  for  assisting 
Political  Leadership  to  crystallize  public  opinion  upon  some  one 
question  or  another  of  political  administration  that  has  arisen 
or  that  is  pressing  for  settlement  in  some  one  or  another  period 
of  administration. 

A  Means  for  Obtaining  a  Hearing.  When  a  political  party  has 
secured  a  political  majority  in  favor  of  applying  a  course  of  po- 
litical administration  which  it  advocates  and  the  question  is 
settled,  and  supposing  that  another  question  is  pressing  for  settle- 
ment, then  all  the  members  who  composed  the  political  party 
of  the  affirmative  on  the  settled  question,  and  the  members  of  the 
party  or  parties  opposed  being  no  longer  held  together  by  a  common 
object  or  desire,  are  automatically  left  free  to  regroup  themselves 
and  to  reorganize  themselves  into  new  political  parties  which  work 
for  the  settlement  of  the  new  question  through  securing  other 
political  majorities.  This  process,  repeated  so  long  as  there  are 
political  issues  to  decide,  produces  the  "  Succession  of  Political 
Majorities  "  that  is  necessary  in  the  continuous  Political  Ad- 
ministration of  a  Republic ;  and  a  political  party  motived,  acting, 
and  formed  as  above  set  forth,  is  a  political  means  which  the 
American  Commonwealths  can  use  logically  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  a  political  question  before  the  people  for  a  comprehensive 
and  deliberative  hearing  in  any  period  of  administration. 

Is  a  Means  of  Appeal.  But  possibly  The  Government  may  not 
proceed  immediately  to  put  the  settled  course  of  administrative 
action  into  active  operation,  or  may  make  only  a  part  of  it  opera- 
tive; thus  in  effect  leaving  individuals  in  uncertainty  and  the 
question  in  suspense.  If  The  Government  continues  inactive 
during  one  or  more  periods  of  administration  and  its  inaction 
produces  a  more  or  less  widely  felt  discontent,  then  relief  may  be 
sought  through  electing  new  representatives  of  the  people  who  will 
apply  and  enforce  public  opinion.  At  such  times  a  political  party 
becomes  the  logical  means  by  which  those  who  feel  aggrieved 
may  appeal  to  the  people  for  relief  from  delay  on  the  part  of 
The  Government. 

Or  possibly  The  Government,  ignoring  public  opinion,  may  pass 
laws  which  neither  carry  out  nor  apply  the  true  intent  of  the  ex- 
pressed opinion.  In  such  a  case  a  political  party  is  the  logical 
means  by  which  those  who  are  aggrieved  or  injured  may  appeal 
to  the  people  for  relief  from  the  wrongful  action  of  The  Govern- 
ment. 

Then  again,  The  Government,  being  composed  of  individuals, 


194  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

may  err  unintentionally  either  under  the  spur  of  sudden  emotion 
and  passion,  or  because  of  insufficient  time  for  necessary  de- 
liberation. Laws  may  be  passed  which  are  shown  ultimately 
to  be  bad  in  principle;  creating  as  it  were  specially  privileged 
classes,  or  favoring  one  economic  "  Interest  "  over  another  or 
others.  In  short,  whenever  The  Government  so  acts  that  many 
of  the  people  feel  aggrieved  by  its  action,  then  a  political  party 
becomes  the  logical  means  for  reviewing  past  representative 
action  before  the  people  with  the  view  of  correcting  improper 
legislation. 

Procedure,  One  Question  at  a  Time.  Considering  a  political 
party  as  a  means  employed  to  obtain  a  speedy,  logical,  and  de- 
cisive settlement  of  political  issues  and  questions,  the  members 
composing  the  organization  should  never  attempt  to  settle  more 
than  one  question  at  a  time.  If  two  questions  are  brought  up  for 
decision  at  one  time  then  it  is  more  than  likely  that  the  membership 
of  the  party  will  cease  to  be  a  unit  on  both  questions ;  that  the 
solidarity  of  the  party  will  be  shaken ;  and  if  this  happens,  then 
the  usefulness  of  the  party  will  be  impaired.  We  have  no  com- 
monly accepted  political  science  which,  if  it  existed,  would  bear 
the  same  relation  to  the  political  action  of  individual  electors 
that  Parliamentary  Law  does  to  the  action  of  individuals  in  public 
meetings.  If  we  had  such  a  science,  it  would  from  the  very  nature 
of  things  require  the  settlement  of  one  question  at  a  time.  Legis- 
lative bodies  and  public  meetings  never  divide  —  that  is,  advo- 
cate, deliberate,  and  vote  —  upon  two  questions  at  once.  Demo- 
cratic procedure  requires  that  the  attention  of  the  elector  shall 
be  concentrated  on  one  political  issue ;  that  the  issue  shall  be 
decided  by  a  vote  for  or  against,  so  that  the  political  situation 
shall  be  cleared  for  future  political  action  on  future  political 
questions.  The  underlying  purpose  in  this  procedure  is  to  obtain 
certainty  in  the  settlement  of  the  question  and  the  removal  of 
doubt  as  to  sentiment ;  but  these  effects  can  not  be  produced  if 
the  attention  of  the  elector  is  directed  to  more  than  one  issue 
at  a  time,  or  if  there  be  uncertainty,  ambiguity,  or  diversity  in  the 
issues  as  stated. 

Bond  of  Union.  Considering  a  political  party  as  an  actively 
working  organization  of  Sovereign-units,  one  of  its  prime  requisites 
is  that  all  of  the  individuals  composing  the  organization  be  united 
upon  a  fundamental  principle  of  political  action,  upon  the  ad- 
visability of  applying  it  in  political  administration,  and  upon 
the  general  manner  in  which  it  shall  be  applied. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  195 

If  all  be  not  agreed,  then  the  association  is  devoid  of  a  binding 
force  sufficient  to  make  it  a  unit  as  to  object;  and  if  all  be  not 
agreed  as  to  the  meaning  of  some  political  principle  and  as  to  the 
advisability  of  applying  it,  then  the  association  fails  of  being  a 
political  party.  I  do  not  mean  by  this  that  the  organization  as 
such  is  necessarily  disrupted  to  the  point  of  being  destroyed; 
but  I  do  mean  to  say  that  if  an  organization  is  kept  alive  after  the 
members  have  become  divided  on  principle,  or  after  the  members 
hold  no  common  uniting  belief,  the  nature  of  the  association 
will  surely  reflect  the  nature  of  the  binding  force  which  is  employed 
to  keep  the  members  together;  and,  that  if  the  binding  force 
is  non-political  in  nature,  the  association  will  be  non-political 
in  kind.  Whenever  it  is  the  fear  of  "  party  discipline,"  or  the  hope 
of  "  party  reward,"  or  appeals  to  "  party  regularity  "  that  keeps 
individuals  associated  together ;  and  whenever  it  is  "  Orders 
from  the  Boss  "  which  produce  action  within  and  from  organiza- 
tions of  electors,  then  the  actual  bond  of  union  is  non-political 
in  character,  and  the  organization  becomes  a  means  for  transmuting 
electoral  action  into  "  party  action  "  for  "  party  ends  "  that  are 
never  wholly  political  in  nature  and  may  be  the  very  reverse. 
Membership  in  such  organizations  by  Sovereign-units  is  a  virtual 
disclaimer  of  individual  political  duty,  obligation,  and  responsi- 
bility. 

Principles  of  Organization.  The  principles  of  association  and 
work  of  a  true  political  party  must  be  identical  w  ith  the  principles 
under  which  individuals  associate  together  as  a  body  politic,  as 
otherwise  there  will  be  two  divergent  and  antagonistic  sets  of 
principles  at  work  in  society  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  same 
end.  Members  of  a  true  political  party  are  Sovereign-units 
above  everything  else.  They  are  bound  by  the  obligations  of 
sovereignty.  They  are  held  to  a  proper  performance  of  the  duties 
of  citizenship  ;  and  they  profess  to  be  governed  in  their  individual 
action  by  the  commonly  accepted  provisions  —  not  merely  the 
forms  —  of  Democratic  procedure.  A  true  political  party  is 
merely  a  temporary  political  means  which  enables  electors  to 
exercise  their  political  power  more  effectively ;  to  participate 
in  political  administration  more  effectually,  and  to  participate 
in  a  manner  that  is  consistent  with,  and  supportive  of,  the  true 
intent  of  the  chosen  principles  of  political  action.  An  elector  has 
a  trust  function  to  discharge.  He  avails  himself  of  the  force 
of  organization  in  order  to  make  his  trusteeship  more  beneficial 
to  all  concerned  than  it  otherwise  would  be.     Consequently,  the 


196  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

principles  of  the  organization  must  be  such  as  will  make  the  intent 
of  the  original  creators  of  the  trust  fully  operative. 

Must  Be  a  Logical  Means.  Political  duty  is  paramount  to 
party  duty.  In  order  that  a  political  party  (considered  as  an 
organization  of  electors)  shall  assist  all  electors  whatsoever  to  a 
proper  discharge  of  political  duty,  it  must  at  all  times  and  for  all 
purposes  act  strictly  in  accord  with  the  fundamental  principles 
of  administrative  action  which  have  been  ordained  by  common 
consent.  If  in  the  beginning,  The  Sovereign  has  neglected  to 
provide  its  units  with  a  logical  means  of  administrative  action, 
nevertheless  the  electors  are  bound  by  the  obligations  of  sovereignty 
to  provide  The  Sovereign  with  such  a  means.  If  the  political 
capacity  of  an  elector  becomes  diminished  through  joining  an 
association  of  electors  in  which  freedom  of  individual  action  is 
undemocratically  restricted,  then  the  ability  of  that  elector  to 
assist  The  Sovereign  to  solve  its  political  problems  properly  is 
made  unequal  with  that  of  electors  who  do  not  join ;  the  principle 
of  political  equality  is  deprived  of  some  of  its  proper  force  and 
effect;  and  the  political  capacity  of  The  Commonwealth  is*di- 
minished  just  so  much.  If  this  happens  to  many  electors,  then 
the  political  capacity  of  The  Commonwealth  may  become  seri- 
ously impaired ;  and,  proceeding  to  extremes,  if  a  sufficient 
number  of  electors  identify  themselves  with  —  or  even  support 
the  ticket  of  —  an  organization  that  is  not  working  for  strictly 
political  objects  and  ends  so  that  party  success  at  the  polls 
is  assured,  then,  providing  this  practise  is  continued  and 
developed,  it  is  only  a  matter  of  time  when  the  capacity 
of  The  Commonwealth  to  take  logical  action  will  become  de- 
stroyed altogether. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  political  party  exists  for  the  purpose 
of  promoting  the  general  welfare,  and  is  formed,  motived,  and 
acting  in  the  manner  above  set  forth  in  detail,  then  political 
administration  in  the  American  Commonwealths  could  become 
as  near  being  "  Government  according  to  The  Will  of  The  People  " 
as  it  is  possible  to  get  it ;  but  the  reader  will  notice  that  in  such 
a  summary  no  provision  whatever  exists  for  a  permanent  or  a 
rigid  association  of  mere  "  voters." 

Must  Use  Logical  Methods.  A  political  party,  like  The  Elec- 
torate, is  morally  confined  to  the  use  of  logical  means  and  methods. 
In  this  connection  the  word  "  logical "  is  of  more  urgency  than 
the  words  "  legal "  and  "  lawful "  as  expressing  a  s;vTionymous 
meaning.     The  object  of  a  political  party  is  to  assist  in  producing 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  197 

right  political  action  as  that  term  is  indicated  by  the  State  Polity. 
Right  action  is  moral  action ;  and  final  moral  political  action  re- 
quires the  use  in  all  steps  and  stages  of  moral  instrumentalities, 
which,  in  this  case,  are  instrumentalities  that  reflect  and  carry  out 
the  spirit  of  Government  and  produce  right  action  from  individuals 
and  political  agencies.  The  people  may  have  unpresciently  put 
upon  their  statutes  some  rule  of  political  action  that  in  its  real 
object  and  operation  does  not  reflect  the  intent  of  the  principles 
of  such  action,  or  does  not  enable  individual  electors  to  freely, 
fully,  and  effectually  participate  in  political  administration. 
Such  a  rule  of  action  is  unquestionably  "  legal  "  or  "  lawful  " 
in  a  sense ;  but  no  amount  of  use  can  make  it  a  logical  rule ;  and 
it  never  can  be  a  right  one,  that  is,  one  which  is  appropriate  for 
the  use  of  an  association  of  free  electors. 

Defined :  Reviewing  everything  that  has  been  said  heretofore 
regarding  Political  Action,  we  shall  be  obliged  to  define  a  Political 
Party  as : 

I 

(1)  An  Organization  of  Electors, 

(2)  Freely,  voluntarily,  and  temporarily  united  together, 

(3)  Whose  Officers,  Managing  Bodies  and  Members  work  in 
unison,  and  logically, 

(4)  During  some  Period  or  Periods  of  Administration, 

(5)  For  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  General  Welfare, 

(6)  By  deciding  some  one  Political   Issue,  Controversy,   or 
Question, 

(7)  According  to  some  Fundamental  Principle  of  Action, 

(8)  Concerning  the  meaning  of  which  principle, 

(9)  And  the  advisability  of  applying  it, 
(10)  They  are  all  agreed. 

As  to  Candidates.  Enough  has  been  said  in  previous  chap- 
ters of  the  undesirable  and  illogical  results  and  effects  pro- 
duced by  allowing  the  decision  of  the  administrative  policy 
to  be  determined  by  votes  that  are  cast  in  favor  of  candidates 
for  office. 

It  has  been  repeatedly  pointed  out  that  theoretically  —  which 
is  the  same  thing  as  rightfully  —  the  candidates  for  office  are 
to  be  freely  selected  by  The  Electorate.  The  political  leaders 
of  the  people,  as  before  described,  are  the  logical  candidates  for  the 
public  offices ;  but,  confining  ourselves  to  our  text,  when  the  stage 
of  administrative  action  is  passed  wherein  the  candidates  have 


198  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

been  sifted  and  selected,  then  the  political  party  becomes  a  proper 
means  for  placing  their  merits  and  qualifications  before  the  people, 
and  for  advocating  their  election.  This  matter  of  candidates 
will  be  placed  in  a  clearer  light  when  we  reach  a  consideration 
of  partizan  party  candidates;  and  for  the  present  let  us  try  to 
reach  a  clearer  perception  of  what  a  political  party  really  is  by 
enumerating  some  of  the  things  it  is  not. 

What  a  Political  Party  Is  Not :  A  political  party  is  not  a  theoretical 
or  constitutional  agency.  The  stated  obligations  of  sovereignty 
do  not  include  an  obligation  to  join  any  political  association. 
The  duties  of  citizenship  do  not  require  any  such  action.  The 
citizen  owes  allegiance  to  The  State  only.  He  rests  under  the 
moral  duty  to  vote ;  but  not  for,  or  with,  a  party,  political  or  other- 
wise. His  vote  is  intended  to  express  his  own  idea  of  freedom 
and  justice  and  how  they  can  best  be  maintained ;  and  not  any 
party  idea  of  these  conditions,  or  methods  of  maintenance.  The 
party  is  merely  the  means  enabling  him  to  more  effectually  ex- 
press his  idea;  and  in  fact  his  obligations,  allegiance,  and  duty 
may  at  times  compel  him  to  remain  independent  of  and  un- 
trammeled  by  all  existing  party  organizations. 

Not  a  Political  Agency.  A  poHtical  party  is  not  an  agency 
entrusted  with  the  exercise  of  political  power  or  the  control  of  the 
exercise  of  political  authority  while  the  people  attempt  to  ad- 
minister justice  to  individuals.  That  is  the  proper  work  of 
The  Electorate  and  The  Government  working  together.  Theo- 
retically, The  Electorate  decides  all  of  the  grand  questions  that 
are  of  vital  importance  to  the  General  Welfare,  leaving  many  of 
the  problems  of  application  to  be  solved  by  its  representatives 
in  The  Government. 

The  average  organization  which  at  present  is  called  a  political 
party  is  everywhere  more  often  than  otherwise  engaged  in  op- 
posing other  "  parties."  The  danger  in  "  party  membership  " 
is,  that  the  attention  of  the  elector  who  is  a  party  member  will  be 
divided  between  questions  of  partj^  policy  and  questions  of  political 
import,  and  that  "  party  questions  "  may  be  made  to  appear 
of  more  importance  for  the  tune  being  than  true  political  ques- 
tions relative  to  the  continued  maintenance  of  Freedom,  Liberty, 
Equality,  and  Justice  in  The  State.  It  is  the  destructive  danger 
that  many  political  communities  have  succumbed  to  in  the  past ; 
namely,  that  of  trying  to  make  Sovereign  Electors  serve  "  The 
Party  "  instead  of  trying  to  make  the  party  —  a  relatively  small 
body  —  serve  the  State. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  199 

Not  a  Permanent  Organization.  A  political  party  is  not  a  per- 
manent organization  such  as  must  exist  for  the  continuous  exer- 
cise of  political  power  or  the  continued  control  over  the  exercise 
of  political  authority ;  and  it  should  not  possess  the  general 
features  of  or  act  like  such  an  agency.  On  page  258,  Vol.  II,  of 
"  Political  Ethics,"  Francis  Lieber  says,  "  But  nothing  is  more  to  be 
shunned  than  regular  party  organizations,  with  lists  of  admissions 
and  erasures  of  expelled  members,  with  regular  party  assessments 
and  distinct  party  obligations,  with  absolutely  dependent  papers 
dictated  to  by  a  leading  paper,  which  is  servilely  reechoed  by 
the  other  party  organs." 

Nor  can  a  political  party,  considered  as  an  organization  of 
individual  electors,  with  honesty  or  propriety,  make  any  promise 
of  material  reward  to  any  of  its  members,  or  place  any  of  its 
membership  under  any  obligation  to  favor  the  organization. 
A  political  party  does  not  know  beforehand  the  limit  of  its  duration. 
It  can  not  be  sure  that  it  will  exist  long  enough  to  keep  its  prom- 
ises. It  can  make  no  party  promises  of  material  reward  to  in- 
dividual members  that  do  not  involve  individual  dereliction  in 
political  duty;  and,  as  Mr.  Walter  Thomas  Mills  has  said  on 
page  61  of  his  book  entitled  "  The  Science  of  Politics,"  revised  edi- 
tion :  "  The  party  may  properly  exist  only  for  the  public  good 
of  all,  not  for  the  private  good  of  any.  When  a  thing  is  to  be  done 
purely  '  for  the  sake  of  the  party,'  that  is  a  reason  for  not  doing  it. 
It  is  evident  that  this  is  contrary  to  current  popular  notions. 
But  the  notions  are  false  and  our  principle  is  sound." 

Not  the  Source  of  Administrative  Impulse.  A  political  party 
is  not  the  source  of  the  Impulse  to  The  Government.  That 
impulse  must  proceed  from  the  people,  using  The  Electorate  as  a 
freely  working  political  agency;  and  a  political  party  is  merely 
a  means  enabling  the  people  to  decide  more  speedily  and  under- 
standingly  what  that  impulse  shall  be. 

Not  Possessed  of  Personal  Rights.  A  political  party  is  not  an 
organization  having  valid  rights  of  a  personal  nature,  such  as  a 
right  to  a  vote  for  its  own  sake,  or  its  own  purposes,  or  its  pri- 
vately selected  candidates,  or  because  of  its  past  record.  It  is 
merely  a  means  to  enable  the  elector  to  vote  as  he  thinks  will 
best  conserve  the  present  and  future  interests  and  welfare  of 
The  State  and  of  the  individual.  It  is  only  a  means  to  enable 
The  Electorate  to  secure  the  present  application  of  some  broad 
principle  of  action,  using  officials  selected  and  elected  by  itself 
to  develop  and  enforce  the  application.     What  a  political  party 


200  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

has  done  in  the  past  can  have  no  bearing  upon  the  right  or  wrong 
of  any  present  political  question. 

Summed  Up  Generally.  A  political  party  is  not  an  organization 
of  electors  which  strives  for  the  strangulation  of  third  or  independ- 
ent political  parties ;  for  the  denial  to  minorities  of  fair  repre- 
sentation in  The  Government;  for  the  control  of  the  whole 
representation  from  The  State ;  for  "  Party  Success  "  ahead  of 
the  General  Welfare;  for  the  disfranchisement  of  large  bodies 
of  electors ;  for  misrepresentation  as  a  rule ;  for  control  over  the 
exercise  of  political  power  and  political  authority;  for  the  accu- 
mulation of  votes  by  mechanical,  fraudulent,  and  criminal  means 
involving  the  destruction  of  the  political  freedom  and  political 
equality  of  the  elector,  so  that  it  may  acquire  offices  and  positions 
for  distribution  among  its  members  as  rewards  for  "  party 
regularitv." 

A  political  party  is  not  an  organization  of  electors  which  strives 
to  be  the  "  Invisible  Government  " ;  whose  officers,  managing 
bodies,  and  leaders  trade  votes  with  the  officers,  managing  bodies, 
and  leaders  of  other  organizations,  for  offices,  positions,  and 
opportunities  for  private  gain ;  or  which,  in  its  internal  organiza- 
tional action,  avoids  as  far  as  possible  adhering  to  the  ideals  of 
Democracy  or  the  true  meaning  of  democratic  action ;  which 
permits  its  managements  or  officers  to  first  usurp  the  power  of  the 
organization  and  then  to  exercise  despotic  and  tyrannous  power 
in  its  place,  covering  the  exercise  with  the  cloak  of  democratic 
formalities;  which  through  its  corrupt  public  action  transmutes 
what  should  be  the  political  action  of  individuals  into  factional 
and  partizan  action ;  which  debauches  private  morals ;  which 
lowers  the  standard  of  public  morals  ;  which  drives  capable  public- 
spirited  citizens  into  retirement  instead  of  drawing  them  into  polit- 
ical activity  and  service ;  which  undermines  the  reputation 
of  The  State;  which  supplants  universal  felicity  with  universal 
distrust ;  which  bequeathes  a  largess  of  apathy  and  disgust  to 
The  Electorate  through  rendering  an  honest  participation  in 
political  administration  as  difficult  as  possible,  and  making  the 
cooperation  with  it  of  right-minded  and  politically  intelligent 
citizens  morally  impossible. 

A  political  party  is  not  an  organization  of  electors  which  strives 
to  prevent  united  and  direct  electoral  action ;  which  strives  to 
prevent  direct,  independent,  and  responsible  action  on  the  part 
of  public  officials ;  which  denies  the  doctrine  of  direct  political 
responsibility  and  substitutes  the  dictum  of  party  responsibility ; 


POLITICAL   PARTIES  201 

which  interposes  every  possible  obstruction  to  the  proper  dis- 
charge of  the  obHgations  of  sovereignty  by  the  Collective  Sov- 
ereign ;  which  resorts  to  the  use  of  multifarious  detestable  means 
to  prevent  the  proper  performance  of  the  duties  of  citizenship; 
which  in  the  place  of  justice  deals  out  privilege ;  which  denies 
to  one  business  interest  the  privileges  it  accords  to  another ; 
which  actively  encourages  the  perpetration  of  every  known 
political  crime  and  misdemeanor  and  many  statutory  crimes  and 
misdemeanors  ;  which  organizes  the  criminal  and  lustful  elements 
in  society  to  its  support ;  which  systematically  hoodwinks  and 
deludes  the  public  with  petty  deceptions  and  false  claims ;  which 
vitiates  public  opinion  with  doubts,  uncertainties,  ambiguities, 
and  cunning  sophistries;  which  takes  advantage  of  every  defect 
in  our  political  system ;  which  never  tries  to  remedy  any  such 
defect  or  omission ;  which  strives  to  render  free,  independent 
sovereign-units  politically  weak,  servile,  and  dependent ;  and  which 
actually  does  render  the  Sovereign  State  impotent  to  either  freely 
ascertain  its  will,  or  to  fully  enforce  obedience  to  the  Principles 
of  the  State  Polity  upon  its  citizens. 

Such  objects,  such  purposes,  such  means  and  methods  of  party 
work  and  of  administrative  action  are  none  of  them  characteristic 
features  of  a  true  political  party.  On  the  contrary,  each  and 
every  object,  purpose,  means,  and  method  just  enumerated  bears 
the  impress  and  sign  manual  of  The  Partizan  Party;  and  each 
helps  to  destroy  free  political  administration.  Such  results  as 
we  American  electors  produce  yearly  through  the  use  of  the 
partizan  party  as  an  agency  in  the  place  of  political  parties  as  a 
means  are  difficult  to  explain  with  satisfaction  to  ourselves  or 
others.  As  a  whole  we  are  honest  and  right  minded.  We  are 
patriotic.  But  the  conclusion  is  inevitable  that  as  yet  we  are 
lamentably  lacking  in  administrative  sagacity. 

We  attempt  to  maintain  Freedom  by  means  of  an  agency 
which  produces  legislation  that  is  unwarrantedly  oppressive 
to  many. 

We  attempt  to  maintain  the  ordained  individual  freedom  and 
equality  of  all  electors  by  permitting  many  of  the  electors  to  join 
organizations  wherein  their  political  freedom  and  equality  is 
destroyed. 

We  profess  to  act  as  a  democracy  should  act,  and  yet  we  permit 
the  exercise  of  autocratic,  despotic,  and  tyrannous  power  by 
The  Managements  of  these  associations  over  and  upon  the  units 
of  the  collective  sovereign. 


202  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

From  this  discreditable  and  contradictory  course  of  action 
there  is  but  one  avenue  of  escape.  The  Collective  Sovereign 
must  construct  an  administrative  system  under  which  it  can 
compel  every  association  of  its  units  to  serve  The  State  alone, 
and  under  which  it  can  prevent  its  own  individual  units  from 
serving  the  interests  of  any  party  whatsoever. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
POLITICAL   MAJORITIES 

"  If  it  is  the  fundamental  law  of  a  country  that  the  majority  of 
the  lawful  votes  lawfully  polled  shall  be  the  last  decision,  the  final 
supreme  authority,  which  decides  and  can  be  appealed  to,  it 
amounts  to  a  contamination  of  the  supreme  authority,  when  we 
corrupt  it  by  the  introduction  of  any  foreign  element."  (Lieber, 
"Political  Ethics,"  Vol.  II,  Woolsey  Rev.  Ed.,  p.  283.) 

The  corrupting  elements  which  Mr.  Lieber  had  in  mind  when 
writing  the  above  are  offenses  connected  with  the  detail  applica- 
tion of  the  Doctrine  of  Majority  Rule  which  we  more  specifically 
designate  as  naturalization  frauds,  registration  frauds,  election 
frauds,  and  others.  Of  course  if  voters  are  illogically  manufactured 
through  evasion  of  the  provisions  relating  to  acquired  citizenship  ; 
if  they  are  Gerrymandered ;  if  their  political  action  is  illogically 
controlled  before  the  election ;  and  if  "  votes  "  are  both  manu- 
factured and  manipulated  by  means  of  fraudulent  individual  acts 
at  the  elections,  then  it  becomes  impossible  to  obtain  a  free  ex- 
pression of  a  political  majority,  and  Public  Opinion,  so  expressed, 
is  nothing  but  a  political  forgery  or  counterfeit. 

But  a  political  principle,  or  a  political  doctrine,  considered  as 
an  ordained  authority  to  act  in  a  particular  manner,  can  be  evaded 
as  to  intent,  robbed  of  its  results,  and  become  as  thoroughly 
corrupted  by  an  innocently  wrong  interpretation  or  use,  as  by  a 
wilfully  dishonest  application  in  final  detail.  In  previous  chapters 
we  have  considered  some  of  the  prejudicial  results  which  flow  from 
the  improper  attempt  to  obtain  a  decisive  and  authoritative  ex- 
pression of  Public  Opinion  by  means  of  a  ballot  which  carries 
with  it  at  the  same  time  an  expression  of  preference  for  a  named 
candidate,  or  a  named  partizan  party  candidate,  but  which  does 
not  afford  the  elector  an  opportunity  to  register  his  will  "  for  or 
against  "  a  course  of  political  administration,  uninfluenced  by 
other  considerations. 

203 


204  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


This  highly  illogical  practise  has  the  effect  of  making  the  deci- 
sion of  a  State  Policy  to  depend  upon  the  vote  for  a  candidate  in 
any  event,  and  in  most  instances  to  depend  upon  the  vote  for  a 
partizan  party  candidate;  thus  at  the  outset  introducing  an 
element  of  action  that  at  once  corrupts  the  character  of  the  final 
action  through  robbing  it  of  much  of  its  intended  force  and  effect. 

If  a  political  issue,  controversy,  question,  or  measure  is  to  be 
decided  by  ballots  that  are  cast  in  favor  of  a  candidate,  then 
either  personal  considerations,  or  party  considerations,  or  possibly 
both  of  these  considerations  influence  the  casting  of  the  ballot; 
and  the  "  majority  "  as  ascertained  from  such  votes  so  cast 
acquires  a  personal  or  a  party  significance  which  changes  its  char- 
acter from  that  of  a  true  political  majority.  Supposing  the  vote 
to  have  been  honestly  cast  and  honestly  counted ;  nevertheless, 
the  "  majorities  "  so  formed  are  nothing  more  than  majorities  of 
individual  preferences  of  a  mixed  character  and  not  of  a  purely 
political  character.  But,  if  in  addition  to  this  effect  we  consider 
the  further  effects  that  are  possible  whenever  "voters"  or  "votes" 
are  illogically  manufactured  and  manipulated,  then  it  becomes 
apparent  that  the  resultant  "majorities"  are  stripped  of  every 
vestige  of  a  political  significance  or  effect,  and  become  mere 
mechanical  contrivances  that  have  been  juggled  into  existence  by 
action  that  is  non-political  in  kind. 

It  is  true  that  "  majorities  "  so  produced  can  be  and  are  utilized 
as  an  administrative  expedient;  but  it  is  also  true  that  they 
can  not  in  reason  be  considered  as  a  political  means  because  they 
do  not  tend  to  subsequently  produce  true  political  action  either 
from  the  individual  or  The  State.  They  can  not  be  considered  as 
a  political  means  for  the  further  reason  that  their  underlying 
postulate  is  destructive  in  part  of  administrative  action  as  ordained. 
In  themselves  such  majorities  do  not  constitute  an  element  of 
strength  in  The  Commonwealth  because  they  are  formed  by 
practises  which  tend  to  corrupt  individual  morals. 

The  use  of  an  expedient  in  political  action  instead  of  a  political 
means  always  produces  a  change  in  the  originally  intended  result 
of  political  action  because  the  expedient  always  permits  of  more 
or  less  being  accomplished  than  was  intended  to  be  accomplished 
by  the  use  of  the  true  means.  If  an  expedient  be  used,  then,  in 
order  to  preserve  a  semblance  of  coherency,  the  original  terms 
in  which  right  political  action  is  correctly  described  must  be 
changed  so  as  to  express  the  peculiar  administrative  action  pro- 
duced by  the  use  of  the  expedient  and  the  peculiar  results  attained ; 


POLITICAL  MAJORITIES  205 

and  so  it  has  come  about  that  in  many  of  the  State  Constitutions 
and  Statutes  such  vaguely  descriptive  phrases  as  "  majority  of 
voters,"  "  majority  of  qualified  voters,"  "  majority  of  voters 
voting,"  "majority  of  votes,"  "majority  of  electors,"  "majority 
of  inhabitants,"  and  others  occur. 

Each  of  these  terms  expresses  an  idea  of  a  majority  that  can  be 
utilized  in  administrative  action ;  but  neither  of  them  expresses 
the  idea  of  a  political  majority,  which  is  a  majority  of  individual 
wills  that  have  been  freely  formed  and  expressed  for  or  against  a 
proposed  administrative  policy. 

Theoretically,  the  appeal  is  for  Justice  to  all.  It  is  made  in 
every  political  question  that  is  put  to  the  Collective  Sovereign. 
It  is  to  be  decided  by  a  free  expression  of  will  on  the  part  of  every 
Sovereign-unit ;  but  under  the  process  now  everywhere  in  vogue 
the  decision  is  reached,  not  through  the  practise  of  obtaining  a 
free  expression  of  political  will  from  all  of  the  electors,  but  through 
the  practise  of  obtaining  what  is  heedlessly  called  "  votes  "  from 
electors  at  elections,  many  of  which  so  called  votes  are  not  political 
votes  because  they  are  obtained  by  means  that  often  touch  crime 
at  one  extreme  and  petty  deceptions  at  the  other.  All  such  so- 
called  votes  are  merely  expressions  of  preferences  that  through 
wrongful  individual  action  somewhere,  are  made  to  serve  the 
purpose  of  political  votes. 

A  Vote.     A  vote  is  the  free  expression  of  the  individual  voting. 

A  Political  Vote.  A  vote  that  is  given  on  a  political  question 
or  issue  has  a  peculiar  political  character,  function,  object,  and 
effect.  It  is  true,  so  far  as  I  know,  that  the  Constitutions  and 
Statutes  of  the  American  commonwealths  do  not  contain  a  set 
definition  of  the  term  "  A  political  vote  "  ;  but  the  Court  decisions 
of  the  various  States  contain  definitions  of  the  term  "  vote  " 
when  used  in  connection  with  political  action  that  distinctly  set 
forth  its  political  character  and  effect  and  which  carefully  dis- 
tinguish it  from  the  meaning  attached  to  the  term  when  used  in 
connection  with  social  or  economic  action.  Every  instrumentality 
or  process  that  is  rightfully  used  in  political  administration  must 
possess  a  political  character  and  effect  which  will  distinguish  it 
from  the  same  instrumentality  or  process  wKen  used  in  other 
directions  or  for  effects  that  are  not  political  in  nature ;  and  it 
would  be  of  incalculable  assistance  to  individuals  while  engaged 
in  determining  the  propriety  or  impropriety''  of  proposed  adminis- 
trative action  if  our  political  writers  and  speakers  would,  when 
writing  and  speaking  of  political  instrumentalities,  describe  them 


206  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

in  terms  that  would  instantly  set  forth  their  peculiar  political 
character,  effect,  and  binding  obligations.  If  this  were  done  in 
connection  with  the  use  of  the  word  "  vote  "  in  political  matters, 
then  it  would  appear  that  a  political  vote  is  the  free  expression 
of  the  political  will  of  the  individual  elector  voting  at  the 
elections. 

Characteristics  of  a  Political  Vote.  A  political  vote  must  possess 
at  least  six  indispensable  characteristics. 

First.  It  must  be  a,  free  expression ;  because  individual  political 
freedom  has  been  ordained. 

Second.  It  must  be  an  expression  of  the  political  will  of  the 
Elector  and  of  nothing  else.  The  reasons  for  this  have  been  so 
fully  set  forth  heretofore  as  to  make  recapitulation  superfluous  at 
this  point. 

Third.  It  must  be  the  act  of  an  elector,  as  only  such  possess 
the  Right  of  Suffrage. 

Fourth.  It  must  be  the  act  of  a  duly  qualified  elector,  as  only 
such  possess  the  right  to  exercise  the  Right  of  Suffrage  at  the 
stated  times  of  its  exercise. 

Fifth.  It  must  have  been  properly  cast  by  the  duly  qualified 
elector  himself;  and  by  no  other. 

Sixth.  It  must  be  cast  at  the  stated  time  and  place  for  the  exercise 
of  the  Right  of  Suffrage,  and  neither  before  nor  after. 

Individual  electoral  votes  that  are  given  in  any  matter  of  political 
administration  and  which  are  obtained  in  any  way  except  through 
the  free  play  of  reason  and  conscience,  political  organization, 
political  leadership,  and  political  parties  rightfully  employed,  must 
necessarily  carry  an  expression  of  will  or  preference  that  is  not 
wholly  political  in  nature,  and  which  will,  when  cast,  vitiate  the 
expression  which  is  intended  to  be  obtained  from  the  majority  of 
the  electoral  votes  cast. 

The  slip  of  printed  paper  that  is  deposited  in  the  ballot  box  by 
a  "  Repeater  "  or  by  a  "  Colonizer  "  is  not  a  political  vote ;  it  is 
merely  a  fraudulent  ballot.  It  carries  no  expression  of  individual 
political  will,  free  or  otherwise.  The  Repeater,  when  he  repeats 
and  the  Colonizer,  at  any  time,  is  not  an  elector  in  fact.  He  is 
merely  a  fraudulent  elector ;  and  as  such  is  not  entitled  to  a  vote 
at  an  election ;  and  his  fraudulent  ballot,  if  counted  as  a  political 
vote  because  of  subsequent  political  fraud  on  the  part  of  those  in 
charge  of  the  election,  can  only  help  either  to  vitiate  "  The  Will  of 
The  People  "  or  to  override  it  altogether. 

A  "  Stuffed  "  or  a  "  Tissue  "  ballot  carries  no  expression  of  will 


POLITICAL  MAJORITIES  207 

whatsoever ;  but  if  fraudulently  counted  as  a  political  vote  will 
also  tend  to  vitiate  or  to  override  The  Will  of  The  People.  Such  a 
ballot  is  not  a  political  vote.  An  elector  is  entitled  to  but  one 
vote,  and  to  vote  but  once;  and  such  a  ballot  can  be  made  to 
serve  the  purpose  of  a  political  vote  only  through  individual  fraud 
or  partizan  party  fraud  in  making  it  appear  as  the  vote  of  a  voter, 
and  not  through  any  political  action  whatsoever. 

A  ballot  that  has  been  deposited  at  a  political  election,  and  the 
deposit  of  which  has  been  obtained  through  bribery,  corruption, 
intimidation,  or  fear  of  "  Party  Discipline  "  as  these  terms  are 
commonly  understood,  is  not  a  political  vote.  Such  a  ballot 
carries  no  free  expression  of  individual  political  will,  and  it  can  be 
subsequently  transmuted  as  to  name  and  effect  only  through 
WTongful  action  by  some  individual  or  body  of  individuals.  The 
ballot  may  be  counted  as  a  political  vote ;  but  the  counting  it 
as  a  vote  is  merely  the  final  act  by  which  the  prior  fraud  is  made 
effective  against  the  people. 

A  ballot  that  is  deposited  at  a  political  election  in  support  of 
a  partizan  party,  or  an  economic  organization,  is  not  a  political 
vote.  The  individual  elector  is  under  the  obligation  to  vote  for 
the  General  Welfare  and  to  give  his  opinion  on  this  subject  and 
upon  no  other ;  and  if  such  a  ballot,  given  for  support  of  any 
organization,  is  counted  as  a  political  vote,  then  The  Will  of  The 
People  as  to  political  administration  becomes  vitiated  and  rendered 
uncertain  and  ambiguous. 

Theoretically,  a  political  majority  is  ascertained  by  a  count  of 
the  political  votes  cast  at  an  election ;  but  if  all  sorts  of  illogical 
ballots  illogically  cast  are  counted  as  political  votes  in  ascertaining 
the  aggregate  of  the  vote,  how  is  it  possible  to  ascertain  a  political 
majority? 

"  Do  men  gather  grapes  of  thorns,  or  figs  of  thistles?  "  No! 
Neither  do  men  of  free  communities  produce  logical  political 
administration  by  the  use  of  means  or  practises  which  in  the  first 
instance  destroy  the  political  character  of  action  that  is  taken  by 
individual  electors,  and,  in  the  second  instance,  bestow  the  name 
of  political  action  on  any  kind  of  improper  action  that  can  be 
utilized  to  affect  results  in  administrative  action.  If  the  aggre- 
gate vote  is  composed  of  true  political  votes  and  fraudulent  or 
illogical  ballots  which  have  been  counted  as  political  votes,  then 
the  majority  of  such  an  aggregation  of  votes,  having  a  like  com- 
position and  character,  can  not  possibly  stand  for  the  expression 
of  a  true  political  majority,  without  which,  political  administration 


208  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

as  ordained,  becomes  either  impossible  or  at  best  halting  and  in- 
efheient. 

But,  as  I  have  said  before,  no  one  definition  of  universal  political 
application  was  attached  to  the  broad  term  "  majority  "  by  the 
people  of  the  various  States  when  they  started  State  Government. 
In  relation  to  the  decision  of  questions  of  administrative  policy  it 
has  been  held  to  mean  one  thing.  In  relation  to  the  decision  of 
questions  of  candidacy  it  has  been  held  to  mean  many  others. 
Disputes  as  to  the  actual  meaning  of  the  vague  terms  above  referred 
to  have  been  frequent,  and  it  may  be  interesting  to  some  and 
instructive  to  others  to  briefly  recapitulate  some  of  the  meanings 
which  the  Courts  have  attached  to  these  terms. 

Voter.  But  before  doing  so  let  us  fix  the  meaning  of  the  term 
"  voter."  A  voter  is  one  who  has  and  exercises  the  Right  of 
Suffrage.  A  voter  is  therefore  an  elector  who  votes ;  and  not  one 
who  does  not  vote. 

By  way  of  illustration :  A  "Repeater  "  may  or  may  not  be  an 
elector ;  but  after  he  has  deposited  a  ballot  once,  he  is  not  a 
voter  in  his  second  successful  attempt  to  deposit  a  ballot ;  he  is 
merely  a  fraudulent  personifier  of  a  voter. 

A  "  Colonizer  "  is  usually  not  a  lawful  local  elector ;  he  is 
merely  a  fraudulent  personifier  of  such  an  elector.  He  may 
through  connivance  succeed  in  depositing  a  ballot  in  the  name  of  an 
elector  who  is  qualified  and  has  not  voted  ;  but  that  does  not  make 
the  colonizer  a  voter  in  the  sense  that  is  meant  by  the  statute. 

A  ballot  that  is  "  stuffed  "  into  the  ballot  box  is  not  a  voter's 
vote ;  it  may  be  utilized  towards  creating  a  "  majority  of  votes  " 
by  fraudulently  counting  it  as  the  ballot  of  an  elector  who  is 
entitled  to  vote  and  who  does  not  vote ;  but  that  does  not  make  it 
the  vote  of  a  voter. 

A  "  Tissue  "  ballot  may  be  fraudulently  utilized  in  the  same 
manner  as  a  "  stuffed  "  ballot ;  but  that  does  not  make  the 
individual  whose  name  it  is  counted  under  "  a  voter  who  has 
voted." 

Now  bearing  in  mind  the  various  ways  in  which  "  votes  " 
and  "  voters  "  are  customarily  manufactured  and  manipulated, 
let  us  look  at  a  few  of  the  decisions  and  endeavor  to  perceive  their 
bearing  upon  true  political  administration  for  good  or  evil. 

Majority  Vote.  In  cases  where  the  decision  of  a  question  is 
made  to  depend  upon  "  A  majority  vote,"  that  term  has  been 
variously  held  to  mean  : 

A  majority  of  those  voting  on  the  question ; 


POLITICAL  MAJORITIES  209 

A  majority  of  those  participating  in  the  election,  whether 
voting  on  the  question  or  not; 

A  majority  of  all  those  entitled  to  vote  at  the  election. 

In  the  ratification  of  an  amendment  to  a  State  Constitution  the 
term  has  been  held  to  mean  more  than  one-half  of  the  electors  of 
the  State ;  and  the  whole  number  of  votes  cast  at  the  election  at 
which  the  question  on  the  amendment  is  submitted  has  been 
considered  as  determining  the  whole  number  of  the  electors  of  the 
State. 

As  to  Policy.  It  may  be  accepted  as  generally  true  under  the 
decisions,  that  where  a  question  of  administrative  policy  is  made 
to  depend  upon  a  "  majority  vote  "  the  term  means  the  larger 
number  of  those  voters  who  exercise  the  privilege  of  voting  upon 
the  question ;  and  those  electors  who  do  not  exercise  the  privilege 
are  presumed  to  give  their  assent  to  the  expressed  will  of  the  larger 
number,  be  it  either  for  or  against  the  question,  and  whether  or 
not  the  larger  number  of  votes  cast  equals  a  majority  of  more  than 
one-half  of  those  entitled  to  vote. 

As  to  Candidacy.  If,  however,  a  question  as  to  policy  is  sub- 
mitted at  the  same  time  that  candidacies  are  decided,  then  the 
term  means  that  the  number  of  votes  required  to  pass  the  question 
of  policy  must  equal  a  majority  of  the  total  of  the  votes  cast  for 
the  candidates.  The  votes  cast  in  favor  of  adopting  the  policy 
may  outnumber  the  votes  cast  against  by  four  to  one ;  but  if  they 
do  not  equal  a  majority  of  the  total  of  the  votes  cast  at  the  election 
for  candidates,  the  question  is  lost. 

Majority  of  Voters  Voting.  In  connection  with  the  decision  of 
administrative  policy  this  term  has  been  held  to  mean  a  majority 
of  all  voting  at  the  election  and  not  merely  of  those  voting  on  the 
question ;  and  in  Kansas  the  term  has  been  held  to  mean  also  a 
majority  of  those  voting  legally.  This  would  seem  to  be  a  gleam 
of  political  truth  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  term  "  legally  " 
is  by  no  means  synonymous  with  the  term  "  logically  "  and  is 
often  used  to  give  the  appearance  of  propriety  to  action  that  is 
diametrically  opposed  in  spirit  and  effect  to  logical  political 
action. 

Majority  of  Voters.  Where  the  law  contains  the  phrase  "  Major- 
ity of  voters  "  this  term  has  been  held  to  mean : 

A  majority  of  those  voting ;  and  not  of  those  qualified  to  vote. 

Where,  however,  the  "  expressed  assent "  of  a  majority  of 
voters  in  a  political  group  is  required  by  law  to  carry  a  question, 
then  the  term  is  held  to  mean  more  than  one-half  of  the  voters  in 


210  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

the  group,  and  there  is  no  presumption  as  to  assent  from  those 
who  do  not  vote. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  further  multiply  variations  in  the  meaning 
of  the  terms  in  point.  It  leads  to  nowhere;  for  these  decisions, 
delivered  with  all  the  solemnity  that  properly  invests  a  Court  of 
Justice,  are  rendered  to  settle  disputes  that  have  arisen  between 
individuals  or  parties  that  are  engaged  in  trying  to  make  an  expe- 
dient serve  in  the  place  of  a  true  political  means ;  and  that,  too,  a 
means  whereby  Justice  is  to  be  rendered  to  all.  What  possible 
difference  can  it  make  to  the  administration  of  Justice  whether 
the  expedient  be  considered  as  a  "  majority  of  votes  "  or  as  a 
"  majority  of  voters  "  when  on  the  one  hand  an  act  of  an  individual 
which  is  not  a  political  vote  is  counted  as  a  vote,  and  on  the  other 
hand,  an  act  of  an  individual  who  is  not  an  elector,  or  a  legal 
voter,  can  be  counted  as  the  act  of  a  voter.  The  present  political 
situation  partakes  of  the  nature  of  a  chaotic  farce  in  which  true 
meanings  are  so  twisted  by  illogical  action  that  a  reasonable 
construction  becomes  impossible ;  but  such  a  condition  is  the 
inevitable  result  of  an  attempt  by  a  political  community  to  make 
an  expedient  serve  in  the  place  of  a  true  political  means,  and  no 
amount  of  Court  decisions  regarding  the  composition  of  the 
expedient  in  present  use  will  ever  be  able  to  bestow  upon  it  the 
political  character  which  is  inherent  in  a  true  political  majority. 

Now  if  a  political  majority  can  be  considered  as  a  body  of  any 
kind  or  thing,  it  must  be  considered  as  a  body  of  political  will. 
It  is  not  produced  by  the  ballot.  It  is  produced  by  political 
convictions.  The  ballot  is  merely  the  means  whereby  an  in- 
dividual gives  expression  to  his  own  political  conviction.  It  is 
political  convictions  that  are  counted  either  for  or  against  when 
we  speak  of  counting  ballots  that  have  become  votes;  and  the 
count  reveals  the  conviction  that  is  supported  by  the  larger  number 
of  electors  voting;  and  this  body  of  political  conviction  stands 
for  the  time  being  as  Public  Opinion.  Questions  of  candidacy  are 
theoretically  kept  subordinate  to  questions  of  policy  in  order  that 
candidates  may  be  selected  later  who  will  trulj'^  represent  the  will 
as  ascertained. 

From  this  it  is  apparent  that  a  political  majority  is  not  a  major- 
ity of  electors ;  is  not  a  majority  of  individuals ;  is  not  a  majority 
of  "  voters  " ;  is  not  a  majority  of  "  votes  " ;  nor  a  number  of 
voters  or  of  votes  that  is  larger  than  half  of  the  total  vote  cast 
at  an  election  for  candidates  for  public  offices ;  nor  the  largest 
number  of  electors  who  think  alike  concerning  either  policies  or 


POLITICAL   MAJORITIES  211 

candidates.  The  mere  naming  of  such  bodies  discloses  char- 
acteristics and  structural  features  that  a  political  means  for 
the  administration  of  Justice  should  not  possess.  Under  our 
present  administrative  practise  and  procedure  none  of  these  last 
above  named  "  majorities "  can  be  reasonably  considered  as 
freely  and  fully  expressing  the  prevailing  reason,  conscience,  and 
political  desire  of  The  Commonwealth.  It  may  be  urged  by  some 
that  they  are  compacted  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  general 
welfare ;  but  the  reply  to  this  is,  that  the  individuals  who  compose 
the  above  named  "  majorities  "  have  not  had  an  opportunity  to 
freely  express  their  wills  for  or  against  a  course  of  administrative 
action  ;  that  other  considerations  than  those  of  a  strictly  political 
nature  have  brought  these  "  majorities  "  together ;  and  that  in 
many  cases  these  "  majorities  "  are  determined  at  the  election 
instead  of  before,  and  by  individual  acts  that  are  of  a  politically 
criminal  nature  because  they  are  performed  to  serve  a  party  or 
an  individual  purpose  instead  of  the  ordained  purpose  of  The 
Commonwealth. 

Object,  Purpose.  The  ultimate  object  of  a  political  majority, 
considered  as  a  political  means,*  is  the  promotion  of  the  general 
welfare.  Its  immediate  purpose  is  to  reveal  the  predominating 
sentiment  of  The  Commonwealth  regarding  the  way  in  which 
the  general  welfare  can  best  be  promoted  by  present  action. 
It  is  part  of  the  requirements  of  Electorate  Action  to  reveal  public 
opinion.  Theoretically,  public  opinion  is  revealed  by  obtaining  a 
free  expression  of  will  from  each  elector  regarding  what  shall  be 
done  either  in  the  way  of  new  legislation  or  of  re-forming  past 
legislation.  The  purpose  is  single  in  nature,  and  in  order  to 
obtain  a  free,  decisive,  and  authoritative  expression  of  public 
opinion,  individual  electors  should  have  but  one  political  question 
before  them  at  a  time  for  decision,  and  should  have  the  opportunity 
to  freely  register  their  wills  for  or  against,  and  uncontaminated 
by  any  other  considerations  whatsoever.  The  improbability  of 
a  tie  vote  in  any  State  is  very  great.  The  probabilities  are  largely 
in  favor  of  there  being  more  electors  agreed  on  one  side  of  the 
question  than  on  the  other;  and  the  majority  will,  having  been 
reached  freely  through  considerations  that  are  confined  solely  to 
logical  action  in  the  first  place,  and  having  been  ascertained  by 
election  methods  that  permit  of  an  accurate  ex-pression  of  in- 
dividual political  will  in  the  second  place,  would  clearly  stand 
forth  on  the  return  of  the  count  as  public  opinion  concerning 
proposed  administrative  action. 


212  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

But,  in  order  to  make  public  opinion  fully  operative,  and 
practically  operative  as  well,  questions  of  administrative  policy 
and  questions  of  candidacy  should  be  separated,  and  be  acted 
on  at  different  times.  Both  theoretically  and  practically,  the 
predominating  sentiment  of  The  Commonwealth  regarding  pro- 
posed administrative  action  should  be  revealed  sufficiently  ahead 
of  the  elections  so  as  to  give  The  Commonwealth,  working  through 
The  Electorate,  enough  time  in  which  to  carefully  select  candidates 
for  legislative  and  executive  offices  who  are  unreservedly  in 
accord  with  the  revealed  sentiment,  and  who  will  unreservedly 
pledge  themselves  to  work  while  in  office  to  apply  it,  and  to 
enforce  its  application,  to  the  best  of  their  ability,  and  to  do 
nothing  else. 

Is  Not  a  Political  Agency.  A  political  majority  was  never 
intended  to  act.  It  is  an  ascertained  expression  of  Administrative 
Will  which  merely  exists  as  an  accomplished  fact  exists.  It  is 
not  a  political  agency  and  can  not  act  as  one.  No  exercise  of 
political  power  or  political  authority  was  ever  conferred  by  the 
people  upon  a  political  majority  or  any  kind  of  a  majority.  Such 
exercise  requires  permanency  in  organization  of  the  exercising 
agency;  and  the  people  originally  ordained  two  permanently 
constituted  active  and  acting  political  agencies  for  that  purpose. 

Has  No  Permanency.  A  political  majority  can  possess  no  Will ; 
nor  do  the  people  ever  seek  to  ascertain  "  The  Will  of  The  Major- 
ity "  ;  they  merely  seek  to  ascertain  what  their  own  Will  is  through 
definitely  ascertaining  what  the  predominating  sentiment  is 
among  the  electors.  The  people  are  required  to  ascertain  this 
predominating  sentiment  in  each  successive  period  of  adminis- 
tration. They  ascertain  it  repeatedly  in  order  to  enable  them  to 
act  justly  in  the  matters  of  administration  that  constantly  press 
for  settlement  in  each  successive  period  of  administration.  In- 
dividual Rights  are  neither  secured  by  nor  protected  by  political 
majorities.  These  rights  are  secured  to  individuals  by  the  people, 
and  are  protected  by  them.  These  rights  may  have  become  im- 
paired, and  individual  injustices  may  have  sprung  into  existence 
either  because  of  unforeseen  economic  progress  or  because  of  mis- 
guided or  insufficient  administrative  action  in  the  past.  The 
people  are  constantly  obliged  to  take  new  administrative  action 
because  of  economic  progress,  and  are  often  obliged  to  reverse 
or  revise  their  past  administrative  action.  Political  majorities 
serve  merely  as  a  means  which  enables  the  people  to  act  justly 
at  such  times,  and  can  never  have  permanency  in  effect  because 


POLITICAL  MAJORITIES  213 

when  once  public  opinion  is  put  into  the  form  of  Statutory  Law 
such  law  is  always  open  to  addition  or  amendment. 

Finally,  through  abandoning  the  proclaimed  use  of  a  majority 
of  individual  wills  as  a  political  means,  and  through  using  in  its 
place  either  a  majority  of  votes,  or  of  voters,  the  American 
Commonwealths  have  been  led  gradually  into  changing  a  proposed 
administration  of  principles  into  an  actual  administration  of 
men.  This  action  on  the  part  of  the  people  has  merely  had  the 
effect  of  substituting  forms  of  popular  tyranny  for  the  monarchical 
tyranny  they  opposed  in  the  beginning.  This  kind  of  adminis- 
trative action  has  been  made  possible  almost  entirely  because  the 
people  have  not  set  forth  in  their  fundamental  law  the  manner  in 
which  their  ordained  political  majorities  are  to  be  obtained  and 
used  in  administrative  action.  Failing  in  this  respect  the  people 
also  failed  to  impart  to  individuals  the  constant  stimulus  to  right 
action  that  is  just  as  necessary  as  the  possession  of  right  ideas 
concerning  fundamental  principles  of  action.  Vice  is  habitual 
deviation  from  moral  action.  If  civic  virtue  is  relied  upon  to 
produce  administrative  action  as  ordained,  then,  in  addition  to 
beliefs  concerning  principles  of  administrative  action,  individuals 
must  also  have  beliefs  concerning  the  way  in  which  the  principles 
are  to  be  made  operative,  incorporated  in,  and  kept  alive  as  a  part 
of,  their  civic  virtue.  Otherwise  civic  virtue  will  never  be  strong 
enough  to  stop  the  operation  of  private  vice  in  the  community 
to  the  extent  that  is  necessary  to  prevent  political  administration 
from  being  transmuted  into  private  exploitation  of  the  political 
necessities  of  the  commonwealth. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  PROCESSES   OF   NATURALIZATION  AND   REGISTRA- 
TION 

American  Citizenship :  Naturalization  is  defined  in  many 
political  treatises  and  writings  as  the  process  by  which  an  alien 
is  made  a  citizen  of  The  United  States  of  America. 

In  another  sense  it  is  defined  as  the  adoption  of  a  foreigner  by 
The  Nation ;  the  clothing  him  with  the  political  privileges  of  the 
native  born ;  and  the  granting  to  him  of  protection  by  the  National 
Government  at  home  and  abroad. 

Article  I,  Section  8  of  The  Constitution  provides  that  "  Con- 
gress shall  have  power  ...  to  establish  an  uniform  rule  of 
naturalization." 

The  national  power  of  naturalization  has  to  do  solely  with 
foreign  immigrants.  Among  other  things  its  exercise  is  intended 
to  absolve  the  alien  immigrant  from  his  old  allegiance,  and  to 
establish  allegiance  to  the  National  Government  in  its  place. 
Momentous  as  this  change  in  allegiance  is  to  the  alien  immigrant, 
from  the  standpoint  of  The  State  it  is  of  secondary  importance 
to  other  considerations.  Mr.  Justice  Johnson,  in  the  decision 
rendered  in  the  case  of  Ogden  vs.  Saunders,  12  Wlieaton,  277,  sets 
forth  the  prime  object  of  the  process  of  naturalization  in  sub- 
stance as  follows.  "  The  management  and  control  of  the  foreign 
intercourse  of  The  Nation  having  been  given  to  the  National 
Government,  it  becomes  the  peculiar  province  of  that  govern- 
ment to  determine  who  are  entitled  to  the  privilege  of  American 
citizens,  and  to  the  protection  of  that  government." 

The  italics  in  the  above  quotation  are  mine.  They  serve  to 
show  that  Citizenship  is  the  prime  object  aimed  at  in  naturaliza- 
tion. They  reveal  an  element  that  is  not  distinctly  set  forth 
in  the  definitions  appearing  at  the  head  of  this  chapter.  That 
element  is  the  mental  and  moral  status  which  the  alien  must 
possess  before  he  is  entitled  to  citizenship.    Theoretically,  the 

214 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        215 

renunciation  of  the  old  allegiance  follows  only  in  those  cases  in 
which  the  applicant  has  been  found  properly  qualified ;  and  if 
my  younger  readers  will  consult  the  National  Law,  and  their 
State  Law  on  this  subject,  thej'^  will  perceive  that  it  is  the  intent 
of  the  Nation  and  of  the  State  to  admit  to  citizenship  only  such 
aliens  as  shall,  upon  application  and  examination,  be  found  by  a 
Court  of  JiLstice  to  possess  certain  qualifications,  which,,  when 
taken  together,  entitle  each  to  citizenship.  Without  such  quali- 
fications the  individual  applicant  is  theoretically  deemed  either 
unfit  to  discharge  the  obligations  of  sovereignty  or  incapable  of 
properly  performing  the  duties  of  citizenship. 

Defined.  Giving  the  element  of  qualification  its  due  weight, 
and  recasting  the  definition  to  this  end,  it  will  then  read  as  follows : 
Naturalization,  in  our  instance,  is  the  political  process  by  which 
a  duly  qualified  alien  is  made  a  citizen  of  The  United  States  of 
America. 

The  law,  taken  as  a  whole,  prescribes  several  distinct  quali- 
fications which  the  alien  applicant  must  possess,  and  several 
formalities  with  which  he  must  comply  ;  but  the  element  of  quali- 
fication is  the  heart  of  the  matter.  Unless  the  alien  be  truly  quali- 
fied for  citizenship  he  can  not  properly  or  effectively  discharge 
the  obligations  incumbent  upon  a  free  Sovereign-unit ;  and  it  is 
this  consideration  which  gives  its  political  character  to  the  process 
of  naturalization  and  makes  the  process  such  an  important  factor 
in  the  efficiency  as  well  as  in  the  morality  of  our  political  ad- 
ministration. 

Common  prudence  requires  us  to  keep  the  process  wholly 
political  in  character  and  in  effect.  If  an  unqualified  alien  be- 
comes possessed  of  citizenship  through  the  fraud  of  some  connected 
with  the  process,  combined  with  connivance  on  the  part  of  others 
in  charge  of  the  process,  then  the  Collective  Sovereign  becomes 
just  that  much  more  unintelligent  and  politically  incapable ; 
and,  depending  upon  the  facts  in  the  fraud,  it  may  become  just 
that  much  less  moral  in  its  composition  and  in  its  action  in  the 
future.  Besides  this,  if  naturalization  frauds  are  permitted  to 
exist  by  the  people,  then  those  who  perpetrate  the  fraud,  or  those 
in  whose  name  the  fraud  is  perpetrated,  naturally  gain  an  ascend- 
ency in  leadership  over  the  newly  created  unqualified  citizen  who 
benefits  by  the  fraud,  and  Fraud,  as  a  working  instrumentality,  be- 
comes entrenched  in  the  political  action  of  The  Commonwealth ; 
not  under  the  name  of  "  Fraud,"  to  be  sure,  but  under  the  cog- 
nomen of  Naturalization  that  is  fraudulent  in  the  process  and  non- 


216  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

political  in  its  object;  the  end  aimed  at  by  the  perpetrators  of 
naturalization  frauds  being  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  the 
making  of  partizan  party  votes,  and  not  qualified  American 
citizens. 

State  Citizenship.  WTiile  the  process  of  naturalization,  properly 
performed,  will  transform  a  qualified  alien  into  an  Ajnerican 
citizen,  it  does  not  at  the  same  time  make  a  State  Elector  out  of 
him.  Each  State  retains  the  exercise  of  the  power  to  impose 
such  additional  qualifications  upon  aliens  with  regard  to  partici- 
pation in  the  political  administration  of  The  State  as  it  thinks 
proper. 

Object.  Avoiding  an  extended  discussion  of  this  somewhat 
involved  subject,  let  us  say  that  the  object  of  political  naturaliza- 
tion is  the  conversion  of  qualified  foreigners  into  free  citizens. 
Unless  an  individual  be  mentally  and  morally  free  he  can  not  act 
politically  as  it  was  originally  intended  he  should  act ;  and  a  pro- 
cess which  results  in  bestowing  citizenship  papers  upon  an  indi- 
vidual, qualified  or  unqualified,  while  at  the  same  time  it  leaves 
him  bound  to  obey  the  behest  of  a  partizan  party  boss  of  low 
degree,  certainly  does  not  accomplish  the  intended  object  of 
political  naturalization. 

Effect.  Confining  our  attention  at  present  to  the  effect  pro- 
duced by  naturalization  within  the  limits  of  a  State,  we  find  it 
to  be  one  of  the  processes  or  instrumentalities  by  which  the 
numerical  extent  of,  the  intellectual  capacity  of,  and  the  moral 
status  of  the  State  Electorate  is  determined.  Naturally  the 
supervision  of  a  process  connected  with  such  grave  results  was 
given  to  the  Judiciary  branch  of  The  Government;  and  the 
process  itself  is  of  a  judicial  nature. 

Declaration.  Briefly,  the  salient  points  in  the  process  are  as 
follows :  The  alien  applicant,  who  must  be  at  least  eighteen  years 
old,  is  required  to  file  a  signed  and  sworn  declaration  of  intent 
to  become  a  citizen  and  to  renounce  his  present  allegiance,  which 
declaration  must  also  show  his  name,  age,  occupation,  and  time 
and  place  of  arrival  in  the  United  States. 

Petition.  Three  years  afterwards,  and  after  five  years'  con- 
tinuous residence  in  the  United  States,  the  alien  applicant  may 
file  a  sworn  petition  for  citizenship  in  any  Court  having  juris- 
diction, showing  that  he  has  resided  at  least  one  year  in  the  State 
in  which  he  petitions,  his  name,  residence,  occupation,  place  and 
date  of  birth,  place  from  which  he  emigrated,  and  the  date  and 
place  of  his  arrival  in  the  United  States,  that  he  is  not  opposed 


NATURALIZATION  AND   REGISTRATION        217 

to  organized  government,  that  he  is  not  a  polygamist  or  a  believer 
in  polygamy,  or  a  member  of  any  society  opposed  to  organized 
government,  and  that  he  intends  to  renounce  his  former  alle- 
giance. The  petition  must  be  supported  by  affidavits  from  two 
credible  witnesses,  citizens  of  the  United  States,  showing  that  the 
aflSants  have  known  the  applicant  during  his  entire  residence  in 
the  State  and  during  his  five  years'  residence  in  the  United  States, 
that  during  such  time  he  has  acted  as  a  man  of  good  moral  char- 
acter, attached  to  the  principles  of  The  Constitution  and  disposed 
to  the  good  order  and  happiness  of  The  People.  No  petition  may 
be  heard  until  after  ninety  days  have  elapsed  since  filing,  nor  within 
thirty  days  prior  to  a  State  general  election.  The  witnesses  must 
attend  the  hearing  and  be  examined  by  the  Judge.  Filing  fees 
for  the  declaration  and  the  petition  are  one  Dollar  and  four 
Dollars  respectively.  If  the  applicant  is  admitted,  he  is  required 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  his  certificate  of  naturalization 
is  issued  to  him  later. 

There  are  other  provisions  in  the  United  States  law  which  it  is 
not  necessary  to  note  here ;  and  besides  the  matters  above  men- 
tioned the  petition  must  contain  information  concerning  all  of 
the  qualifications  which  the  State  in  question  imposes  upon  a 
would-be  State  Elector. 

The  reader  will  note  that  there  are  many  points  to  be  established 
as  facts  in  the  process,  and  he  will  also  recognize  —  at  least  as  far 
as  The  Court  is  concerned  —  the  possibility  of  establishing  some 
of  these  "  facts  "  by  manufactured  evidence,  so  long  as  the  fraud- 
ulent action  is  not  apparent  to  The  Court. 

Theoretically,  the  individuals  immediately  connected  in  the 
process  are  the  alien  applicant,  his  witnesses,  his  attorney,  the 
Clerk  of  the  Court,  and  the  Judge  of  the  Court ;  all  of  whom,  with 
the  exception  of  the  applicant,  are  supposed  to  be  acting  wholly 
in  a  political  capacity  and  for  strictly  political  ends. 

Theoretically,  the  parties  immediately  concerned  are  the 
alien  applicant  and  The  State.  The  applicant's  witnesses,  the 
attorney,  —  who  is  an  officer  of  the  Court,  —  the  Clerk  of  the  Court, 
and  the  Judge  of  the  Court  are  supposed  to  safeguard  the  interests 
of  the  Commonwealth. 

The  "  Stuffed "  Electorate :  Actually,  however,  and  under 
our  present  practise  as  often  carried  out,  there  are  individuals 
connected  with  the  process  who  are  not  acting  wholly  in  a  political 
capacity,  but  subterraneously  as  it  were,  and  for  the  peculiar  ad- 
vantage of  another  party  which  is  vitally  interested  in  the  out- 


218  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

come  of  the  process.  This  thu-d  interested  party  is  the  partizan 
party.  Speaking  now  only  of  aliens  who  are  actually  unqualified 
for  citizenship,  let  us  see  how  it  is  possible  for  the  partizan  party  to 
strengthen  itself  and  at  the  same  time  to  weaken  the  political 
capacity  of  The  Commonwealth  by  perverting  the  process  of 
Naturalization. 

Usually,  the  transaction  of  the  preliminary  work  of  the  process 
is  given  to  some  working  member  of  a  partizan  party  city  ward 
organization.  This  party  worker  immediately  attaches  himself 
to  the  alien  upon  arrival,  and,  if  necessary,  attends  to  the  housing 
of  the  alien.  When  the  alien  is  definitely  located  in  some  ward 
of  the  City  he  is  given  into  the  care  of  another  party  worker  who 
is  a  member  of  the  partizan  party  organization  of  the  ward  in 
which  the  alien  resides.  This  second  party  worker  is  an  attorney 
at  law.  He  is  "  thoroughly  "  versed  in  the  law,  practise,  mal- 
practise,  and  customary  local  procedure  in  the  process.  The 
attorney  draws  the  declaration  in  regular  form,  attends  to  its 
execution,  verification,  and  filing ;  and  makes  sure  that  the  filing 
fees  are  paid.  He  also  attends  to  every  detail  connected  with 
the  preparation  and  filing  of  the  petition,  the  affidavits  of  the  wit- 
nesses, the  hearing,  and  the  issuance  of  the  certificate  of  naturaliza- 
tion. Between  the  filing  of  the  declaration  of  intention  and  the 
hearing  on  the  petition  the  partizan  party  causes  the  alien  to  be 
"  instructed  "  in  the  matters  that  are  necessary  to  give  him  the 
appearance  of  qualification  upon  the  hearing;  and,  depending 
upon  the  provisions  of  the  State  law,  either  when  the  alien  has 
declared  his  intention  of  becoming  a  citizen,  or  upon  his  taking 
the  oath,  some  other  working  member  of  the  partizan  party 
marches  his  "  citizen  "  off  to  the  proper  partizan  party  District 
Headquarters  and  enrolls  hun  as  a  partizan  party  organization 
member. 

By  this  action  a  partizan  party  has  secured  another  passive 
member  of  its  organization  whose  "  vote  "  it  can  cast  in  its  own 
peculiar  interest.  But  The  Commonwealth  has  received  a  set- 
back in  capacity,  efficiency,  and  morals;  and  when  the  frauds 
are  extensive  the  setback  is  most  serious. 

Naturalization  frauds  are  not  numerous  in  the  rural  counties 
of  a  State  wherein  the  voters  know  each  other,  the  alien  appli- 
cants, and  those  in  charge  of  the  process.  It  is  in  the  large  cities 
and  in  the  immigration  ports  that  such  frauds  are  perpetrated 
wholesale.  The  fraud  consists  in  giving  unqualified  aliens  the 
outward  appearance  of  aliens  who  are  qualified  for  citizenship. 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        219 

In  character  the  fraud  is  precisely  the  same  as  many  other  partizan 
party  frauds  on  true  political  action.  It  is  worked  by  the  same 
means  and  for  the  same  purpose ;  namely,  the  advantage  of  The 
Partizan  Party.  In  the  same  way  that  a  "  colonizer  "  is  in  effect 
converted  into  a  "  voter  "  by  fraudulent  and  collusive  action 
of  partizan  party  members  of  the  registration  and  election  boards, 
so,  in  the  same  way,  an  alien  who  is  actually  unqualified  can  be 
converted  into  a  State  "  citizen  "  by  similar  fraudulent  and  collu- 
sive action  by  partizan  party  workers  who  are  in  charge  of  the 
process  of  naturalization  ;  and  whenever  or  wherever  the  situation 
is  such  that  the  partizan  party  Judges  —  those  who  possess  the 
office  solely  because  of  services  which  they  have  rendered  to  the 
partizan  party  —  will  accept  the  nod  of  a  partizan  party  City 
Ward  Leader  as  making  "  it  appear  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
Court  "  that  everything  is  right  and  proper  in  the  applicant,  in 
his  declaration,  petition,  and  proof,  then  the  State  Electorate 
becomes  "  stuffed  "  with  hundreds  if  not  thousands  of  members 
W'ho  are  in  point  of  fact  totally  unqualified  for  State  Citizenship ; 
but  who,  on  the  other  hand,  are  most  admirably  adapted  to  the 
working  out  of  the  non-political  purposes  of  the  partizan  party. 

Of  course  the  reader  will  understand  that  Citizenship  is  not  the 
end  aimed  at  in  this  partizan  party  perversion  of  Justice.  At  all 
stages  in  its  machinations  a  partizan  party  has  one  ultimate 
object  in  view.  This  object  is  called  "  Party  Success."  Party 
Success  is  brought  about  by  the  deposit  at  the  polls  of  more  ballots 
in  favor  of  one  partizan  party  ticket  than  are  deposited  for  any 
other  "  party  "  ticket.  Party  Success  means  that  the  successful 
partizan  party  either  acquires  the  control  of  the  exercise  of  The 
Reserved,  and  of  The  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration,  or 
maintains  itself  in  the  control  already  acquired. 

Through  the  control  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration 
a  partizan  party  is  enabled  to  maintain  as  many  of  its  working 
members  as  possible  in  salaried  public  offices  and  positions,  and 
to  keep  them  united  together  in  its  organization  through  the  bond 
of  self-interest. 

Through  the  control  of  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers 
of  Administration  a  partizan  party  is  enabled  to  pass  legislation 
that  is  favorable  to  the  partizan  party  considered  as  a  working 
political  instrumentality. 

All  things  being  equal,  the  partizan  party  which  controls  the 
deposit  of  a  larger  number  of  individual  ballots  at  the  election 
stands  a  better  chance  of  achieving  "  success  "  than  its  opponent 


220  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

does.  When  these  controlled  ballots  are  deposited  and  counted, 
they  are  called  "  votes,"  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they  convey 
no  expression  of  individual  political  will  whatsoever. 

The  accumulation  of  a  majority  of  the  deposited  ballots  is  the 
sine  qua  non  of  "  party  success."  The  controlled  "  votes  "  are 
the  nucleus  to  which  can  be  added  the  votes  which  a  partizan 
party  is  otherwise  able  to  influence  in  The  Electorate  at  Large. 
If  the  nucleus  is  large,  the  task  of  getting  a  "  majority  of  votes  " 
together  is  easier;  and  what  the  partizan  party  immediately 
seeks  through  the  perversion  of  the  process  of  naturalization  is 
one  more  passive  member  of  its  organization,  whose  "  vote  "  it 
can  control.  Working  always  in  its  own  interest  the  partizan 
party  immorally  treats  citizenship  merely  as  a  condition  prece- 
dent to  the  casting  of  a  "  vote."  It  therefore  causes  citizenship 
to  be  fraudulently  bestowed  upon  unqualified  aliens  and  adds 
their  "  votes  "  to  the  total  of  its  controlled  "  votes,"  which  total, 
if  large  enough,  will  determine  in  advance  the  "  majority  of  votes  " 
to  be  cast  at  the  election. 

The  passive  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  the  people  in  the  per- 
sistent perversion  of  the  process  of  naturalization  by  the  partizan 
party,  is  one  of  the  paradoxical  political  phenomena  of  American 
administration.  Naturalization  is  one  of  several  political  processes 
which,  theoretically.  The  Electorate  is  held  bound  to  perform 
through  a  proper  and  direct  exercise  of  the  various  Powers 
of  Administration.  The  work  of  naturalization  is  purely  political 
in  its  nature.  Its  proper  performance  is  of  vital  importance  to 
The  State  and  to  the  individual.  In  the  first  place,  naturalization 
helps  to  determine  the  numerical  extent  of  The  Electorate.  In 
the  second  place,  naturalization  helps  to  determine  the  intellectual 
composition  of  The  Electorate,  which  is  an  element  in  the  political 
capacity  of  The  State.  In  the  third  place,  naturalization  helps 
to  determine  the  moral  composition  of  The  Electorate,  which  is 
an  element  in  the  moral  strength  of  The  State.  The  ultimate 
purpose  of  naturalization  is  to  strengthen  and  not  to  weaken 
The  State.  If,  however,  an  unqualified  alien  is  conscious  of  his 
incapacity,  but  nevertheless  is  made  a  citizen,  does  he  not  acquire 
a  contempt  for  Political  Principles  and  Ethics  that  are  so  easily 
set  at  naught  and  violated?  If  he  is  instructed  by  the  partizan 
party  that  his  first  obligation  is  to  "  vote  "  with  the  partizan 
party  which  has  assisted  him  to  citizenship,  is  he  likely  to  become 
either  a  competent  or  a  desirable  Sovereign-unit  ?  Where  citizen- 
ship is  treated  as  a  mere  incidental  to  partizan  party  membership 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        221 

is  not  the  unqualified  alien  encouraged  by  example  to  put  "  Party  " 
considerations  ahead  of  Political  considerations  in  action  that 
affects  the  political  welfare  of  all  ? 

Common  sense,  if  allowed,  would  decide  that  the  management 
and  control  of  the  process  of  naturalization  should  not  be  left  to 
the  oversight  of  partizan  parties  because  it  offers  too  great  tempta- 
tion and  opportunity  for  the  manufacture  of  "  partizan  party 
votes."  Theoretically,  naturalization  is  the  conversion  of  qualified 
aliens  into  qualified  citizens ;  but  ample  experience  and  thousands 
upon  thousands  of  instances  do  not  as  yet  seem  sufficient  to  con- 
vince the  people  at  large  that  a  partizan  party  Machine  when 
working  smoothly  will  as  surely  and  certainly  convert  an  un- 
qualified alien  into  a  "  partizan  party  voter  "  as  it  will,  when  work- 
ing for  another  purpose,  convert  a  "  stuffed  ballot  "  into  the 
effect  of  a  "  voter  voting." 

\Miat  is  the  explanation  of  this  paradoxical  action  on  the  part 
of  the  people?  Why  do  they  give  any  third  agency,  political 
or  otherwise,  the  opportunity  to  pervert  political  action  ? 

At  the  bottom  of  the  cause  for  such  action  lies  the  absence 
of  an  adequate,  comprehensive,  and  ordained  system  for  the  direct 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration.  Theoreti- 
cally, The  Electorate  are  required  to  perform  the  several  pro- 
cesses of  naturalization,  registration,  election,  and  so  forth ;  but 
the  people  have  never  provided  The  Electorate  with  a  body 
of  law  that  compels  the  logical  transaction  of  each  detail  in  the 
several  processes.  Then  again,  the  average  American  has  a 
happy-go-lucky  temperament  which  predisposes  him  to  the  accept- 
ance and  use  of  any  plausible  expedient  by  which  political  work 
can  be  lessened  or  dispensed  with.  He  seldom,  if  ever,  thinks  of 
Political  Administration  as  the  direct  exercise  by  individual 
sovereign-units  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration. 
He  does  not  realize  either  the  purposes  for  or  the  extent  to  which 
the  reserved  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  Powers  of  the 
people  are  to  be  used.  He  is  inclined  to  regard  "  Government  " 
as  automatic  in  action  and  to  think  that  he  has  sufficiently  dis- 
charged his  political  duty  when  he  has  assisted  in  filling  public 
offices  and  positions  with  individuals  who  will  discharge  the 
duties  of  office.  He  is  trustful  to  a  faulty  degree.  He  is  natu- 
rally inclined  to  credit  love  of  country  to  those  who  proclaim 
patriotism  as  the  motive  for  their  action ;  and  above  all  he  is 
eager  to  progress  materially  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

So  constituted,  the  desire  for  relief  from  individual  political 


222  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

work  (which  at  the  beginning  of  State  Government  appeared 
doubly  onerous  because  of  the  widespread  ignorance  concerning 
the  imperative  requirements  of  direct  poHtical  action)  influenced 
the  people  at  large  to  accept  the  proffered  services  of  the  partizan 
party  as  the  manager  of  such  action.  When  the  partizan  party 
assumed  control,  it  put  its  own  means  and  methods  into  operation. 
It  busied  itself  most  assiduously  in  "  getting  out  the  vote  " ; 
and  its  success  in  this  direction  led  the  trustful  Commonwealth 
to  believe  that  it  had  found  its  political  Saviour. 

Sanction.  Notwithstanding  its  many  years  of  perversive 
and  most  deleterious  work  the  partizan  party  still  retains  great 
influence  in  the  electorate  at  large.  What  are  the  sources  of 
this  influence?  While  temperament,  trustfulness,  a  widespread 
lack  of  political  information,  and  a  desire  for  material  progress 
still  combine  to  foster  this  influence,  nevertheless  the  chief  source 
of  the  influence  of  the  partizan  party  lies  in  the  possession  by  it 
of  a  species  of  sanction  which  bestows  upon  it  the  appearance 
of  being  a  real  Political  Agency,  or  part  of  the  constituted  politi- 
cal instrumentalities  of  the  State.  It  obtained  this  sanction 
when  the  people  encouraged  it  to  assume  the  oversight  of  all 
detail  political  action  connected  with  the  work  of  Leadership, 
Organization,  Naturalization,  Registration,  Nomination,  Elec- 
tion, and  the  enforcement  of  Responsibility. 

Two  unforeseen  results  followed  the  illogical  bestowal  of  this 
sanction.  In  the  first  place,  that  which  had  in  the  past  been 
Political  Administration  was  immediately  converted  into  Partizan 
Party  Administration ;  and  in  the  second  place,  confusion  imme- 
diately beset  the  average  individual  through  the  retention  of 
political  terms  to  describe  processes  that  were  not  strictly  political 
in  effect.  For  instance :  The  word  "  Naturalization  "  when 
standing  by  itself  correctly  describes  a  political  process  properly 
performed ;  but  if  it  is  indiscriminately  used  to  describe  a 
process  that  is  mainly  partizan  in  object  and  effect,  then  the 
careless  individual  will  be  led  unconsciously  into  the  belief 
that  partizan  action  will  suffice  to  produce  effects  that  in  fact 
can  only  be  produced  through  true  political  action  properly 
performed. 

As  for  the  average  individual,  the  native  born  in  the  large 
cities,  never  having  been  naturalized,  absorbed  in  business,  or 
in  other  personal  affairs,  pays  little  heed  to  the  process  of  natu- 
ralization. If  he  thinks  of  it  at  all,  he  regards  it  as  under  the 
control  of  his  "  Party  " ;   and  the  average  citizen  naturally  looks 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        223 

upon  an  organization  possessing  and  using  such  control  with 
something  of  the  same  feeUng  of  loyalty  with  which  he  regards 
his  Government  or  his  State.  His  mental  attitude  towards  his 
"  Party  "  is  something  like  that  of  a  ward  to  his  guardian.  The 
guardian  must  of  course  be  looking  after  his  interests.  He  sel- 
dom analyzes  the  character  of  his  "  Party,"  and  thinks  of  it  as  a 
Political  Party  working  for  a  Political  Majority. 

As  for  the  alien,  he  meets  the  partizan  party  first;  instead  of 
the  State  Officials.  He  naturally  believes  the  partizan  party  a  » J  f  ?- 
to  be  a  political  party  and  one  of  the  constituted  political  means 
of  The  State.  He  is  immediately  taught  to  believe  that  "  The 
Party  "  alone  will  safeguard  and  preserve  his  electoral  rights 
and  that  in  return  he  must  give  his  support  to  it;  and,  unfor- 
tunately for  The  State,  the  very  ones  who  know  the  least  about 
their  electoral  rights  are  the  very  ones  who  most  eagerly  entrust 
the  "  preservation  "  of  these  rights  to  the  partizan  party. 

What  the  alien  immigrant  seeks  in  coming  to  America  is  citizen- 
ship, freedom,  and  liberty.  What  America  asks  of  the  immigrant 
alien  is  a  certain  capacity  for  citizenship,  freedom,  and  liberty. 
Many  of  the  immigrants  possess  this  capacity  and  soon  become 
assimilated  as  qualified  citizens ;  but  the  great  mass  do  not  possess 
this  capacity.  As  a  rule  the  great  mass  of  the  incapable  aliens  re- 
main in  the  manufacturing  cities  or  go  to  swell  the  "  foreign  popu- 
lation "  of  the  mining  sections.  Few,  if  any  of  them,  know  the 
American  definition  of  Freedom  or  of  Liberty.  Hardly  one  of 
them  knows  a  single  thing  concerning  American  political  adminis- 
tration ;  and  they  hail  with  gladness  and  render  fealty  to  the 
partizan  party  worker  who  will  put  them  through  the  naturaliza- 
tion process,  pay  all  of  its  expenses,  and  obtain  for  them  the 
coveted  citizenship  papers  which  make  them  State  Citizens  and 
entitled  to  exercise  the  elective  franchise  in  matters  of  National 
Administration. 

Three  things  are  expected  in  return  from  the  unqualified  citizen  ; 
namely,  to  enroll  as  a  member  of  the  partizan  party  which  assists 
him  to  citizenship ;  to  vote  as  he  is  directed  by  his  partizan  party 
leader  wherever  he  may  be ;  and  to  influence  all  future  immigrants 
he  may  know  to  join  the  same  partizan  party ;  and  this  return 
the  unqualified  citizen  is  almost  always  only  too  happy  and  willing 
to  make. 

My  younger  readers  may  be  puzzled  to  know  how  it  is  that  an 
unqualified  immigrant  gets  to  be  a  State  "  voter  "  right  off  when 
the  United  States  Laws  require  a  residence  of  five  years  before 


224  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

dmission  to  citizenship.     A  perusal  of  the  State  Laws  will  fur- 

ish  the  solution  to  the  puzzle. 

State  Citizenship.  The  longest  term  of  residence  within  a  state 
that  is  required  by  the  laws  of  any  State  is  two  years.  Thirty 
states  require  a  residence  of  but  one  year.  Nine  states  require 
a  residence  of  but  sLx  months ;  and  one  state  of  three  months  only. 
Also  many  of  the  States  bestow  the  exercise  of  the  elective  fran- 
chise on  aliens  who  have  merely  declared  their  intention  of  be- 
coming citizens  and  have  resided  in  the  State  for  a  period  of  from 
three  months  to  a  year  and  a  half  before  election ;  and  further- 
more, all  of  the  provisions  of  the  Law  that  are  intended  to  eji- 
hance  the  capacity  and  moral  status  of  The  Electorate  are  easily 
avoided  by  the  partizan  party  in  the  control  of  each  step  in  the 
naturalization  process. 

Of  course  the  fraud  originating  in  the  process  of  naturalization 
and  consummated  in  succeeding  processes  injects  an  element  into 
The  Electorate  that  it  was  originally  intended  not  to  contain. 
No  amount  of  partizan  party  fraud  can  make  an  unqualified 
alien  into  a  qualified  citizen  or  elector.  All  that  the  fraud  ac- 
complishes is  to  "  stuff  "  The  Electorate  with  unqualified  members 
whose  action  in  political  administration  can  be  most  easily  trans- 
muted into  partizan  action  or  worse.  These  unqualified  electors 
are  at  all  times  an  element  of  danger  to  The  State.  Knowing 
next  to  nothing  about  the  Duties  of  Citizenship,  and  still  less 
of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty,  and  nothing  at  all  of  the  effect 
of  "  Party  Regularity  "  upon  The  State,  they  receive  constant 
supervision  and  "  instruction  "  from  the  partizan  party  in  order 
to  boost  them  through  the  formalities  of  citizenship.  Their  value 
to  the  partizan  party,  however,  lies  in  the  fact  that  they  can, 
through  constant  care,  custody,  coaching,  and  collusion,  be  made 
to  go  through  the  motions  of  voting  for  a  partizan  party  ticket. 
Their  menace  to  The  State  lies  in  precisely  the  same  fact,  for  their 
"  votes  "  —  which  have  been  fraudulently  obtained  in  the  sup- 
port of  the  partizan  party  —  are  counted  as  the  votes  of  electors 
who  are  actually  qualified  to  give  an  expression  of  the  political 
vnll  of  The  Commonwealth ;  and  the  final  effect  produced  by  the 
votes  of  the  unqualified  citizens  when  added  to  the  votes  of  the 
easy-going  native  born  is  to  make  it  appear  to  the  world  at  large 
that  the  American  Commonwealths  intentionally  sanction  a 
partizan  administration  of  their  political  affairs,  and  hypocriti- 
cally dispense  privilege  while  professing  to  render  even-handed 
Justice. 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        225 

Registration :  Theoretically,  registration  is  the  political  process 
which  finally  determines  who  among  the  electors  of  a  State  are 
truly  entitled  to  vote  at  an  election.  If  mistakes  are  alleged  to 
have  occm-red  in  the  process,  an  appeal  by  any  individual  who 
thinks  himself  aggrieved  will  lie  to  the  Courts;  but  the  appeal, 
and  its  decision  and  consequent  action,  if  any,  are  considered 
a  part  of  the  process. 

The  registration  of  electors  as  a  condition  precedent  to  voting 
is  not  required  in  Texas  or  in  Arkansas.  In  some  States  it  is 
required  in  the  larger  cities  or  towns;  but  in  thirty-nine  States 
it  constitutes  one  of  the  compulsory  qualifications  for  the  exercise 
of  the  elective  franchise. 

The  laws  in  the  various  States  are  by  no  means  uniform  as  to 
method  or  procedure ;  and  the  reader  must  consult  the  Statutes 
and  Court  Decisions  of  his  own  State  for  definite  information  on 
these  points,  as  space  forbids  an  extended  consideration  of  this 
highly  diversified  subject. 

The  qualifications  for  Citizenship  vary  widely  in  the  different 
States.  The  Electorate  itself  is  being  constantly  changed  as  to 
number  by  death,  removal,  penal  sentences,  action  by  the  legis- 
lature or  by  the  people,  accession  of  "  first  voters,"  naturalization, 
and  so  forth.  The  population  of  the  States  is  being  constantly 
increased  or  changed  in  number  by  foreign  or  domestic  immigra- 
tion ;  and  as  one  way  to  prevent  wholesale  fraudulent  voting 
at  elections  it  has  been  generally  deemed  necessary  to  ascertain 
during  each  period  of  administration,  and  before  the  election, 
and  as  nearly  as  possible,  the  exact  numerical  extent  of  the  quali- 
fied Voting  Electorate,  so  that  administrative  policies  shall  not 
be  decided,  or  candidates  be  elected,  by  majorities  of  votes  that 
are  built  up  of  improperly  given  ballots. 

But  there  is  no  uniformity  regarding  registration  throughout 
the  various  States,  either  in  the  process  or  in  the  composition  of 
the  body  of  officials  in  charge  of  the  process.  Generally  speaking, 
however,  and  as  far  as  the  individual  elector  is  concerned,  the 
process  is  simple  if  honestly  performed.  At  a  fixed  date  before 
the  election  the  elector  appears  before  the  officials  in  charge  and 
makes  a  sworn  statement  concerning  all  of  the  qualifications  for 
registration  which  are  imposed  on  him  by  the  Statutes  of  The 
State.  If  the  statement  is  uncontested,  the  elector  is  registered 
as  a  voter.  If  contested,  the  elector  can  appeal  to  the  Courts 
for  relief  and  also  to  have  any  wrong  entry  corrected. 

Usually    the    date  of    the   election   is   taken    as   determining 


226  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


whatever    period-qualifications    exist,    such    as    age,    residency, 
and  so  forth. 

Registration  Boards.  As  said  before,  there  is  no  uniformity 
regarding  the  composition  of  the  officials  in  charge  of  the  work 
of  registration.  In  some  States  the  Tax  x\ssessors  compile  and 
verify  the  Registry  List,  as  it  is  there  called ;  but  generally  speak- 
ing, the  process  of  registration  is  in  charge  of  a  number  of  indi- 
viduals who  are  known  as  the  Board  of  Registration.  In  many 
States  the  registration  board  also  acts  as  the  board  having  charge 
of  the  process  of  election.  In  addition  to  registering  applicants 
the  board  is  usually  required  to  remove  from  the  existing  registra- 
tion list  the  names  of  individuals  appearing  thereon  who  have 
either  died  since  the  last  election,  or  have  moved  away  from  the 
registering  district,  or  have  lost  the  right  to  vote  for  any  reason. 
In  some  States  it  is  customary  for  the  board  to  add  names  of  indi- 
viduals who  are  known  to  it  to  be  duly  qualified  electors ;  the 
fundamental  idea  being  to  afford  facility  to  the  exercise  of  the 
elective  franchise  and  not  to  make  registration  a  hindrance  to  its 
exercise ;  and  for  convenience  such  boards  are  created  to  act  in 
each  Representative  Unit  of  a  State. 

Concerning  the  manner  in  which  individuals  either  get  on, 
or  are  placed  on,  these  boards,  the  reader  is  referred  again  to  the 
Statutes  of  his  State.  He  will  find,  as  a  rule,  that  there  is  one 
indispensable  qualification  at  present  for  membership  on  these 
political  boards  ;  namely,  membership  in  a  partizan  party  organiza- 
tion. He  will  find  that  there  is  one  indispensable  formality  to 
be  observed  by  the  applicant  for  membership ;  namely,  either 
a  sworn  statement  of  his  "  Party  Regularity  "  or  a  certification 
to  that  effect  by  some  one  of  his  partizan  party  superiors.  In 
other  words,  the  people  of  the  various  American  Commonwealths 
have  solemnly  decided  that  their  political  work  of  registration 
shall  be  performed  only  by  individuals  who  have  previously 
agreed  to  place  partizan  party  considerations  ahead  of  their 
political  obligations ;  and  moreover,  in  some  States  —  New 
Jersey,  for  instance  —  the  people  have  sanctioned  the  rule  that 
only  such  electors  who  are  "  regular  "  members  of  the  two  "  parties  " 
which  at  the  last  election  polled  the  highest  aggregate  of  "  party  " 
votes  shall  be  eligible  for  membership  on  registration  boards, 
thus,  in  efi^ect,  precluding  from  service  on  these  boards  every 
elector,  independent  or  otherwise,  whose  name  does  not  appear 
on  the  enrolment  lists  of  these  two  largest  partizan  parties. 

To  put  it  as  mildly  as  possible,  this  seems  strange  action  on  the 


NATURALIZATION  AND   REGISTRATION        227 


part  of  The  Commonwealth ;  for  here,  in  the  work  of  registration, 
an  opportunity  is  presented  for  the  "  manufacture  "  of  votes  that 
should  be  met  and  dealt  with  by  individuals  of  undoubted  political 
independence  and  integrity,  and  not  by  individuals  of  certified 
subserviency  and  undoubted  partizanship.  But  be  that  as  it  may, 
the  situation  at  present,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  States, 
is  such  that  the  political  work  of  Registration  is  under  the  control 
of  individuals  who  viust,  while  they  are  transacting  it,  work  for 
the  manufacture  of  partizan  party  votes  if  required ;  and  who 
wo2ild  not  be  on  the  boards  if  either  they  did  not  promise  in  advance 
to  work  while  there  for  the  partizan  party,  or  if  the  managements 
of  the  partizan  parties  had  any  doubts  on  this  score ;  and  in  this 
particular  way  the  partizan  party  has  succeeded  in  laying  the 
foundation  for  the  perpetration  of  the  same  kind  of  political 
frauds  in  connection  with  the  process  of  registration  that  charac- 
terize its  control  of  every  political  process  or  detail  in  political 
work. 

In  rural  communities,  where  population  is  sparse  and  where 
the  members  of  the  registry  boards  are  the  neighbors  of  all  of  the 
district  voters,  little  if  any  serious  evil  results  from  the  partizan 
party  regulation  of  Registration ;  but  in  the  cities,  where  popula- 
tion is  congested  and  where  the  voters  in  a  district  neither  know 
each  other  nor  the  members  of  the  registry  boards,  the  result  is 
different. 

The  Party  Machine :  There  is  hardly  a  city  of  any  size,  or 
sizable  town  for  that  matter,  without  one  or  more  partizan  party 
organizations,  at  the  head  of  which  is  a  partizan  party  Boss,  and 
having  its  executive,  managerial,  and  ministerial  offices  and 
positions  filled  by  individuals  who  are  completely  submissive 
to  the  will  of  The  Boss  and  subservient  to  his  purposes.  Such 
an  organization,  working  smoothly  in  times  of  political  quiet, 
attaining  its  desired  results  with  almost  automatic  certainty, 
whether  those  results  are  morally  right  or  wrong,  and  whether 
the  action  involved  is  of  a  political  nature  or  the  opposite,  has 
been  nicknamed  "  The  Machine." 

"WTierever  the  partizan  party  Machine  is  in  control  of  the  pre- 
election work  of  a  political  division  of  the  electorate,  and  when- 
ever partizan  party  Success  requires  it,  there  and  then  will  regis- 
tration frauds  be  perpetrated.  What  is  it  that  instigates  these 
frauds  ?  Is  it  the  brain  or  desire  of  an  independent  and  otherwise 
duly  qualified  elector?  Obviously  not;  for  to  such  no  fraud  is 
necessary  and  it  would  be  folly  for  such  an  elector  to  attempt 


228  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

to  fraudulently  register  as  an  independent  voter  before  a  registry 
board  composed  wholly  of  accurately  posted  partizan  party 
workers.  Who  benefits  by  these  frauds  ?  Manifestly  the  partizan 
party  alone.  Who  perpetrates  these  frauds  ?  Always  some  more 
or  less  venal  individual  who  is  instigated  thereto  by  the  bene- 
ficiary of  the  fraud  and  who  works  in  conjunction  with  the  partizan 
party  while  it  in  turn  is  working  through  its  working  members. 

Besides  the  numbers  of  stupid,  trustful,  or  politically  ignorant 
unqualified  naturalized  citizens  who  are  "  put  through "  the 
process,  other  venal  individuals  will  appear  and  give  in  false 
names  which  they  have  learned  from  an  outside  working  member 
of  this  or  that  partizan  party  and  be  registered  as  a  voter  through 
collusive  action  on  the  part  of  the  members  of  the  registration 
board;  members,  mark  this,  who  have  been  put  on  these  boards 
to  safeguard  the  interests  and  welfare  of  The  Commonwealth  — 
theoretically.  Individuals  of  the  like  kind  and  of  trustworthy 
memories  will  "  register  "  in  a  similar  way  in  several  Election 
Districts  —  at  so  much  per.  Names  of  dead  persons  will  be  con- 
tinued on  the  lists  ;  to  be  utilized  by  some  "  colonist,"  "  repeater," 
or  otherwise  unqualified  voter.  In  some  instances  individuals 
have  been  "  registered  "  under  the  names  and  addresses  of  ani- 
mals —  goats,  dogs,  etc.,  a  goat's  vote  smelling  as  sweet  to  the 
partizan  party  as  by  any  other  name.  W^ell-seasoned  gangs  of 
loafers  and  tramps  are  "  colonized  "  in  boarding  houses  sufficiently 
ahead  of  the  date  of  election  to  give  them  a  false  but  seeming 
domicile  in  point  of  time,  are  "  registered  "  as  voters  in  one,  or 
if  the  supply  meets  the  demand,  in  many  Election  Districts. 
Repeaters  are  "registered "  in  several  districts,  or,  as  has  happened, 
several  times  in  one  district  under  several  names  and  addresses. 

Several  prerequisites  are  indispensable  to  the  successful  per- 
petration of  a  registration  fraud.  In  the  first  place  there  must 
be  registration  board-members  who  will  knowingly  falsify  the 
list  and  work  collusively  together.  Secondly,  there  must  be  col- 
lusive effort  between  the  outside  partizan  party  heeler  in  charge 
of  the  applicant  on  the  one  part,  and  the  inside  partizan  party 
board-member  on  the  other  part.  Thirdly,  there  must  be  suffi- 
cient rehearsing  of  the  farce  between  the  heeler,  the  member,  and 
the  applicant  to  make  it  run  smoothly  when  staged  ;  and  fourthly, 
the  partizan  party  must  pay  all  the  expenses  incidental  to  the 
performance.  Sometimes,  however,  there  is  a  hitch  in  the  per- 
formance, and  the  actors  plod  their  weary  way  to  a  court  of 
Justice.     Ordinarily,  after  each  general  election,  there  are  a  suffi- 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        229 

cient  number  of  convictions  to  show  these  two  facts  clearly : 
First,  that  somewhere  the  partizan  party  has  attempted  or  per- 
petrated a  registration  fraud ;  and  second,  that  the  fraud  itself 
is  one  of  the  recognized  means  for  increasing  its  "  vote." 

What  is  the  immediate  object  of  this  action?  It  is  to  enable 
the  partizan  party  to  poll  one  or  more  votes  in  each  Election 
District  of  a  State  than  otherwise  rightfully  and  properly  exist 
in  such  districts.  For  what  reason  ?  To  enable  one  State  partizan 
party  to  "  poll  "  more  "  votes  "  than  any  other  State  partizan 
party.  But  why  is  this  desirable?  Because,  in  the  first  place, 
the  people  have  passively  agreed  that  the  biggest  partizan  party 
vote  (no  matter  how  gotten  together)  shall  stand  in  the  place  of. 
and  serve  the  purposes  of,  a  Political  Majority ;  and  in  the  second 
place,  because  the  people  have  further  passively  agreed  that  the 
partizan  party  which  gets  together  at  one  election  more  "  votes  " 
for  its  ticket  than  any  other  partizan  party  does  for  its  ticket 
shall  have  the  control  and  oversight  of  the  agencies,  means, 
processes,  and  instrumentalities  by  which  The  Commonwealth 
transacts  its  political  work,  for  at  least  one  period  of  administra- 
tion, and  for  as  many  more  consecutive  periods  as  this  particular 
partizan  party  is  able,  by  political  or  non-political  action,  to  get 
together  the  biggest  partizan  party  vote. 

How  does  this  action  by  the  people  affect  the  political  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs?  It  abolishes  it  altogether  and  substi- 
tutes in  its  place  Partizan  Party  Administration  of  public  affairs, 
with  all  its  attendant  evils  and  illogical  results  to  The  Common- 
wealth and  to  the  individual. 

Collusion  between  Partizan  Parties :  Mention  has  been  made 
of  the  fraudulent  and  collusive  action  that  is  taken  whenever 
"  party  success  "  requires  it  between  the  active  members  of  a 
partizan  party  who  are  working  in  different  capacities  for  the 
ostensible  accomplishment  of  some  step,  stage,  or  process  of 
Political  Administration ;  and  which  collusive  action  is  indis- 
pensable for  the  successful  transmutation  of  individual  political 
action  into  partizan  party  action.  To  transmute  individual 
political  action  into  partizan  party  action  is  fraudulent  because 
the  partizan  party  professes  to  act  as  the  political  Saviour  of  The 
Commonwealth  and  to  act  solely  for  the  General  Welfare  of 
The  Commonwealth  and  of  the  individual. 

But  partizan  parties  —  considered  as  the  exponents  of  the 
abstract  institution  or  agency  known  as  The  Partizan  Party  — 
are  guilty  of  a  much  deeper  fraud  than  the  mere  instigation  and 


230  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

sanction  of  fraudulent  action  in  political  matters  between  its  own 
working  members.  The  immorality  of  such  action  is  suflScient 
in  itself  to  disclose  the  imfitness  of  a  partizan  party  to  act  as  a 
political  agency;  but  it  is  grades  above  the  iniquity  to  which 
the  partizan  party  has  descended  upon  occasion,  as,  for  instance, 
when  to  accomplish  its  purposes  it  deliberately  encompasses  the 
financial  or  the  wholesale  moral  ruin  of  individuals  who  oppose 
its  desires. 

Theoretically,  different  political  parties  exist  in  a  State  for  the 
express  purpose  of  supporting  and  advocating  opposing  political 
beliefs  as  to  Government  and  Political  Administration.  We 
have  permitted  partizan  parties  to  act  in  the  place  of  political 
parties ;  and  the  partizan  parties  profess  to  act  as  political  parties. 
If  they  so  act,  then  they  must  necessarily  be  uncompromisingly 
opposed  until  the  Political  Issues  upon  which  they  are  opposed 
are  finally  settled  one  way  or  another.  But  do  they  so  act? 
Continued  experience  has  shown  that  they  do  not  so  act.  Every 
politically  informed  man  must  be  aware  that  every  State  partizan 
party,  through  the  sanction  which  its  Management  bestows  upon 
the  acts  of  its  working  members,  is  guilty  at  times  of  secretly 
agreeing  with  and  cooperating  with  its  ostensible  opponent- 
party,  to  transact  the  political  work  over  which  the  partizan 
party  has  control  so  that  it  and  its  opponent  shall  receive  some 
private  and  peculiar  advantage  in  the  control  of  the  exercise  of 
Political  Power,  or  so  that  its  working  members  and  the  working 
members  of  its  opponent  may  receive  political  preferment  that 
is  dependent  upon  this  advantage  and  not  otherwise  surely 
obtainable  without  it. 

At  least  two  results  follow  upon  such  collusion.  Firstly, 
the  private  advantage  and  the  political  preferment  are  always 
secured  at  the  moral  cost  of  The  Commonwealth ;  and  secondly, 
such  collusion  helps  for  the  time  being  to  more  securely  fasten 
the  partizan  party  system  upon  the  people  as  their  system  of 
Political  Administration. 

This  collusion  between  partizan  parties,  and  this  collusive  action 
of  the  working  members  of  the  partizan  parties,  is  a  distinguishing 
characteristic  of  partizan  party  oversight  of  the  political  work 
that  is  necessary  to  the  accomplishment  of  every  step  in  Political 
Action  from  the  beginning  of  the  formation  of  individual  political 
will  to  the  passage  of  the  Laws  by  The  Legislature ;  and  when- 
ever public  sentiment  has  in  the  past  been  aroused  to  the  pitch 
of  demanding  an  administration  of  affairs  that  is  consonant  with 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        231 

the  original  political  principles  of  the  State  Polity,  then,  in- 
variably, the  "  dominant  "  partizan  parties,  State  or  local  as  the 
case  may  be,  have  joined  hands,  and  through  secret  agreement 
and  cooperation  have  eventually  frustrated  every  independent 
attempt  for  "  good  "  or  for  "  honest  "  political  administration, 
and  have  succeeded  in  having  retained  in  use  the  Partizan  Party 
System  of  Administration  under  which  collusion  is  practised ; 
under  which  the  partizan  party  can  continue  to  deceitfully  rob 
individuals  of  the  proper  exercise  of  their  rightful  powers  of 
political  administration ;  under  which  it  becomes  impossible  for 
The  Commonwealth  to  enjoy,  or  individuals  to  transmit,  the  bless- 
ings promised  in  the  name  of  logical  political  administration ;  and 
under  which  the  partizan  party  actually  prevents  The  State  from 
securing  to  its  sovereign-units  that  freedom  and  equality  in  political 
action  which  it  originally  ordained  should  exist  continuously. 

Bi-partizan  Boards :  In  the  period  immediately  preceding  the 
adoption  by  the  States  of  the  grievously  modified  form  of  the 
Australian  ballot  system  of  voting,  the  control  of  the  election 
processes  of  a  State  was  practically  wholly  in  the  hands  of  which- 
ever partizan  party  had  succeeded  in  "  securing  "  a  majority 
of  the  votes  in  the  State.  The  frauds,  abuses,  and  oppressions 
which  the  "  successful  "  partizan  party  perpetrated  in  the  work 
of  the  election  upon  its  partizan  party  opponents,  and  upon 
associations  of  electors  who  organized  themselves  independently 
of  existing  partizan  party  organizations,  and  which  frauds  upon 
true  political  action  were  perpetrated  solely  for  the  immediate 
purpose  of  enabling  any  partizan  party  to  get  together  a  "  ma- 
jority of  votes,"  gradually  aroused  the  people  to  seek  relief  from 
conditions  that  had  become  intolerable.  The  idea  which  gained 
prominence  at  that  time  was  that  if  the  positions  on  the  electorate 
boards  which  controlled  the  pre-election  and  the  election  processes 
were  divided  equally  between  the  "  dominant  parties  "  in  The  State, 
then  the  "  opposing  elements  "  in  these  boards  would  act  as  a  check 
upon  each  other  and  prevent  the  future  perpetration  of  such  frauds. 

But  the  people  can  not  work  up  a  sentiment  regarding  propriety 
in  political  action  or  concerning  the  manner  in  which  the  detail 
work  of  The  Electorate  shall  be  performed  without  the  partizan 
party  being  at  the  same  time  fully  aware  of  that  sentiment  and 
of  the  underlying  ideas  of  the  people.  The  partizan  party  has 
just  as  much  time  to  prepare  itself  for  a  change  in  political  practise 
and  procedure  as  the  people  have ;  and  besides  this.  The  Manage- 
ment of  a  partizan  party  is  much  more  shrewd  and  capable  of  work- 


232  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

ing  a  situation  to  the  advantage  of  the  partizan  party  than  the 
people  at  large  in  a  State  are  of  working  a  situation  to  the 
advantage  of  The  Commonwealth.  While  this  sentiment  for 
bi-partizan  registration  and  election  boards  was  gaining  favor 
in  the  people  at  large,  the  partizan  party  had  perceived  a  fact 
that  the  people  had  failed  to  grasp ;  namely,  that  boards  which 
were  wholly  composed  of  partizan  party  members  could  not  pos- 
sibly contain  an  opposing  element  of  political  action,  and  what 
the  people  were  really  doing  was  setting  a  political  thief  to  catch 
a  political  thief  in  a  board  composed  wholly  of  —  party  partizans. 

Nothing  could  have  suited  the  purposes  of  the  partizan  party 
better  than  the  establishment  of  such  boards,  for  at  that  time  the 
appointment  to  the  positions  was  in  the  control  of  its  own 
"  Executive  Committees."  The  partizan  party  hypocritically 
professed  dissatisfaction  with  existing  conditions  and  secured 
the  passage  of  laws  creating  such  boards.  It  caused  some  of  the 
Legislatures  which  were  composed  almost  entirely  of  republican, 
democratic,  or  some  other  partizan  party  partizans  to  give  to  these 
boards  the  name  of  "  Non-Partizan  Boards." 

By  the  use  of  this  particular  petty  deception,  the  partizan 
party  hoped  to  create  and  actually  did  create  the  impression  in 
the  minds  of  the  great  mass  of  the  politically  careless  —  and  one 
which  persists  in  some  quarters  to  the  present  time  —  that  the 
action  of  such-named  boards  is  somehow  removed  from  the  sphere 
of  partizan  party  influence  and  must  work  automatically  to  check 
the  complained-of  frauds. 

But  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  registration  boards  thus  created 
were,  if  possible,  made  more  completely  partizan  in  their  work  than 
before.  From  this  time  on,  the  only  element  of  political  action 
which  any  Machine-filled  registration  board  contained  was  the 
element  of  partizanship.  The  registration  frauds  did  not  cease. 
Neither  did  the  election  frauds  stop.  Indeed  it  was  not  sensible 
to  suppose  they  would  cease ;  for  the  perpetration  of  registration 
frauds  and  of  election  frauds  was  absolutely  indispensable  for 
carrying  into  effect  the  object  aimed  at  in  the  naturalization 
frauds,  and,  also,  were  very  often  the  only  means  by  which  a  parti- 
zan party  could  be  sure  of  getting  together  more  "  votes  "  than 
its  opponents  did. 

"  Trades  "  and  "  Deals  "  in  Votes.  There  being  now  but  one 
"  element  "  in  the  newly  constituted  boards,  the  new  order  of 
procedure  was  immediately  improved  by  the  partizan  party  as 
an  opportunity  for  the  secret  exchange  of  "  Party  Courtesies  " 


NATURALIZATION  AND   REGISTRATION        233 

between  opposing  partizan  parties  whereby  one  partizan  party 
gains  something  in  local  public  office,  position,  or  ascendency  in 
the  control  of  the  exercise  of  local  political  power  —  "  Spoils  " 
is  the  inclusive  term  —  in  exchange  for  similar  concessions  ac- 
corded to  the  "  opposing  "  partizan  party  in  another  sphere  of 
action  in  the  State ;  the  control  in  a  city  administration,  for 
instance,  in  exchange  for  the  control  in  the  State  legislature ; 
all  of  which  is  made  easily  possible  when  "  opposing  "  partizan 
parties  secretly  agree  not  to  attack  the  validity  of  the  naturaliza- 
tion, registration,  enrolment,  and  election  work  of  each  other, 
and  thereby  clinch  the  control  of  the  pre-election  and  election 
work  and  processes  in  the  hands  of  the  partizan  party  as  an  agency 
in  Electoral  Action.  In  short,  "  votes  "  were  to  be  exchanged 
between  "  opposing "  partizan  parties  regardless  of  Political 
Issues;  and  the  partizan  party  proceeded  to  utilize  the  work  of 
these  bi-partizan  boards  to  secure  votes  by  the  improper  regis- 
tration of  unqualified  applicants  which  could  be  "  traded  "  in 
"  deals  "  that  form  a  most  important  factor  in  partizan  party 
Success  at  the  polls. 

Sanction.  But  the  one  result  in  this  maneuver  which  at  this 
time  the  partizan  party  valued  most  was  the  implied  acknowledg- 
ment by  the  people  of  the  legal  status  of  the  partizan  party  as  a 
political  agency.  Of  course  The  Commonwealth  did  not  intend 
to  sanction  the  destruction  of  the  political  powers  and  rights  of 
individuals,  or  to  relieve  them  from  the  proper  discharge  of  their 
political  obligations  and  duties.  On  the  contrary,  it  merely 
sought  through  its  action  in  this  respect  to  conserve  the  political 
capacity  of  The  State  and  of  the  individual  by  preventing  the 
future  perpetration  of  certain  political  frauds  upon  some  individuals 
or  associations  by  other  individuals  or  associations.  But  by  per- 
mitting the  partizan  party  at  the  same  time  to  control  the  trans- 
action of  all  of  the  political  work  of  electors,  electorate  boards, 
and  of  The  Electorate ;  and  further,  through  passively  permitting 
the  partizan  party  to  use  means  and  methods  which  are  actually 
destructive  of  these  powers  and  rights  (because  they  change  the 
political  work  of  individuals,  boards,  and  The  Electorate  into  parti- 
zan work)  The  Commonwealth  nevertheless  did  impliedly  sanction 
a  misuse  of  individual  political  powers  and  rights  that  amounts 
in  effect  to  their  destruction  as  long  as  the  sanction  obtains. 
Under  this  implied  general  sanction  the  partizan  party  is  allowed 
to  manufacture  "  votes  "  and  to  dispose  of  and  "  trade  "  individual 
"  votes  "   for  its  own  selfish  and  non-political  purposes.     The 


234  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

result  of  this  action  by  the  people  is  the  weakening  of  the  political 
capacity  of  The  State  through  weakening  the  political  capacity 
of  every  elector  in  it ;  for  whatever  the  partizan  party  does  fraud- 
ulently interposes  an  obstacle  to  the  proper  performance  of  the 
political  work  of  every  elector,  whether  a  member  of  a  partizan 
party  organization  or  otherwise. 

If  an  elector  acts  independently  of  a  partizan  party  organization, 
he  must,  in  addition  to  the  political  work  theoretically  required, 
expend  much  more  effort  in  combating  the  pernicious  and  cor- 
rupting work  of  the  partizan  party.  His  political  work  is  quad- 
rupled ;  his  endurance  is  illogically  strained ;  his  energy  is  un- 
necessarily dissipated  and  unduly  taxed ;  his  capacity  to  work 
properly  is  diminished  through  having  to  use  partizan  means  and 
methods  for  the  transaction  of  political  work;  and  before  the 
individual  electors  of  a  State  can  ever  again  participate  freely 
and  equally  in  matters  of  political  administration,  the  people 
must  withdraw  the  sanction  which  has  made  the  partizan  party 
the  manager  of  electoral  and  of  electorate  action,  and  which  also 
allows  the  partizan  party  to  provide  the  System  of  Political 
Administration, 

Party  partizanship  and  individual  political  freedom  and  equality 
as  ordained  can  not  exist  together,  because  they  are  antagonistic 
states  or  conditions.  Party  partizanship  as  an  element  in  or  a 
motive  force  in  true  Political  Administration  as  ordained  is  a 
contradiction  in  terms.  There  is  but  one  right  way  to  administer 
Representative  Government  as  ordained  in  the  United  States 
of  America.  The  partizan  party  system  of  administration  must 
be  abolished  and  the  people  must  devise  and  ordain  the  use  of  a 
logical  system  of  political  administration  under  which  each  indi- 
vidual elector  can  freely  exercise  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Ad- 
ministration, and  under  which  any  elector  can  use  logically  any 
Delegated  Power  of  Administration  that  the  people  may  call 
upon  him  to  use  in  their  behalf. 

Partizan  Party  Enrolment.  Under  the  partizan  party  system 
of  organizing  electoral  action,  and  by  virtue  of  authority  that 
is  conferred  either  by  "  Partizan  Party  Rules  "  or  by  the  people, 
the  registry  boards  are  sometimes  utilized  for  the  performance 
of  work  that  is  strictly  of  a  partizan  party  nature.  The  process 
called  "  Enrolment  "  is  now  merely  partizan  party  Registration, 
the  ostensible  object  of  which  is  to  determine  the  right  of  a  qualified 
voter  to  participate  in  party  action  or  affairs,  and  to  vote  in  the 
"  Party  Primaries," 


NATURALIZATION  AND  REGISTRATION        235 

In  most  States  having  the  partizan  party  primary  and  conven- 
tion system  of  nominations  the  appUcant  for  poHtical  registration 
is  obhged  to  state  his  "  Party  AffiHation."  In  some  States  he  is 
obhged  when  registering  to  declare  his  intention  to  support  the 
nominees  of  the  partizan  party  with  which  he  is  "  affihated." 
By  this  means  he  becomes  entitled  to  vote  in  the  Primary  of  his 
partizan  party.  But  this  right  does  not  enable  the  passive  mem- 
ber of  a  partizan  party  Primary  to  assist  The  Commonwealtli 
to  obtain  competent  and  qualified  candidates  for  public  office 
because,  when  the  elector  joined  the  partizan  party  organization, 
he  was  obliged  to  promise  to  obey  the  "  constituted  authorities  " 
of  the  organization,  and  they  supply  the  Primary  with  the  list 
of  partizan  party  candidates. 

This  promise  to  obey  is  in  effect  a  limitation  and  a  restriction 
put  upon  the  political  action  of  a  voter.  If  the  management  of 
the  partizan  party  organization  in  his  election  district  is  in  the 
form  of  The  Machine,  or  if  the  management  employs  machine 
methods  to  frame  "  party  platforms  "  or  to  place  "  party  candi- 
dates "  in  nomination,  the  voter  is  obliged  by  his  promise  to  sup- 
port The  Machine  and  countenance  its  means  and  methods. 
If  he  can  not  conscientiously  support  either  his  "  Party  "  or  its 
actions,  he  is  obliged  to  break  his  promise  and  be  deprived  of  the 
benefits  accruing  to  organized  effort  which  he  sought,  and  to  per- 
form all  of  his  political  work  (that  is,  to  discharge  his  moral  obli- 
gations to  The  Commonwealth  and  to  Humanity-at-Large)  in 
the  face  of,  and  actively  opposed  by  an  energetic  and  powerful 
partizan  organization  that  is  exerting  itself  to  the  utmost  to 
suppress  and  nullify  free  and  independent  political  action. 

Were  the  partizan  party  deprived  of  the  opportunity  and  the 
right  to  "  reach  "  individual  electors  through  the  "  regulation  " 
of  Naturalization  and  of  Registration  matters,  and  if  it  were 
deprived  of  the  power  to  control  the  action  of  its  organization- 
membership  by  Machine-made  Rules,  it  would  be  shorn  of  much 
of  its  effectiveness  as  an  agency  for  the  selection  and  the  election 
of  partizan  candidates  for  public  office.  At  present  it  has  this 
right  to  select  candidates  and  it  concentrates  its  power  to  select 
in  the  hands  of  its  Managements  where  it  can  be  despotically 
used  to  enforce  obedience  to  its  Will  in  the  ranks  of  the  organiza- 
tion and  to  produce  "  party  votes  "  for  the  election  of  "  party 
candidates."  But  why  continue  on  at  all  with  the  use  of  an  agency 
that  corrupts  this  political  process  and  every  other  over  which  it 
has  acquired  control? 


CHAPTER   XVI 
THE   PROCESS   OF   NOMINATION 

The  success  of  political  administration  depends  very  largely 
upon  the  proper  performance  during  each  period  of  administration 
of  the  stated  contributive  processes  of  administration. 

Each  Political  Process,  properly  performed,  contributes  its 
partial  result  towards  the  sum  total  of  logical  political  adminis- 
tration. 

Political  Process  Defined.  A  political  process  is  either  a  speci- 
fied action,  or  a  systematic  series  of  specified  actions,  required 
of  a  Sovereign-unit  on  the  one  part,  and  of  a  public  official  or  a 
body  of  public  officials  on  the  other  part,  at  some  one  step  or 
stage  of  political  administration,  and  for  the  production  of  some 
one  contributive  result  thereto. 

Degrees  of  Importance.  Some  contributive  processes  play  a 
more  important  part  than  others.  The  most  important  process 
is  the  formation  and  expression  of  Public  Opinion.  Next  in 
importance  comes  the  selection  of  public  officials. 

Defined.  The  Process  of  Nomination  is  the  free  selection  by 
one  or  more  Electoral  Groups  of  some  of  their  number  who  are 
willing,  able,  and  competent  to  carry  the  Administrative  Will  of 
the  Political  Majority  into  full  operation,  and  the  placing  of  those 
selected  individuals  before  the  people  for  choice. 

The  choice  follows  later  in  the  process  of  election ;  but  emphasis 
is  put  on  the  word  "  selection  "  because  where  the  selection  has 
been  made  wisely  and  logically,  the  choice  becomes  of  minor  im- 
portance to  the  selection.  For  instance :  Let  us  suppose  the 
existence  of  a  commonwealth  wherein  the  pre-election  processes 
that  culminate  in  the  Process  of  Nomination  have  been  performed 
logically. 

The  first  result  of  such  action  is  the  existence  of  two  or  more 
sets  of  public-spirited,  able,  and  competent  candidates  for  public 
office. 

236 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  237 

The  second  result  is  that  the  people  are  required  to  make  a 
choice  only  between  two  or  more  irreproachable  candidates  or 
sets  of  candidates. 

The  final  result  is  that  no  matter  how  the  choice  between 
administrative  policies  is  decided,  nevertheless  the  people  will 
have  public-spirited  and  capable  men  in  public  office ;  the  action 
of  such  men  being  the  only  kind  of  action  upon  which  either  The 
State  or  the  individual  can  rely  with  safety  when  either  the  in- 
tegrity of  The  State  or  the  rights  of  individuals  are  threatened. 

Enough  has  been  said  already  to  show  that  the  American  Elec- 
torates do  not  perform  the  process  of  nomination  in  a  logical 
manner.  As  the  process  is  now^  performed,  The  Electorates  do 
not  and  can  not  produce  the  results  originally  intended,  for  their 
performance  is  now  regulated  by  a  woful  system  of  practise 
under  which  individual  political  obligations,  rights,  and  the  General 
Welfare  are  subordinated  to  private  personal  interests  and  the 
"  Welfare  "  of  the  partizan  party.  The  system  now  in  use  neither 
compels  nor  permits  The  Electorate  to  freely,  directly,  and  unitedly 
select  its  candidates  for  public  office  or  to  vote  freely  and  directly 
for  the  election  of  each  one  separately.  It  neither  compels  nor 
permits  an  intelligent,  free,  open,  and  direct  public  transaction 
of  the  work  connected  with  the  process  of  nomination.  It  allows 
each  partizan  party  to  select  and  place  only  its  own  members 
before  the  people  for  choice  of  officials ;  and  to  exclude  all  others. 
It  acts  as  an  impediment  to  the  formation  of  Electoral  Groups 
and  Political  Parties,  and  unduly  increases  the  difficulties  of  their 
work.  It  forces  The  Electorate  to  give  an  expression  as  to  political 
administration  through  a  choice  between  sets  of  candidates  that 
are  not  directly  selected  by  electoral  action,  but  which  are  selected 
by  undemocratic  partizan  party  action,  and  who  are  secretly 
pledged  beforehand  to  the  support  of  a  partizan  party  policy 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  partizan  party  as  an  institution. 

Publicity  in.  Finally,  the  system  provides  the  opportunity  for 
banishing  full  and  open  publicity  from  the  work  of  nomination 
and  allows  the  more  important  part  of  the  process  to  be  transacted 
secretly  by  the  partizan  party  according  to  its  own  reprehensible 
standard  of  action.  One  would  naturally  suppose  that  the  work 
of  selecting  candidates  for  public  office  was  a  part  of  the  adminis- 
trative work,  in  which  there  could  not  be  too  much  publicity  and 
open  investigation.  But  open  publicity  has  never  been  the  char- 
acteristic feature  of  the  American  way  of  performing  the  Process 
of  Nomination ;    and  this  too,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  in 


238  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

later  years  the  decision  of  the  administrative  poHcy  has  hinged 
very  largely  upon  the  vote-attracting  power  of  the  candidates. 

Secrecy  vl.  Consequently,  the  partizan  party  can  not  in  fairness 
be  held  wholly  responsible  for  the  initiation  of  the  practise  of 
secrecy  in  political  work  that  should  be  transacted  openly  and 
above  board,  A  glance  at  the  politics  of  Colonial  days  and  also 
the  early  years  of  political  independence  will  show  how  the  belief 
in  secrecy  and  the  practise  of  secrecy  originated  in  the  Common- 
wealths before  partizan  parties  as  such  ever  came  into  being. 
Let  us  take  the  political  action  of  the  JVIassachusetts  colonists  as 
a  fair  example.  In  1634  the  colonists  possessed  the  secret  ballot 
and  filled  the  elective  offices  in  the  three  branches  of  The  Govern- 
ment by  vote.  Nominations  W' ere  made  by  Magistrates,  who  were 
elected  annually  by  the  colonists.  In  1639  William  III  forced  a 
new  charter  on  the  colonists,  under  which  he  appointed  a  Royal 
Governor,  the  Military  Officers,  and,  with  the  consent  of  The  Coun- 
cil, the  Judicial  Officers.  The  Governor  was  given  power  to  veto 
any  law.  The  King,  and  his  successors,  exerted  themselves  to 
the  utmost  to  establish  and  maintain  a  "  Roj^alist  Party  "  and  a 
royalist  sentiment  in  the  colony.  The  colonists  still  elected 
their  representatives  to  the  Legislature  (which  body  alone  could 
vote  appropriations  of  the  public  money  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
the  Colonial  Government)  and  were  able  to  successfully  prevent 
either  the  establishment  of  a  predominating  royalist  party,  or  of 
a  predominating  royalist  sentiment  in  the  colony.  But  the  Kings, 
and  afterwards  the  Parliaments,  continually  attacked  the  "  Civil 
Rights  "  and  the  "  Political  Liberties  "  of  the  colonists,  and  the 
struggle  for  Freedom  became  more  and  more  intense. 

Now  because  under  these  circumstances  the  preservation  of  these 
rights  and  liberties  hinged  directly  upon  the  action  of  the  repre- 
sentatives in  the  colonial  legislature,  the  prime  consideration  of 
the  colonists  became  the  selection  of  candidates  for  public  office 
whose  fidelity  to  The  Commonwealth  was  assured,  and  upon 
whose  political  integrit}'  they  could  rest  safely.  It  was  the  force 
of  circumstances  w^hich  made  the  selection  of  candidates  seem 
then  to  be  the  one  matter  of  supreme  importance,  and  upon  this 
w^ork  all  of  the  political  force  of  the  community  w^as  then  brought 
to  bear.  But  since  all  the  power  and  prestige  of  the  Royalist 
governors,  officers,  and  followers  were  exerted  in  opposition  to 
such  action,  it  was  not  deemed  advisable  to  perform  it  openly  and 
in  Town  Meeting.  The  fear  of  successful  opposition  and  of 
open  rupture  between  the  colonists  and  the  royalist  authorities 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  239 

constrained  the  colonists  to  resort  to  secrecy  to  reach  an  agreement 
of  wills  as  to  nominations ;  and  in  this  predicament  they  gave  to 
their  political  leaders  the  right  to  choose  their  candidates  and  to 
place  them  in  nomination,  trusting  to  their  incorruptible 
patriotism  to  provide  the  people  with  faithful  and  sagacious 
representatives  in  The  Government. 

\Yith  the  advent  of  political  independence  the  people  of  the 
colony  were  called  on  to  fill  the  executive  and  judicial  offices 
heretofore  filled  by  the  British  Government.  Besides  this,  they 
had  to  fill  all  the  offices  in  their  incipient  General  Government 
under  the  Articles  of  Confederation ;  and,  with  the  adoption  of 
The  Constitution,  they  were  obliged  to  fill  a  still  larger  number  of 
offices  in  the  National  Government ;  thus  increasing  enormously 
their  political  duties  as  they,  through  political  action,  sought  to 
energize  their  Governments  properly.  But  while  independence  did 
away  with  the  necessity  for  secrecy  in  their  pre-election  work,  the 
vastly  increased  demands  for  political  effort,  combined  with  the 
lack  of  means  for  communication  and  transportation,  predisposed 
the  people  in  favor  of  some  nominating  agency ;  as  otherwise 
their  political  work  would  occupy  too  large  a  share  of  their  time. 
The  purpose  of  the  people  remained  unchanged,  the  spirit  of 
Liberty  permeated  and  solidified  society.  The  people  expected 
to  be  animated  continuously  by  this  spirit.  They  desired  the 
passage  of  just  laws.  The  selection  of  desirable  candidates  was 
the  means  at  hand  ;  and  since  the  caucus  plan  of  nomination  had 
been  instrumental  largeh^  in  securing  their  political  independence, 
libertv,  and  freedom,  thev  continued  its  use  when  the  colonies 
became  States.  It  was  through  the  force  of  necessity  in  the  first 
place  that  the  practise  of  making  nominations  secretly  was 
adopted;  but  it  was  through  the  development  of  this  illogical 
practise  under  conditions  of  political  freedom  that  the  nominating 
body  finally  succeeded  in  establishing  itself  as  an  intermediary  body 
between  The  Electorate  and  The  Government  in  the  work  of 
nomination. 

In  the  matter  of  making  nominations  secretly  the  situation  of 
to-day  presents  a  curious  resemblance  to  that  of  colonial  times ; 
namely,  the  partizan  party  now  holds  pretty  much  the  same 
attitude  towards  the  people  that  the  colonists  held  towards  their 
Royal  Executives.  The  interests  of  "  The  Party  "  are  no  more 
identical  with  those  of  The  Commonwealth  than  were  the  interests 
of  the  colonists  with  those  of  their  Royalist  Governments.  Parti- 
zan party  interests  are  in  most  respects  diametrically   opposed 


240  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

to  the  interests  of  The  Commonwealth ;  but  it  would  never  do  to 
let  the  appreciation  of  this  fact  become  widespread  in  the  com- 
munity.    Consequently,  in  its  efforts  to  maintain  and  strengthen 
its  illogical  position  as  an  administrative  agency,  the  partizan 
.party  works  now  in  pretty  much  the  same  way  that  the  colonists 
worked  to  circumvent  their  rulers ;    that  is,  through  employing 
secrecy.     But  the  reasons  for  secrecy  in  these  two  instances  are 
very  different.     The  partizan  party  intends  to  utilize  adminis- 
trative action  for  the  accomplishment  of  many  non-political  ends ; 
and  in  order  to  carry  out  its  intention,  it  is  obliged  to  resort  to 
secrecy,  hypocritical  pretense,  and  many  petty  deceptions  while 
endeavoring  to  hoodwink  the  people  at  large  into  the  belief  that 
the  ends  of  both  are  identical.     If  that  is  true,  what  is  the  necessity 
for  secret  party  action  in  promoting  them  ?    The  fact  that  partizan 
parties  act  constantly  in  an  "  invisible  "  way  belies  the  claim.     The 
ends  are  by  no  means  identical  and  "  The  Party  "  resorts  to  secrecy. 
Nominations  that  appear  to  be  made  by  "party  organizations" 
are  actually  made  by  The  Boss  working  through  the  managements. 
The  ulterior  object  for  which  many  partizan  party  nominations 
are  made  compels  The  Boss  to  work  in  secret.     Besides  posing  as 
the  political  leader  of  a  section  of  the  electorate  and  being  the  head 
of  a  "  party  organization,"  The  Boss  is  more  often  than  otherwise 
the  panderous  agent  of  "  Interests  "  that  are  seeking  some  immoral 
if  not  illegal  advantage  or  privilege  from  The  Government.     In 
procuring  the  desired  legislation  The  Boss  must  have  more  or 
less  corrupt  men  in  The  Government  upon  whom  he  can  depend 
during  its  passage.     These  he  can  get  if  he  can  make  the  nomina- 
tions ;  and  these  he  can  elect  if  he  can  manufacture  and  manipulate 
the  required  "  majority  of  votes."     But  to  grant  a  special  economic 
advantage,  to  sell  legislation,  to  manufacture  electoral  voters 
and  votes  is  corrupt  political  action.     It  has  to  be   performed 
under  the  cloak  of  secrecy  and  the  mask  of  deception  because 
it  would  be  fatal  to  the  established  order  of  Bossism  should  the 
majority  of  the  people  become  convinced  of  the  existence  of  such 
conspiratous  action,  or  even  get  an  inkling  of  the  effect  produced 
by  such  action  on  private  morals.     Also,  and  as  a  means  of  raising 
party  revenue.  The  Boss  sells  nominations  for  cash  to  party 
partizans.     The  seller  and  the  buyer  are  fully  aware  of  the  im- 
morality of  the  action,  and  the  consciousness  of  wrong  doing  is 
another  incentive  to  secrecy.     But  not  to  multiply  instances  un- 
necessarily. The  Boss  working  alone  can  not  successfully  apply 
the  many  corrupting,  corroding,  and  Politics-destroying  practises, 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  241 

means,  methods,  and  rules  of  which  the  partizan  party  system  is 
composed.  He  must  have  accompHces  with  whom  to  work  at 
every  step  and  stage  of  administrative  action  and  in  every  poHti- 
cal  process.  These  accomplices  aggregate  hundreds,  even  in  the 
smaller  States ;  and  he,  and  each  active  member  of  every  partizan 
party,  is  desirous  of  keeping  such  shady  transactions  entirely 
in  the  dark  and  concealed  as  far  as  possible  from  public  observa- 
tion, not  to  mention  that  of  the  passive  members  of  the  partizan 
parties. 

Let  us  trace  briefly  the  history  of  the  ordeal  to  which  the  people 
of  the  States  have  been  subjected  while  trying  to  establish  in  use 
a  consistent  process  of  nomination. 

The  Poioer  to  Choose.  The  political  power  considered  in  this 
chapter  is  the  Power  to  Choose.  Its  exercise  is  divided  between 
choosing  the  temporary  administrative  policy  and  choosing  can- 
didates for  political  office.  The  selection  of  an  administrative 
policy  is  a  distinct  stage  in  administrative  action  as  well  as  a  tre- 
mendously important  stage;  and  its  work  should  be  performed 
as  a  distinct  process. 

Function  of  Nominating  Process.  Part  of  the  administrative 
action  of  the  American  Commonwealths  is  performed  by  public 
servants.  The  people  are  supposed  to  fill  the  public  offices  with 
public  servants  ;  that  is,  with  individuals  who  will  serve  the  public, 
and  no  other  body.  Theoretically,  the  candidates  are  to  be  se- 
lected by  The  Electorate  and  while  it  is  acting  as  a  Collective 
Sovereign.  The  selection  of  candidates  and  their  presentation 
for  choice  before  the  people  is  a  distinct  stage  in  administrative 
action. 

The  function  of  a  nominating  process  is  to  regulate  logically 
the  exercise  by  individual  electors  —  Sovereign-units  —  of  their 
Right  to  Choose  while  they  are  engaged  in  the  work  of  filling 
public  offices.  In  a  logical  and  comprehensive  system  of  political 
administration  the  process  of  nomination  would  consist  of  a  pre- 
scribed series  of  actions  whereby  candidates  for  public  office  are 
selected  and  presented  before  the  people  for  choice  by  absolutely 
free  action  on  the  part  of  each  individual  elector ;  and  of  nothing 
else. 

The  General  Situation.  But  when  political  administration  began 
in  each  State,  the  people  had  already  adopted  the  plan  of  causing 
the  decision  of  their  administrative  policy  to  depend  upon  the 
election  of  candidates.  This  complicated  matters  badly.  Be- 
cause this  action  improperly  jumbled  the  three  logically  distinct 


242  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

processes  of  forming  Public  Opinion,  of  Nomination,  and  of  Elec- 
tion into  one  intricate,  unnecessarily  involved,  and  obscure  process, 
it  had  the  effect  of  placing  impediments  in  the  way  of  easy  and 
orderly  administrative  action.  The  work  of  political  administra- 
tion is,  at  best,  sufficiently  exacting.  It  requires  the  people  to 
put  many  separate  concepts  and  ideas  into  active  but  harmonious 
operation.  Simple  and  direct  action  is  the  main  desideratum  in 
any  process;  and  simplicity  and  directness  should  characterize 
especially  the  rule  of  administrative  action.  But  if  several  dis- 
tinct ideas  are  jumbled  together,  the  otherwise  distinct  meaning 
of  each  idea  becomes  more  or  less  overlaid,  obscured,  and  confused. 
If  ideas  concerning  administrative  action  are  confused,  then  indi- 
viduals become  confused  by  uncertainty  and  doubt  concerning 
the  right  way  in  which  the  separate  ideas  should  be  put  into  active 
and  harmonious  operation ;  and  finally,  the  absence  of  certainty 
presents  the  opportunity  for  "  Opinion  "  to  win  over  converts 
to  "  Expediency."  The  people  were  divided  into  the  few  who 
were  capable  of  leading  administrative  action  and  the  many  who 
had  to  be  led  and  instructed.  The  leaders  were  divided  by  motives 
of  individual  action  into  two  groups.  On  the  one  side  were  the 
true  political  leaders,  who  worked  for  the  establishment  of  a 
popular  nominating  agency.  The  mass  of  the  people  wanted  it, 
but  the  situation  alone  seemed  to  present  insuperable  obstacles 
to  the  easy  and  practical  work  of  such  a  course.  On  the  other 
side  were  the  "  Practical  "  politicians,  who  offered  expedients  as 
the  means  for  overcoming  the  difficulties  of  the  situation.  They 
called  their  expedients  by  political  names  but  hid  the  full  con- 
sequences of  their  adoption  and  use  from  the  people.  They 
worked  constantly  for  the  development  of  a  process  whereby 
nominations  should  be  made  for  the  people  and  not  by  The  Elec- 
torate. They  developed  and  fostered  the  idea  that  nominations 
should  be  made  by  systematically  organized  and  permanent 
associations  of  electors  that  were  compacted  together  under  their 
own  management.  Of  course  it  is  apparent  that  if  such  associa- 
tions should  have  any  other  object  in  view  than  the  promotion 
of  the  general  welfare,  then  such  associations  if  called  "  Parties," 
would  necessarily  be  non-political  parties  as  hereinbefore  defined, 
and  the  nominations  would  be  party  nominations,  possibly  partizan 
party  nominations,  and  not  nominations  by  The  Electorate. 
Both  groups  of  leaders,  the  one  actuated  by  civic  virtue  and  the 
other  very  largely  by  self-interest,  were  forced  to  appeal  for  sup- 
port to  a  public  that  lacked  administrative  knowledge  as  well  as 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  243 

administrative  laws  relative  to  the  work  of  nominations;  and, 
as  the  event  has  proved,  both  were  fated  to  give  way  to  experi- 
ence as  the  leader  of  the  people  —  Experience,  whose  ancient  and 
salutary  mode  of  political  education  consists  in  letting  her  pupils 
wilfully  butt  their  heads  against  successive  expedients  until  (if 
they  survive  the  attempt)  they  are  driven  by  the  pains  of  succes- 
sive failures  into  the  proper  use  of  proper  agencies,  means, 
methods,  and  processes  of  political  action. 

"  The  Nominating  System."  By  many  political  writers  the 
nominating  process  now  in  operation  is  called  "  The  Nominating 
System  " ;  and  so  far  the  written  history  of  its  development  and 
use  is,  in  the  main,  a  medley  of  truth  and  error  that  abounds  in 
mixed  ideas  and  confused  thought.  This  is  one  of  the  natural 
results  of  jumbling  several  distinct  ideas  into  one  inclusive  but 
involved  and  confused  idea.  As  an  illustration :  Writers  have 
failed  continually  to  differentiate  clearly  between  the  functions 
of  a  "  Political  Caucus  "  and  those  of  a  partizan  party  Primary 
Meeting.  Terms  that  describe  properly  the  composition  and 
functions  of  a  political  caucus  are  employed  indiscriminately  to 
describe  the  functions  and  composition  of  the  other  meeting. 
Such  literary  work  leaves  the  impression  in  the  mind  of  the  reader 
that  a  partizan  party  primary  meeting  is  a  true  political  means  ;  and 
the  impression,  backed  up  by  the  fact  that  this  means  is  in  actual 
use,  creates  the  belief  in  the  uninformed  and  heedless  that  the 
means  and  its  use  are  proper.  The  impression  is  false  and  con- 
fusing. The  composition,  actual  objects,  and  true  functions  of 
each  meeting  are  opposed  to  each  other.  The  properly  performed 
work  of  a  political  caucus  leads  up  solely  to  further  political  work 
by  The  Electorate.  The  action  of  a  partizan  party  primary 
meeting  (while  of  course  it  does  affect  individual  administrative 
work  both  present  and  future)  nevertheless  leads  up  solely  to 
further  action  by  a  partizan  party,  and  generally  to  action  that 
is  not  wholly  political  in  its  nature  and  purpose.  But  while 
wTiters  are  vivisecting  the  nervous  centers  of  The  Electorate  and 
of  The  Partizan  Party,  careful  discrimination  becomes  imperative. 
Therefore  let  us  compare  the  composition,  the  purposes,  and  the 
work  of  these  two  meetings  a  little  further. 

Political  Caucus  Defined.  A  political  caucus  is  a  preliminary 
meeting  of  a  few  of  The  Electorate,  held  prior  to  the  election,  for 
the  purpose  of  freely  discussing  and  reaching  an  agreement ;  first, 
concerning  the  most  advisable  administrative  course  to  be  pur- 
sued during  the  coming  administrative  period  by  The  Electorate ; 


244  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


and  second,  to  agree  upon  candidates  for  public  office  who  favor 
the  adoption  of  this  course ;  and  for  no  other  purpose. 

Such  a  body  is  a  political  body.  Its  action  is  political  in  nature 
because  it  relates  exclusively  to  the  administrative  action  of  the 
body  politic.  True  political  caucus  action  initiates,  gives  form 
and  direction  to,  and  cause  for  the  direct  exercise  of  The  Reserved 
Powers  by  the  electors  of  The  State.  Its  work  is  spontaneous 
and  is  accomplished  in,  by,  and  at  the  meeting  through  a  direct 
and  free  exercise  of  individual  judgment  and  volition.  The 
meeting  is  its  own  master.  It  receives  no  "  orders  "  from  any 
source.  It  is  composed  solely  of  individuals  acting  in  the  capacity 
of  Sovereign-units. 

The  Partisan  Party  Primary.  The  original  scheme  of  partizan 
party  organization  provides  for  three  working  divisions ;  namely, 
The  Primary,  The  Committee,  and  The  Convention.  In  states 
where  partizan  party  conventions  have  been  abandoned  as  nomi- 
nating agencies,  partizan  party  primaries  now  act  as  a  nominating 
means.  In  the  remaining  states  the  ostensible  purposes  of  the 
partizan  party  primary  are :  first,  to  effect  its  own  organization 
as  a  meeting ;  second,  to  nominate  candidates  for  "  Party  " 
offices  and  positions;  and  third,  to  choose  Delegates  from  the 
membership  of  the  partizan  party  organization  to  serve  as  members 
of  the  partizan  party  nominating  convention. 

All  of  this  work  is  of  a  partizan  party  nature ;  and  its  transac- 
tion merely  enables  a  partizan  party  to  make  the  nominations 
instead  of  The  Electorate.  As  for  composition,  the  meeting  is 
held  forth  as  an  open  meeting  in  which  all  of  the  partizan  party 
organization  members  are  entitled  to  participate ;  but  the  meet- 
ings are  generally  managed  and  arranged  so  that  the  majority 
at  the  meeting  is  composed  of  those  only  who  are  strictly  ad- 
herents of  The  Boss.  As  for  nominating  candidates  for  "  Party  " 
office  and  position,  it  may  be  insisted  upon  by  some  that  the  phrase 
"  To  nominate  "  means  the  same  in  partizan  party  parlance  as  in 
parliamentary  practise ;  that  is,  to  select  and  nominate ;  but 
no  one  who  is  familiar  with  partizan  party  machine  methods  will 
advance  such  an  opinion,  because,  while  the  passive  partizan 
party  members  are  either  left  or  led  to  believe  that  such  is  their 
right,  the  actual  selection  and  choice  of  every  official  in  each  divi- 
sion of  the  partizan  party  organization  is  made  by  the  manage- 
ment ;  for  the  management  of  every  partizan  party  machine  must 
have  men  at  every  lever  of  the  machine  upon  whom  it  can  depend. 
The  actual  truth  is,  that  acting  by  virtue  of  the  peculiar  species 


THE  PROCESS  OF  NOMINATION  245 

of  partizan  party  "  authority  "  that  is  conferred  upon  him  by 
the  so-termed  "  Constitution  and  By-Laws  of  the  Party  Com- 
mittee," the  Boss  issues  his  orders  to  the  members  of  the  partizan 
party  primary  meeting  to  "  nominate  "  so-and-so  for  such-and- 
such  party  offices,  and  to  "  choose  so-and-so  as  Delegates " 
to  the  partizan  party  nominating  convention.  The  passive 
members  in  the  meeting,  if  any,  are  bound  to  obey  these  orders, 
because  of  their  previously  promised  submission  to  the  will  of  the 
"  Constituted  Authorities  "  of  the  partizan  party  organization. 
The  active  members  become  instrumental  by  seeing  that  these 
orders  are  carried  out  to  the  letter.  They  present  the  prepared 
lists  of  nominees  and  of  delegates  at  the  primary  meetings,  and, 
joining  with  the  passive  members,  if  any,  hypocritically  go  through 
the  twisted  parliamentary  formalities  of  selecting  and  choosing. 
The  Boss  is  able  to  secure  obedience  to  his  orders  from  the  active 
members  through  his  ability  to  "  discipline  "  them  in  case  they 
show  any  disinclination  to  obey  their  "  Constituted  Authorities." 
Finally,  the  executive  head  of  each  partizan  party  organization 
is  the  division  called  "  The  Committee."  Among  the  partizan 
party  organization  powers  which  it  has  absorbed  unto  itself  is 
the  power  to  initiate  party  action.  As  a  result,  the  partizan 
party  primary  meeting  is  actually  subordinate  to  the  party  com- 
mittee and  merely  serves  to  register  the  will  of  The  Committee. 
It  is  put  through  a  farcical  ritual  of  democratic  procedure  by 
The  Committee,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  creating  a  belief  in  the 
minds  of  the  politically  careless  that  somehow  the  party  primary 
is  exercising  the  caucus  powers  of  The  Electorate.  And  it  must 
be  admitted  that  The  Committee  has  succeeded  in  establishing 
this  belief  to  an  astonishing  extent. 

In  the  statutory  laws  relating  to  elections  this  meeting  is  com- 
monly called  "  The  Primary,"  the  idea  being  to  create  the  im- 
pression that  political  powers  and  political  rights  are  exercised  in 
it.  But  enough  has  been  said  to  make  it  clear  to  the  reader  that 
no  matter  by  what  misleading  name  the  meeting  may  be  called, 
it  never  has  and  never  can  serve  the  purpose  of  a  political  caucus. 
So  long  as  it  remains  composed  and  controlled  as  at  present,  it  will 
never  be  an>i:hing  but  a  partizan  party  travesty  of  a  political 
meeting. 

The  Caucus :  The  political  caucus  originated  in  Boston.  For 
many  years  before  The  Revolution  it  had  been  the  custom  of  the 
true  political  leaders  of  the  Massachusetts  colonists  to  hold  a 
private  meeting  before  any  general  or  public  meeting  at  which 


246  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

the  colonists  would  have  to  act  administratively.  At  these 
meetings  the  leaders  agreed  between  themselves  upon  the  policy 
to  be  pursued  by  the  colonists,  and  selected  the  candidates  whom 
they  wished  nominated  in  the  meetings  at  which  they  were  voted 
upon.  This  plan  was  continued  in  operation  when  the  Colonies 
became  States.  The  members  of  the  caucus  meetings  provided 
themselves  with  ballots  and  induced  as  many  as  possible  to  vote 
for  the  chosen  candidates.  Tested  by  modern  requirements, 
these  caucuses  lacked  equality,  publicity,  regularity,  and  authority. 
As  for  equality,  all  could  nominate;  but  those  who  nominated 
without  organized  support  generally  failed  to  elect.  The  force 
of  the  plan  lay  in  the  agreement  of  united  support.  As  for  pub- 
licity, it  was  considered  good  management  at  that  time  to  keep 
the  caucus  plans  concealed  as  much  as  possible  from  those  who 
might  oppose ;  for  "  publicity  "  might  weaken  the  effective  force 
of  the  agreement  to  support.  This  practice  was  however  opposed 
to  the  "  Democratic  Spirit  "  of  the  times  and  before  long  it  be- 
came the  custom  for  the  Town  Crier  to  give  notice  of  the  time, 
place,  and  object  of  the  Political  Caucus.  Later  on  a  written  or 
printed  notice  was  given  and  posted  in  public  places.  Still  later 
it  was  posted,  or  published,  or  both,  thus  securing  publicity, 
some  authority,  and  a  degree  of  organized  action.  But  with 
the  addition  of  publicity  to  the  work  of  the  caucus,  and  with  the 
exercise  by  many  of  the  delicate  work  of  political  management, 
came  a  lessening  of  the  effectiveness  of  such  work  through  the 
multiplicity  of  counsel  and  also  through  the  impossibility  of  al- 
ways getting  a  binding  agreement  to  support  from  the  caucus. 
These  features  made  the  successful  performance  by  the  caucus 
of  the  initiative  caucus  work  of  The  Electorate  well-nigh  im- 
possible ;  and  before  long  the  attempt  in  this  direction  was  aban- 
doned. Finallj^  these  meetings  gradually  became  open  Primary 
Meetings  in  which  nominations  were  made,  while  the  performance 
of  the  caucus  work  proper,  the  choice  of  administrative  policy, 
was  put  into  the  hands  of  Committees  of  citizens  specially  formed 
to  transact  it. 

Political  Committees  of  Correspondence :  Between  1776  and 
1800  nominations  were  made  in  various  ways.  Early  in  this 
period  either  The  Caucus,  or  Mass  Meetings  of  citizens,  or  the 
Newspapers  placed  candidates  in  nomination.  Candidates  an- 
nounced themselves,  and  "  stumped  "  their  Districts,  but  this 
latter  species  of  nomination  was  disliked  by  the  majority,  and 
passed  out  of  general  use  as  early  as  1792  when  "  The  Parties  " 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  247 

began  to  take  on  a  semblance  of  organization.  Neither  of  the 
above  methods  satisfied  the  people,  who,  accustomed  to  apply- 
ing their  own  initiative  and  control,  desired  to  decide  poli- 
cies and  select  candidates  by  "  conventions  of  Delegates " 
selected  especially  for  that  purpose.  But  the  practical  diffi- 
culties of  this  method  were  at  that  time  too  great  to  be 
overcome. 

With  the  necessity,  however,  for  filling  the  quantities  of  new 
ofiices  consequent  upon  the  adoption  of  their  State  Constitutions, 
The  Ai'ticles  of  Confederation,  and  The  Constitution,  came  the 
immediate  need  for  some  method  by  which  candidates  for  general 
as  well  as  local  office  could  be  satisfactorily  nominated.  The 
old  caucus  plan  failed  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  new  situa- 
tion. Mass  Meetings  were  impossible  as  a  means,  and  for  obvious 
reasons  Newspapers  were  inadequate.  Railroads  were  unknown, 
and  the  means  for  efficiently  transporting  delegates  to  and  from 
central  nominating  assemblages  were  lacking.  In  this  predica- 
ment Political  Committees  of  Correspondence  were  used  as  the 
means  for  ascertaining  the  sentiment  of  the  people  at  large  con- 
cerning Policies  and  Candidates.  These  committees  differed  in 
nature  from  those  of  the  same  name  in  Revolutionary  times  in 
that  their  work  was  confined  strictly  to  matters  of  policies  and 
nominations,  and  later  on  to  party  management.  They  were 
usually  composed  of  social  leaders  who  "  interested  themselves 
in  Politics  "  and  who  voluntarily  associated  themselves  together. 
They  soon  became  in  effect  the  old  Political  Caucus  working  on 
broader  lines  and  over  extended  territory.  In  some  instances 
they  made  their  nominations  directly  to  the  people,  but  in  others 
they  were  used  as  auxiliary  adjuncts  of  nominating  bodies  presently 
to  be  described.  They  sent  out  "  Circular  Letters  "  to  The 
Electorate  at  large,  and  from  the  replies  received  made  out  lists 
of  candidates  to  the  voters. 

But  this  method  of  transacting  initiative  caucus  work  was 
most  unsatisfactory.  The  work  of  The  Committees  was  sporadic. 
It  was  necessarily  incomplete  because  of  the  lack  of  replies  from 
outlying  districts.  Neither  was  the  committee  a  permanent  body. 
It  also  lacked  direct  "  authority  "  to  nominate,  there  being  no 
uniform  or  specific  method  of  calling  it  into  existence.  Besides 
this  its  work  was  tentative  in  that  it  had  to  be  submitted  to  the 
people  for  confirmation  whenever  it  acted  as  an  auxiliary.  The 
people  in  their  turn  were  not  bound  to  accept  it  and  often  did  not. 
In  short,  The  Committees  lacked  authority,  permanence,  proper 


248  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

organization,  and  power  to  enforce  either  united  or  "  harmonious  " 
action  in  The  Electorate. 

Representative  Caucuses :  While  the  Committee  System  was 
demonstrating  its  incapacity  to  organize  electoral  action  properly, 
the  voters  in  various  localities  in  the  ,Union  were  trying  to  establish 
the  "  Convention  System  " ;  but  there  was  no  uniformity  in  the 
organization  methods  adopted,  or  in  the  names  used  to  denote 
the  bodies.  Some  were  called  Representative  Caucuses,  some 
Delegate  Conventions,  and  some  Nominating  Conventions.  In 
1786  candidates  for  local  offices  were  nominated  in  Massachusetts 
by  "  County  Conventions,"  supposed  to  be  composed  of  delegates 
selected  at  primary  meetings  held  in  the  various  Towns.  But 
these  conventions  were  not  in  fact  representative  because  the 
delegates  from  the  near-by  districts  generally  outnumbered  those 
from  the  outlying  districts,  which,  sometimes  were  not  repre- 
sented in  the  convention  at  all.  Their  composition  was  also  ir- 
regular, some  of  the  delegates  being  sent  by  Mass  Meetings, 
some  by  self-constituted  Committees,  and  some  by  The  Primaries. 
They  also  were  sporadic,  being  called  into  existence  by  various 
agencies.  Because  of  these  defects  they  lacked  Authority,  neither 
the  people,  nor  the  leaders,  nor  the  candidate  feeling  bound  by 
their  action.  Nor  did  they  nominate  candidates  for  general  office, 
and  they  soon  gave  way  to  another  method. 

Legislative  Caucuses :  The  Conference  System,  which  was 
employed  alongside  of  the  Representative  Caucus  to  nominate 
candidates  for  and  in  the  State  Senatorial  and  Congressional 
districts,  possessed  the  same  structural  defects  of  the  Repre- 
sentative Caucus  and  soon  shared  its  fate.  So  far  the  efforts  of 
the  people  to  provide  themselves  with  a  "  Nominating  System  " 
had  made  little  progress.  They  attempted  to  make  "  The  Caucus 
System"  fit  the  new  conditions,  but  its  failure  to  work  well  in  the 
county  conventions  and  in  the  conferences  showed  conclusively 
that  it  was  incapable  of  transacting  the  work  of  nominating 
candidates  for  general  office  in  The  State  or  in  The  Nation.  The 
people  still  desired  to  nominate  through  Delegate  Conventions, 
but  the  leaders  who  were  then  in  1790  first  forming  and  organizing 
"  The  Party  "  were  not  enthusiastic.  To  organize  the  voters 
in  the  various  districts  of  a  State  was  a  work  of  great  difficulty. 
Because  of  the  necessary  outlay  of  time  and  expense,  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  get  a  representative  State  Nominating  Body  together ; 
and  if  gotten  together  when  feeling  was  running  so  high,  it  was 
more  than  likely  that  the  leaders  would  be  unable  to  enforce 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  249 

"  harmony  "  on  the  various  Factions  and  Wings.  AMiy,  they 
argued,  attempt  an  undertaking  fraught  with  such  labor,  expense, 
difficulty,  and  doubt?  Why  entrust  the  Caucus  Work  to  an  un- 
disciplined and  unorganized  Electorate  ?  \Miy  not  let  the  leading 
members  of  "  The  Organizations,"  who  were  assembled  together 
annually  at  the  Capital  in  the  Legislature,  and  who  were  the 
social  leaders  of  the  People  —  why  not  let  the  members  of  the 
Legislature,  acting  in  the  capacity  of  Political  Leaders,  meet 
together  annually  in  the  Capital  at  stated  times,  and  there  exer- 
cise the  initiative  necessary  to  produce  continuous  and  coherent 
action  m  the  local  "  Party  "  organizations  throughout  the  State? 
WTiy  not  let  them  canvass  the  general  political  sentiment  as  to 
Administrative  Policy,  using  the  Committees  of  Correspondence 
for  this  purpose ;  and  why  not  let  them,  who  were  most  conver- 
sant with  the  political  situation,  make  all  but  local  nominations  ? 

The  People  adopted  this  scheme  as  a  happy  solution  of  their 
difficulties ;  and  by  common  consent  the  Legislative  Caucus  so 
formed  was  conceded  to  be  the  proper  body  to  make  all  but  local 
nominations.  By  1797  all  of  the  States  were  using  this  method, 
under  which  "The  Party,"  composed  strictly  of  Office  Holders 
and  their  supporters,  gradually  succeeded  in  imposing  nominations 
upon  The  People. 

By  the  adoption  of  this  method  The  People  thought  they  had 
at  last  secured  an  "  Authorized  "  and  a  "  Regular  "  Nominating 
Agency,  for  the  vote  which  elected  the  Representatives  regu- 
larly also  regularly  elected  the  Caucus  Members,  and  in  an 
authorized  way. 

But  the  real  effect  of  adopting  this  plan  was  to  take  the  per- 
formance of  Caucus  W'ork  away  from  The  Electorate  and  put  it 
into  the  hands  of  "The  Partv,"  and  to  sanction  beforehand  an 
exercise  of  Political  Power  by  a  small  portion  of  The  Electorate. 

The  adoption  of  the  plan  marks  the  beginning  of  the  present 
permanent  partizan  party  organizations.  It  also  marks  the 
beginning  of  "  Regular  "  action  on  the  part  of  partizan  party 
organization  members.  The  Legislatures  were  composed  largely 
of  Social  Leaders.  As  a  rule  the  Electors  were  predisposed  to 
recognize  their  authority,  even  when  acting  as  a  Caucus ;  and  be- 
fore long  the  action  of  the  Legislative  Caucus  on  administrative 
policies,  candidacies,  and  individual  administrative  action,  ac- 
quired a  weight  and  binding  force  on  the  members  of  the  partizan 
party  organizations  which  few  men  cared  to  oppose  openly. 

Working  together  in  secrecy  during  legislative  sessions,  and 


250  SAFE  AKD  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

under  their  own  rules,  and  working  in  unison  throughout  the 
State  during  the  remainder  of  the  time,  the  members  of  this  cau- 
cus succeeded  for  the  time  being  in  securing  contmuous  and  co- 
herent individual  Electoral  Action  (along  "  Party "  lines)  in 
matters  of  nomination.  The  Caucus  also  succeeded  during  the 
next  twenty-five  years  in  making  obedience  by  the  partizan  party 
members  to  its  dictates  regarding  their  exercise  of  Political  Power 
seem  as  obligatory  to  them  in  honor  as  was  the  obedience  of  the 
Legislators  to  the  mandates  of  "  The  Party  "  Caucus  which,  at 
the  beginning  of  every  legislative  session,  settled  the  course  they 
were  to  pursue  while  acting  as  Representatives  of  The  People, 
Considered  as  the  accredited  agency  for  the  nomination  of  candi- 
dates for  general  office,  the  Legislative  Caucus  succeeded  in 
enforcing  a  support  to  its  action  from  a  majority  of  The  Elec- 
torate that  amounted  in  appearance  to  a  sanction.  The  members 
of  the  partizan  party  organizations  generally  regarded  its  deci- 
sions as  authoritative  and  as  mandatory  respecting  their  individual 
action  in  administrative  matters. 

"Aristocratic  Rule."  When  the  Legislative  Caucus  was  adopted 
as  the  nominating  agency,  its  membership  was  composed  entirely 
of  office  holders  who  had  been  selected  for  office  because  of  their 
social  position,  their  wealth,  their  superior  education,  and  political 
sagacity.  These  men  naturally  believed  themselves  better  fitted 
to  exercise  political  authority  than  the  average  run  of  the  electors. 
They  naturally  desired  to  be  returned  to  office  and  they  suc- 
cumbed to  the  temptation  of  utilizing  the  "  voting  strength  " 
of  the  party  organization  as  a  means  to  this  end.  In  the  Southern 
States  the  leaders  in  social  and  political  action  had  produced  a 
system  of  State  Government  that  was  aristocratic  rather  than 
democratic  in  nature.  They  openly  spoke  of  "  The  common 
people"  as  a  class  to  be  legislated /or ;  and  while  social  conditions 
in  the  Northern  States  differed  from  those  in  the  Southern  States, 
nevertheless,  as  the  socially  prominent  men  in  each  section  were 
united  in  the  pursuit  of  public  office,  the  stigma  of  aristocratic 
feeling  was  attached  to  all  of  them  alike  in  the  minds  of  those 
who  felt  themselves  deprived  of  much  of  their  political  birthright 
by  the  actions  of  the  united  office  seekers.  Moreover,  immigra- 
tion was  rapidly  increasing  the  population  of  the  States  and  was 
also  invigorating  the  "  Democratic  Spirit  "  of  The  People.  This 
state  of  mind  demanded  a  freer  participation  in  political  adminis- 
tration by  all  legally  qualified  electors  than  was  possible  during 
the  regime  of  the  Legislative  Caucus.     Under  the  process  of  nomi- 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  251 

nation  put  in  operation  by  the  Legislative  Caucus,  many  individual 
electors  found  themselves  deprived  of  the  right  to  freely  select 
candidates.  Such  electors  vigorously  objected  to  the  action  of 
the  Legislative  Caucus  as  a  "  usurpation  of  their  Right  to  Choose." 
They  denied  that  any  "  political  rights  "  whatsoever  were  con- 
ferred upon  individuals  by  the  possession  of  social  position, 
wealth,  or  education.  They  decried  the  efforts  of  the  office  holders 
to  maintain  the  so-called  "  aristocratic  class  "  in  office  and  they 
claimed  that  the  nominating  body  was  instrumental  in  bringing 
the  Executive  and  the  Legislative  branches  of  The  Government 
into  dependent  relations  that  were  incompatible  with  public 
safety.  These  ideas  were  gradually  assimilated  by  the  "  Common 
People,"  who  became  more  and  more  dissatisfied  with  having 
their  administrative  affairs  managed  for  them  by  "  aristocrats 
from  Massachusetts  and  Virginia."  They  imagined  that  they 
saw  behind  the  work  of  the  Legislative  Caucus  a  scheme  to  per- 
petuate the  distasteful  "  Aristocratic  rule."  They  believed  that 
the  Legislative  Caucus  was  assisting  the  "  aristocratic  class  " 
to  retain  its  hold  upon  the  public  offices  and  they  practically 
put  an  end  to  its  existence  as  a  nominating  agency  when  they 
joined  with  others  who  were  dissatisfied  and  brought  about  in 
1828  the  election  of  Andrew  Jackson  as  "  One  of  the  common 
people." 

Evih  of  This  Process.  But  although  the  Legislative  Caucus 
ceased  to  be  the  active  nominating  agency,  it  bequeathed  a  legacy 
of  administrative  evil  under  which  American  Democracy  suffers 
to-day.  It  practically  established  the  belief  that  a  group  of 
electors  organized  to  attain  objects  other  than  the  promotion 
of  the  General  Welfare  was  a  proper  agency  for  the  guidance  and 
control  of  individual  and  representative  administrative  action. 
It  succeeded  in  making  a  partizan  party  the  accredited  leader 
in  administrative  action  and  in  making  the  existence  of  a  Political 
Party  well-nigh  impossible  in  any  State.  It  devised  and  applied 
the  means  and  practises  by  which  individual  electors  were  organized 
into  permanent  associations  of  "  Party  Voters,"  by  which  in- 
dividual political  action  was  successfully  transmuted  into  partizan 
party  action,  and  by  which  the  control  of  The  Government 
was  taken  away  from  The  Electorate  and  placed  in  the  hands  of 
a  partizan  party.  It  did  not  hesitate  to  use  "  Party  Patronage  " 
as  a  means  for  influencing  individual  administrative  action.  It 
freely  bestowed  State  offices  as  a  reward  for  faithful  "  Party 
Work."     Having  the  power  to  make  nominations,  it  resorted 


252  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

to  "  Deals  "  and  "  Trades  "  in  party  votes  as  a  means  whereby 
to  secure  the  election  of  its  own  candidates.  Practically  all  of  the 
important  work  of  the  Legislative  Caucus  was  contrary  to  the 
spirit  and  intent  of  American  Democracy  and  a  brief  word  con- 
cerning the  way  in  which  it  succeeded  in  perverting  the  adminis- 
trative action  of  the  Commonwealths  may  not  be  out  of  place. 

Partizan  Party  Permanence.  Considered  as  the  management 
of  the  then  existing  partizan  party  organizations,  the  Legislative 
Caucus  succeeded  in  keeping  its  organizations  alive  and  active 
in  the  work  of  securing  a  "  majority  of  votes  "  for  the  party 
during  successive  periods  of  political  administration.  This  it 
accomplished  through  having  the  exercise  of  the  rightful  power 
which  the  organization  member  has  (to  work  continuously  in 
formative  and  constructive  political  action)  transferred  to  it  as 
the  manager  of  such  action.  It  succeeded  through  a  perversion 
of  the  doctrine  of  allegiance  in  making  the  dictates  of  the  Legis- 
lative Caucus  fully  binding  upon  the  action  of  the  organization 
member,  whether  acting  in  the  capacity  of  a  sovereign-unit  or  as 
a  party  member.  It  established  the  opinion  that  each  organiza- 
tion member  was  "  bound  in  honor  "  to  support  the  action  of  the 
Legislative  Caucus  in  return  for  the  benefits,  political  or  material, 
which  resulted  from  the  organized  action  which  the  Legislative 
Caucus  produced.  It  differentiated  such  support  (obtained 
through  the  "  unhesitating  obedience  "  of  each  organization 
member  to  the  "  Party  Dictates  ")  from  true  allegiance  (or  the 
support  due  from  an  individual  to  his  Government)  by  the  name 
of  "  Party  Regularity  " ;  and  it  intended  by  this  name  to  convey 
the  idea  of  political  regularity  or  proper  political  action  by  the 
members  of  a  political  party. 

Partizan  Party  Regularity.  But  let  us  consider  a  moment 
whether  the  name  is  accurately  descriptive  either  of  the  asso- 
ciated individuals  or  of  the  condition  produced  by  applying  the 
party  doctrine. 

If  there  is  such  a  thing  as  "  Political  Regularity,"  it  must  be 
the  state  or  condition  in  which  each  individual  elector  is  absolutely 
free  to  act  politically  as  his  conscience  and  judgment  impels, 
and  in  which  he  remains  immune  from  all  other  influences  or 
considerations  while  acting  politically.  Under  our  principles 
of  political  association  no  action  of  an  elector  can  be  considered 
regular  that  does  not  tend  to  maintain  the  moral  freedom  of  him- 
self and  all  other  electors ;  and  this  is  true  whether  the  elector 
is  a  member  of  a  political  party  or  of  a  partizan  party  because  the 


THE  PROCESS  OF  NOMINATION  253 

Obligations  of  Sovereignty  are  binding  upon  each  elector  whenever 
he  acts  in  a  political  capacity  alone,  or  with  others,  in  any  way 
that  affects  the  results  of  political  administration. 

As  for  the  compacted  group  of  individuals  referred  to,  sufficient 
has  been  said  heretofore  to  show  that  it  is  a  partizan  party.  Con- 
sequently, the  "  regularity  "  referred  to  must  be  a  partizan  party 
conception  of  action  that  is  to  be  taken  by  the  members  of  the 
partizan  party  organizations.  But  since  a  partizan  party  has 
other  objects  in  view  besides  the  promotion  of  the  General  Welfare, 
"  partizan  party  regularity  "  becomes  synonymous  with  political 
impropriety.  Considered  as  an  obligatory  and  as  an  ejiforcihle 
rule  of  individual  administrative  action  within  the  partizan  party 
organizations,  the  doctrine  of  partizan  party  regularity  acquires 
an  influence  sufficient  to  supplant  patriotism  with  partizanship 
as  an  active  motive  for  administrative  action.  In  the  absence 
of  an  adequate  and  comprehensive  system  of  political  administra- 
tion, patriotism  is  left  without  an  enforcible  rule  of  action ;  and 
an  unenforcible  patriotism  is  easily  supplanted  by  an  enforcible 
partizanship,  and  more  easily  still  if  individuals  can  be  induced 
to  believe  that  partizanship  is  merely  one  form  of  patriotism. 
Partizan  parties  in  a  representative  democracy  are,  however, 
groups  of  individual  electors  who  work  together  to  secure  objects 
that  are  not  contemplated  in  the  governmental  or  administrative 
plan  of  action  —  individual  or  class  privileges  through  legislation, 
for  instance ;  or  improper  opportunities  for  individual  material 
or  political  advancement ;  "  Party  Success  "  ahead  of  the  General 
Welfare,  and  so  forth.  The  accomplishment  by  a  partizan  party 
of  each  one  of  its  non-political  objects  requires  the  partizan  party 
to  hamper  or  to  destroy  free,  independent,  and  proper  individual 
administrative  action  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  within  The  Elec- 
torate, and  to  substitute  in  its  place  a  blind  dependence  upon  the 
selfishly  motived  "  Party  "  in  the  minds  of  the  politically  unin- 
formed. But  when  we  pause  to  consider  the  ordained  Obligations 
of  Sovereignty  that  rest  upon  each  Sovereign-unit,  it  will  at  once 
become  apparent  that  the  enforcement  by  a  partizan  party  of  its 
doctrine  of  "  Regularity  "  upon  any  one  of  the  sovereign-units 
not  only  is  traitorous  in  nature  because  it  tends  to  weaken  the 
political  capacity  of  The  State,  but  that  it  debases  the  morals 
of  all  parties  concerned  and  so  tends  to  corrupt  the  public  morals. 
The  more  non-political  objects  a  partizan  party  has  in  view,  the 
more  necessary  it  becomes  to  increase  the  number  of  "  voters  " 
it  can  herd  and  control  within  its  "  organization  " ;    and  the 


254  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

doctrine  of  "  Partizan  Party  Regularity  "  was  devised  as  one 
of  the  partizan  party  means  by  which  to  override  or  obscure  the 
true  poHtical  obligations  which  should  govern  all  electors  in  their 
administrative  action,  whether  that  action  was  taken  in  an  in- 
dividual or  in  a  representative  capacity. 

This  doctrine  of  "  Party  Regularity  "  and  its  binding  force  over 
individual  volition  in  administrative  action  is  perhaps  the  chief 
evil  legacy  of  the  Legislative  Caucus  to  the  American  People; 
for  it  was  during  the  period  of  the  Legislative  Caucus  that  the 
doctrine  of  "  Party  Regularity  "  was  given  an  ascendency  in  the 
minds  of  that  class  of  electors  who  voluntarily  become  passive 
members  of  "  Party  Organizations  "  that  is  very  little  diminished 
at  present. 

^Vhile  the  Legislative  Caucus  was  posing  as  the  "  Political 
Leader,"  it  was  also  acting  as  a  partizan  party  Nominating 
Agency.  Its  pose  and  its  action  were  irreconcilable,  but  it 
finally  succeeding  in  creating  a  false  impression  in  the  minds  of 
the  politically  heedless  that  its  work  as  a  political  leader  was 
irreproachable  by  the  following  means. 

By  making  "  The  Party  "  appear  essential  to  the  Welfare  of 
The  State.  By  stimulating  the  "  Love  of  Party  "  in  the  minds 
of  the  organization  members  and  by  making  "  The  Party " 
appear  to  be  the  proper  agency  for  satisfying  their  Love  of  Country. 
By  making  it  appear  that  "  Party  Success  "  was  the  direct  method 
of  serving  The  Community.  By  making  "  Party  Success " 
appear  to  depend  entirely  upon  "  Party  Regularity  "  and  by  en- 
larging upon  the  danger  to  party  success  of  any  breach  of  party 
regularity.  By  creating  in  individual  electors  a  feeling  of  de- 
pendence upon  "  The  Party  "  and  of  insecurity  in  independent 
action.  By  giving  to  any  breach  of  "  Party  Regularity  "  the  ap- 
pearance of  conduct  traitorous  to  both  "  The  Party  "  and  The  State 
that  involved  ignominy  and  un worthiness  in  the  perpetrator. 
By  creating  in  the  minds  of  the  organization  members  an  almost 
universal  dread  of  the  consequences  flowing  from  free  inde- 
pendent political  action  through  the  infliction  of  every  possible 
"  discipline  "  and  punishment  upon  any  member  "  guilty  "  of 
such  a  "  breach  of  Party  Regularity." 

Using  the  above  named  means,  and  through  stifling  inde- 
pendent political  action  in  every  possible  way,  the  Legislative 
Caucus  succeeded  in  developing  among  its  organization  members, 
and  even  among  many  unattached  electors,  the  idea  and  belief 
that  "  Party  Regularity  "  was  the  prune  safeguard  of  Citizenship, 


THE  PROCESS  OF  NOMINATION  255 

und  that  only  such  "  Issues,"  Platforms,  and  Candidates  that 
possessed  the  stamp  of  "  Party  Regularity  "  were  entitled  to  the 
s^iff rages  of  the  Electorate  at  Large.  Such  was  the  blight  cast 
by  the  Legislative  Caucus  upon  true  electoral  action  in  this  respect. 
In  another  matter  it  acted  with  equal  perniciousness. 

The  Single  List  and  the  General  Ticket.  Acting  in  its  capacity 
as  the  executive  and  managing  body  of  the  partizan  party  or- 
ganization, the  Legislative  Caucus  insisted  that  "Party  Success  " 
required  the  use  of  but  one  single  list  of  party  candidates.  It 
imposed  its  "  Imperative  mandate  "  upon  all  organization  members 
to  use  at  the  elections  only  the  "  General  Ticket  "  which  it,  the 
Legislative  Caucus,  had  prepared  for  use.  The  reasons  for  this 
action  are  evident.  In  the  first  place,  it  sought  to  retain  the 
Caucus  members  in  office,  and,  in  the  second  place,  it  sought  the 
election  of  a  "  Party  "  majority  in  The  Government  where  that 
majority  under  the  pressure  of  "  discipline  "  should  pass  laws 
that  were  devised  by  the  Legislative  Caucus.  Two  "  Party 
Tickets  "  would  split  the  organization  vote  and  lessen  the  chances 
for  "  Party  Success  "  and  increase  the  chances  for  the  "  success  " 
of  its  opponent,  as  was  fully  demonstrated  in  after  years  when 
the  Democratic  Party  split,  one  wing  nominating  Breckenridge 
while  the  other  nominated  Douglas,  and  the  election  went  to  the 
Republican  Party  which  elected  Lmcoln  as  its  candidate  with  less 
votes  than  a  majority. 

So  much  for  the  effect  of  the  "  General  Ticket  "  on  "  Party 
Success."  What  effect  did  the  use  of  the  general  ticket  have  on 
organization  members,  and  on  electors  who  were  not  members 
of  any  partizan  party  organizations  ? 

The  enforcement  of  the  "  Imperative  mandate  "  put  a  restric- 
tion upon  the  exercise  of  individual  volition.  It  destroyed  the 
organization  member's  right  to  vote  freely  for  a  candidate.  By 
joining  a  "  Party  "  organization  and  by  obeying  the  dictates  of 
the  Legislative  Caucus,  the  individual  elector  lost  his  right  to 
freely  select  a  candidate  of  his  own  choice  because  a  list  of  candi- 
dates was  prepared /or  him  and  not  by  him  and  his  fellow  members. 
No  matter  if  the  list  contained  the  names  of  individuals  who  were 
obnoxious  to  him  because  of  their  principles,  or  lack  of  principles, 
he  must  vote  the  list.  His  participation  in  matters  of  political 
administration  must  be  such  as  "  The  Party  "  decrees ;  and  not 
such  as  his  judgment,  his  conscience,  his  will,  his  desire,  or  his 
Country  calls  for.  For  good  or  for  evil  he  is  bereft  of  the  exercise 
of  volition.     He  has  no  political  will  of  his  own.     He  is  no  longer 


256  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

free  to  exercise  his  Political  Power,  for  he  has  been  deprived  of 
the  exercise  of  that  political  freedom  which  the  Principles  of  The 
State  Polity  originally  guaranteed  to  him.  Whether  he  votes 
with  or  against  his  "  Party,"  the  general  ticket  still  destroys  or 
hampers  his  political  freedom  and  ability;  for,  unless  he  can 
establish  some  other  process  of  nomination,  the  voter  is,  by  the 
use  of  the  general  ticket,  practically  reduced  to  the  choice  be- 
tween two  evils  in  his  attempt  to  discharge  his  political  obligations. 
Moreover,  the  use  of  the  general  ticket  tends  to  the  final  sup- 
pression of  political  representation  and  to  the  substitution  in  its 
place  of  partizan  party  representation  whereunder  the  public 
affairs  are  manipulated  in  the  favor  of  this  or  that  partizan  party. 
Besides  the  above  consequences,  the  use  of  the  general  ticket 
produced  a  most  striking  effect  upon  the  political  freedom  and 
ability  of  those  individual  electors  who  were  not,  at  the  time  we 
are  speaking  of,  enrolled  as  members  of  any  "  Party  "  organiza- 
tion. So  long  as  the  Legislative  Caucus  alone  was  entitled  to 
make  the  "Regular"  nominations,  the  unenrolled  in  The  Elect- 
orate found  themselves  in  a  position  where,  if  they  wished  to  vote 
effectively,  they  must  also  choose  between  two  machine-made 
lists  of  candidates,  neither  of  which  commanded  their  entire 
respect  or  confidence.  To  them  also  was  presented  the  choice 
between  two  evils  —  Misrepresentation  or  Disfranchisement  — 
as  their  means  to  obtain  Good  Government;  and  although  the 
nominating  process  of  to-day  affords  more  opportunity  for  inde- 
pendent political  action  than  in  the  days  of  the  Legislative  Caucus, 
nevertheless  those  electors  who  are  not  enrolled  members  of  the 
"  Dominant  Parties "  find  themselves  deprived  of  the  oppor- 
tunity for  the  natural,  full,  free,  and  logical  exercise  of  their  po- 
litical powers  and  rights  by  the  action  of  that  comparatively 
small  part  of  The  Electorate  which  is  enrolled  as  partizan  party 
organization  members.  By  enrolling  in  the  partizan  party 
organizations  and  by  submitting  to  the  "  Party  Dictates,"  each 
of  these  theoretical  Sovereign-units  becomes  politically  impotent ; 
but  through  surrendering  the  exercise  of  their  initiative  and  voli- 
tion to  "  The  Party  "  they  afford  "  The  Party  "  that  aid  and  sup- 
port that  is  necessary  to  enable  it  to  burden,  hamper,  and  obstruct 
the  political  action  of  every  other  member  of  The  Electorate.  In 
other  words,  by  enrolling  as  a  partizan  party  Member  and  by 
submitting  to  partizan  party  dictates,  each  elector  aids  in  estab- 
lishing working  conditions  that  are  destructive  of  the  political 
freedom  of  all. 


THE  PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  257 

But  during  the  thirty-odd  years  in  which  the  Legislative  Caucus 
acted  as  the  nominating  agency,  it  encountered  steady  opposition 
from  two  sources.  On  the  one  hand,  were  the  true  poHtical  leaders 
and  many  of  The  Electorate.  They  objected  to  it  because  of 
the  above-mentioned  evils  which  it  produced  in  political  ad- 
ministration ;  because  it  was  not  a  "  popular  "  nominating  body ; 
because  its  control  had  been  removed  from  The  Electorate  and 
had  passed  into  the  grasp  of  "  The  Party  "  which  actually  used 
this  control  for  partizan  party  ends ;  and  because  the  Legislative 
Caucus  was  in  fact  nothing  more  or  less  than  what  was  then  con- 
sidered as  the  old  objectionable  "  Caucus  "  but  exercising  greatly 
extended  and  improperly  acquired  powers. 

On  the  other  hand  objections  came  from  within  "  The  Party." 
There  were  many  active  partizan  party  members  who  failed  to 
get  what  they  wanted  out  of  the  nominating  process  as  controlled 
by  the  Legislative  Caucus.  They  complained  with  truth  that  it 
was  practically  impossible  for  any  "  Party "  to  send  a  party 
representative  into  the  Legislature  from  every  Representative  Dis- 
trict in  The  State ;  that  as  a  matter  of  fact  there  were  many 
such  districts  which  had  no  partizan  party  representative  in  the 
Legislature ;  and  that  consequently  the  "  Party  voters  "  in  such 
districts  were  left  without  a  voice  in  the  selection  of  "  Party  " 
candidates. 

Looked  at  from  a  partizan  party  standpoint,  this  inability  of 
some  of  the  partizan  party  members  to  fight  on  equal  terms  with 
the  other  members  for  whatever  "  Party  "  rewards  there  were 
in  the  game  was  finally  considered  "  intolerable  " ;  and  by  1824 
this  form  of  nominating  agency  was  abandoned  even  by  the 
partizan  party. 

The  true  political  leaders  and  their  increased  following  per- 
sisted in  their  attempts  to  give  the  nominating  agency  a  more 
"  representative  composition  and  character "  and  their  eff'orts 
to  this  end  assumed  somewhat  of  the  nature  of  a  struggle  be- 
tween the  people  and  "  The  Party  "  ;  but  "  The  Party  "  was  too 
firmly  established  as  a  quasi-political  agency  to  be  dislodged  from 
its  position,  and  the  succeeding  forms  of  the  nominating  body 
continued  to  be  partizan  rather  than  political  in  nature. 

Congressional  Caucuses :  The  Congressional  Caucus  was  the 
same  in  principle  as  the  Legislative  Caucus.  Members  of  "  The 
Parties  "  in  Congress  met  separately  and  nominated  candidates 
for  President ;  for  it  was  not  until  the  election  of  1804  that  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice-President  were  voted  for  separately. 


258  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

"  Early  in  the  year  1800  the  FederaHst  members  held  a  conference 
in  the  Senate  Chamber  for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  candidacy 
of  John  Adams  for  a  second  term.  No  account  of  the  proceedings 
of  this  conference  was  ever  published.  The  Democratic-Repub- 
lican members  of  Congress  held  a  caucus  and  secret  meeting 
somewhat  later,  probably  the  last  of  February,  1800,  and  selected 
Jefferson  and  Burr  as  candidates."  ^ 

The  first  regular,  open.  Congressional  Caucus  for  the  nomination 
of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President  was  held  on  Feb- 
ruary 25,  1804,  by  the  members  of  the  Democratic-Republican 
Party.  Candidates  were  nominated  in  this  manner  in  1808  and 
1816.  In  1820  there  was  no  opposition  to  the  candidacies  of 
Monroe  and  Tompkins,  and  although  a  Caucus  was  called,  but 
few  members  attended,  and  they  resolved  to  make  no  nominations. 
In  1824  this  system  was  abandoned  altogether  because  of  popular 
disfavor. 

Mixed  Conventions,  i8 17-1832 :  The  growing  desire  of  The 
People  for  a  "  Popular  Nominating  Body,"  acting  under  authority 
conferred  directly  by  the  "  Members  of  The  Organizations," 
next  took  form  in  the  Mixed  Conventions.  The  "  select,"  or 
"  aristocratic,"  character  of  the  body  was  destroyed  and  it  took 
on  a  more  "  representative  "  composition.  To  remedy  the  evil 
of  unrepresented  districts,  "  Special  Delegates  "  were  elected  in 
such  districts  to  act  with  the  party  representatives  in  the  Legis- 
lature when  assembled  as  a  Nominating  Body. 

The  word  "  Caucus  "  was  dropped  from  the  name,  but  the 
reader  will  see  as  we  proceed  that  the  caucus  itself  was  not  dropped 
as  the  real  nominating  body.  At  the  same  time  that  The  Con- 
vention became  more  "  representative  "  in  its  composition,  it  had 
(in  the  minds  of  the  organization  leaders)  become  less  fitted  to 
transact  the  delicate  caucus  work  of  "  The  Party."  They  there- 
fore induced  The  Convention  (the  majority  of  which  was  com- 
posed of  "  Party "  adherents)  to  pass  a  "  Rule "  making  The 
Committee  the  permanent  division  of  the  Partizan  Party  Or- 
ganization and  endowed  with  the  exercise  of  its  Executive  Powers. 
By  this  action  The  Party  Committee  was  made  a  permanent 
caucus  of  the  partizan  party  organization.  It  possessed  the  right 
and  the  ability  to  act  secretly  and  continuously  as  a  caucus 
throughout  the  year ;  and,  when  acting  as  The  Executive  of  the 
organization,  to  call  and  assemble  the  Party  Convention  for  the 
real  purpose  of  ratifying  and   confirming  its  own  caucus  work. 

1  "  National  Conventions  and  Platforms,"  MeKee,  p.  8. 


THE   PROCESS   OF  NOMINATION  259 

Of  course  this  actual  action  was  concealed  as  far  as  possible 
from  the  ordinary  public  perception.  The  great  mass  of  the 
people  believed  that  the  Party  Convention  actually  transacted 
the  caucus  work  of  the  party  organization  because  it  went 
through  the  forms  of  transacting  it.  At  the  same  time  the 
work  of  the  Mixed  Convention  smacked  strongly  of  the 
"  Old  Caucus  "  and  The  Electorate  in  New  York  and  in  Massa- 
chusetts did  not  succeed  in  forcing  their  "  Special  Dele- 
gates "  into  the  Mixed  Convention  until  1823  and  1824, 
respectively.  Altogether  it  was  not  such  a  nominating  body 
as  the  people  wanted.  It  was  too  much  "  representative  "  of  the 
Party  Committee  (the  de  facto  Partizan  Party)  and  not  suffi- 
ciently representative  of  the  organization  members,  which  body 
the  partizan  party  leaders  continuously  and  fallaciously  referred, 
to  as  "  The  People." 

The  reader  can  not  fail  to  perceive  that  by  this  time  the  nomi- 
nating body  had  completely  ceased  to  be  a  popular  body  and  had 
become  a  partizan  party  agency,  which  was  used  among  other 
things  to  whip  party  voters  into  line.  This  whipping  process 
was  hateful  to  the  great  majority  of  the  people,  and  their  aggra- 
vation was  further  increased  by  the  realization  that  they  had  again 
failed  to  get  what  they  wanted.  In  their  efforts  to  properly  exercise 
their  true  caucus  powers  they  had  transformed  their  Old  Secret 
Caucus  (which  once  exercised  true  initiative  in  Political  Action) 
into  an  open,  public  meeting  which  failed  to  exercise  their 
initiative  effectively.  They  had  allowed  Partizan  Parties  to  organ- 
ize themselves  upon  a  permanent  basis  and  had  practically  placed 
the  exercise  of  their  own  initiative  in  the  hands  of  the  partizan 
party  Committee ;  and  the  "  Party  Committee,"  having  absorbed 
the  exercise  of  the  "  Caucus  Powers  "  of  the  party  organization, 
rose  superior  to  the  party  organization  and  to  the  party  convention 
and  continued  to  act  as  a  secret  caucus  in  matters  of  nomination. 
This  did  not  suit  the  people,  and  protests  against  "  the  machina- 
tions of  the  few  to  dictate  to  the  many  "  were  widespread.  The 
people  wanted  to  play  a  more  effective  part  "  in  their  own  work  " 
of  nomination,  and  by  1832  the  farsighted  partizan  party  was 
ready  to  supplant  the  Mixed  Convention  with  another  expedient 
that  was  no  less  partizan  in  effect  but  was  somewhat  more  "  rep- 
resentative "  in  outward  appearance. 

Partizan  Party  Nominating  Conventions :  The  next  futile  plan 
which  the  people  were  led  into  adopting  in  order  to  "  impart  a 
more  truly  popular  form  and  representative  character  "  to  their  ( ?) 


260  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

nominating  body,  was  to  allow  the  partizan  party  organization 
members  in  each  District  to  "  choose  whomsoever  they  pleased  " 
as  their  Delegates  to  the  partizan  party  nominating  convention, 
and  to  choose  them  solely  for  the  purpose  of  acting  as  such  dele- 
gates in  such  a  convention  and  in  no  other  capacity. 

These  Conventions  were  called  "  State  Nominating  Conven- 
tions." Here  again  the  name  was  misleading  and  deceptive,  for 
The  State  had  nothing  to  do  with  their  existence.  It  is  true  that 
The  Convention  could  with  propriety  be  considered  as  a  "  Dele- 
gate Convention  "  ;  but  it  was  not  the  kind  of  delegate  convention 
that  the  people  really  desired,  for  the  delegates  were  not  chosen 
from  and  by  The  Electorate  but  were  chosen  from,  and  ostensibly 
by,  the  membership  of  the  partizan  party  organizations.  Such 
a  convention  was  not  a  "  Popular  Body  "  in  any  true  sense  of 
the  word.  It  was  not  a  Political  Convention  convened  by  a  direct 
exercise  of  the  political  power  of  the  people.  It  was  nothing  more 
or  less  than  a  partizan  party  expedient  that  was  contrived  by  the 
active  members  of  The  Partizan  Party  to  serve  in  the  place  of 
a  truly  popular  delegate  convention,  instances  of  which  had 
occurred  some  thirty-odd  years  before  in  Pennsylvania  and 
New  Jersey. 

The  obstacles  which  had  at  that  time  combined  to  prevent 
the  general  use  by  The  States  of  the  desired  "  Popular  Delegate 
Conventions "  were  the  insuflBcient  means  of  transportation, 
communication,  and  the  absence  of  adequate  provisions  in  the 
system  of  administration ;  but  with  the  advent  of  the  railroad 
and  greatly  increased  facility  in  communication  some  of  these 
obstacles  were  being  removed  and  "  Delegate  Conventions " 
became  possible. 

During  the  interim,  however,  The  Partizan  Party  had  developed 
and  perfected  its  own  peculiar  organization  throughout  The 
State ;  and  when  "  Delegate  "  Conventions  became  possible  the 
"  Party  Committee  "  had  completely  dominated  the  affairs  of 
the  partizan  party  organization  and  was  ready  with  a  scheme 
which,  when  put  into  operation,  would  place  the  so-called  State 
Nominating  Convention  completely  under  its  power. 

In  the  light  of  subsequent  transactions  it  is  easy  to  perceive 
that  the  people  had  again  failed  to  construct  a  Political  Conven- 
tion and  had  obtained  a  Partizan  Party  Convention  in  its  place. 
The  People  also  failed  in  another  respect,  for  the  above-described 
plan  was  ineffective  to  even  make  the  partizan  party  nominating 
convention    more    truly    representative    of    the    partizan    party 


THE   PROCESS  OF  NOMINATION  261 

membership.  The  power  of  the  Party  Committee  over  the 
membership  of  the  partizan  party  organization  was  too  strong 
to  be  shaken  off;  and,  by  resorting  to  the  simple  expedient  of 
naming  the  Delegates  and  forcing  their  election,  the  partizan  party 
Committee  succeeded  in  making  the  partizan  party  Nominating 
Convention  completely  representative  of  its  own  will,  and  not 
representative  of  the  free  will  of  the  organization  members,  or 
of  The  Will  of  The  People. 

Looked  at  from  the  partizan  party  standpoint,  this  style  of 
corruptly  assembled  nominating  convention  was  held  to  be 
"  established  by  the  voluntary  exercise  of  The  Will  of  The  People 
as  the  means  for  placing  all  Party  Candidates  for  general  office 
in  nomination."  The  Convention  as  assembled  was  therefore 
held  to  possess  "  The  sanction  of  Public  Approval."  Nothing 
whatever  was  said  of  the  perversion  of  the  convention  plan  through 
the  "  capturing  of  the  delegates  "  by  the  Party  Committee ;  but, 
as  one  of  the  means  for  the  transaction  of  some  of  the  pre-election 
work  of  the  people,  the  convention  was  held  to  be  "  invested 
with  the  exercise  of  a  limited  degree  of  Political  Authority." 

Of  course  all  this  is  purely  fallacious  as  far  as  the  people  are 
concerned,  but  with  the  organization  membership  the  case  is 
different.  Having  a  definite  part  of  the  work  of  nomination  to 
perform ;  being  "  regularly  "  called  and  organized  under  stated 
"  Party  Rules  "  for  "  Party  Objects  " ;  and  in  theory  being  com- 
posed of  delegates  who  are  actually  and  properly  elected  to  it 
by  the  members  of  the  organization  assembled  at  Primary  Meet- 
ings, the  authority  of  the  partizan  party  Nominating  Convention 
over  organization  members  is  considered  as  indisputable.  Pro- 
claimed by  The  Partizan  Party  as  the  body  which  exercises  The 
Supreme  Power  of  the  partizan  party  organization  in  the  matter 
of  nominations,  it  is  supposed  to  be  capable  either  of  securing 
or  of  enforcing  "  united  action  "  within  and  from  the  "  Party 
Organization."  Presenting  the  opportunity  for  discussing  and 
deliberating  "  Party  Affairs,"  it  is  held  forth  as  the  best  means 
for  securing  "  harmony  "  within  the  organization.  Being,  in 
theory,  composed  of  the  "  best  elements  "  of  the  party  organiza- 
tion, it  is  supposed  to  be  the  place  above  all  others  where  the 
"  peculiar  fitness  of  candidates  "  may  become  known  and  ascer- 
tained, and  where  only  proper  candidates  will  be  placed  in  nomina- 
tion through  the  exercise  of  a  "  free  and  public-spirited  choice  " 
by  the  Delegates. 

How    far    the    partizan    party    Nominating    Convention   has 


262  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

substantiated  these  preposterous  claims,  either  in  favor  of  the 
people  or  of  the  passive  party  organization  member,  will  be 
shown  as  we  proceed. 

When  the  Legislative  Caucus  gave  way  to  the  Mixed  Conven- 
tions, and  when  these  in  turn  were  superseded  by  the  "  State  " 
Nominating  Conventions,  the  change  in  the  process  of  nomination 
was  merely  one  of  partizan  party  ritual.  The  political  freedom 
of  the  elector  was  not  increased.  The  opportunity  for  a  direct 
and  effective  exercise  of  political  power  by  the  elector  was  not 
enlarged.  The  old  corrupting  means  were  continued  in  use  and  the 
old  partizan  party  practises  still  governed  the  action  of  the  partizan 
party  voters,  and  hampered  the  political  action  of  all  others. 

The  "  Single  List  "  was  retained  in  use  as  being  necessary  to 
"  Party  Success."  The  idea  of  centralizing  power  in  the  hands 
of  those  who  actively  managed  organization  affairs  was  retained ; 
but,  under  the  new  scheme,  instead  of  being  frankly  seated  in  the 
convention,  which  was  openly  proclaimed  as  exercising  the  "  Caucus 
Powers  "  of  the  organization,  these  powers  were  disingenuously 
lodged  in  the  hands  of  "  The  Committee."  This  body,  having 
other  than  the  political  caucus  work  of  the  people  to  attend  to ; 
that  is,  having  partizan  party  affairs  to  manage  and  objects  to 
accomplish,  could  with  propriety  be  called  a  "  Committee " ; 
and  thus  it  could  escape  the  odium  of  a  name  now  grown  ex- 
ceedingly obnoxious,  and  lull  suspicions  by  a  name  that  once 
had  a  political  significance. 

The  "  Imperative  Mandate  "  concerning  the  use  of  the  general 
ticket  continued  to  be  just  as  binding  upon  the  partizan  party 
organization  members  when  issuing  from  a  Party  Nominating 
Convention  (assembled  and  controlled  directly  by  "  The  Com- 
mittee ")  as  when  coming  directly  from  the  old-time  Legislative 
Caucus. 

The  disfranchising  dogma  of  "  Party  Regularity  "  lost  none 
of  its  force.  On  the  contrary,  being  now  promulgated  by  the 
Party  Convention  (which  in  theory  and  in  external  appearance 
was  composed  of  duly  elected  representatives  of  the  partizan  party 
membership),  it  actually  gained  in  force.  As  for  partizan  party 
organization  members,  they  shrink  to-day  from  any  "  breach  " 
of  "  Regularity  "  as  they  do  from  no  other  act  connected  with 
political  administration. 

Many  States  still  retain  the  use  of  "  State  Nominating  Con- 
ventions." Others  have  resorted  to  the  use  of  "  Primary  Nomina- 
tions."    But  in  either  case  The  Partizan  Party  still  controls  the 


THE  PROCESS  OF  NOMINATION  263 

performance  of  the  process.  By  far  the  larger  part  of  each  State 
Electorate  (having  become  habituated  to  partizan  party  leader- 
ship, knowing  no  other  way,  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  discharge 
their  onerous  political  work  easily  and  return  to  their  economic 
pursuits  quickly)  heedlessly  accept  the  nominations  made  by  the 
partizan  party  as  regular,  without  bothering  themselves  con- 
cerning the  morality  of  the  means,  methods,  and  practises  by 
which  such  nominations  are  made. 

But  there  never  has  been  a  time  when  these  means  and  methods 
have  not  worked  political  hardships  and  injustices  to  some  indi- 
viduals. There  have  always  been  some  individuals  who  have 
perceived  the  corrupting  effects  produced  by  partizan  party  rule 
in  private  morals  and  upon  public  morals ;  and  there  has  hardly 
been  a  time  when  there  was  not  somewhere  a  group  of  individuals 
who  were  trying  to  make  things  better  by  recasting  the  partizan 
party  "  Nominating  System." 

Although  the  fact  may  not  as  yet  be  generally  recognized, 
what  the  American  Commonwealths  have  always  sought,  and 
what  thej'^  are  really  striving  after  now,  is  the  invention  and 
possession  of  correct  methods  for  the  proper  performance  of  their 
administrative  processes.  For  nearly  a  century  the  people  have 
looked  to  The  Partizan  Party  for  guidance;  but  the  number 
of  individuals  who  are  now  looking  to  Political  Principles  for 
guidance  betokens  the  ultimate  adoption  of  logical  methods 
of  administration  which,  of  themselves,  will  effect  a  complete 
separation  of  the  three  distinct  administrative  processes  of  forming 
Public  Opinion,  of  making  Nominations,  and  of  filling  Elective 
Offices. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION 

Assumptions  as  to  Justice.  Popular  Government  is  established 
for  the  general  purpose  of  enabling  The  People  of  a  State  to 
maintain  their  own  peculiar  conceptions  of  individual  Freedom, 
Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice  within  the  territorial  limits  of 
The  State.  Before  the  governmental  regime  is  inaugurated,  it  is 
assumed  that  The  People  will  administer  Justice  as  ordained 
through  putting  the  Spirit  and  the  Intent  of  the  State  Polity  into 
free  operation  and  full  effect.  The  people  agree  beforehand 
that  Political  Majorities  shall  shape  the  course  of  administrative 
action,  and  they  assume  that  such  Majorities  will  stand  as  an  ex- 
pression of  Justice,  which  is  the  ordained  law  for  all,  the  minority 
as  well  as  the  majority. 

The  Elective  Principle.  The  exercise  of  the  political  prerogative 
by  The  Collective  Sovereign  involves  a  free  and  voluntary  choice 
or  election  on  the  part  of  each  Sovereign-unit  between  alternative 
courses  of  political  administration  and  between  opposing  candi- 
dates for  public  office. 

A  Political  Election.  Choices  between  alternatives  or  between 
opposites  occur  in  every  department  of  human  effort.  Political 
Administration  is  a  distinct  department  of  human  effort  and 
when  the  choice  determines  or  affects  the  course  of,  or  the  char- 
acter of  political  administration,  it  becomes  a  political  choice, 
which  is  also  further  differentiated  from  all  other  choices  or  elec- 
tions by  the  specific  requirements  as  to  validity  which  have  been 
established  by  The  Commonwealth. 

Defined.  Therefore,  we  will  define  a  Political  Election  as  the 
choice,  made  in  accordance  with  the  Principles  of  the  State  Polity 
and  the  Statutory  Laws  of  The  State,  by  the  free  vote  of  The 
Electorate,  or  of  a  political  division  thereof,  between  opposing 
Administrative  Policies,  and  between  opposing  candidates  for 
public  office. 

264 


THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION  265 

The  Process  of  Election.  The  numerous  requirements  as  to 
validity  have  the  effect  of  converting  a  political  choice  or  election 
into  a  distinctive  political  process.  Theoretically,  it  is  in  this 
process  that  the  American  elector  reaches  a  periodic  conclusion 
of  his  observations  on  State  Action,  Social  Action,  and  Individual 
Action.  Theoretically,  his  observations  have  produced  con- 
victions regarding  what  should  be  done  in  future  Political  Ad- 
ministration. Theoretically,  his  convictions  have  aroused  a 
desire  and  will  to  have  his  beliefs  tried  out  by  The  Commonwealth, 
and  also  to  have  them  tried  out  by  individuals  who  are  in  sym- 
pathy with  his  beliefs.  Theoretically,  it  is  in  this  process  that  the 
American  elector,  splendored  with  sovereignty,  stands  forth  most 
publicly  to  uphold  the  Power,  the  Glory,  and  the  Might  of  The 
Commonwealth,  through  a  free  exercise  of  his  reason,  his  con- 
science, his  individual  will,  and  by  asserting  his  manhood,  his 
civic  virtue,  and  his  political  ability. 

A  Composite  Process.  Not  including  the  partizan  party  work 
of  "  Campaigning,"  "  Electioneering,"  "  Getting  out  The  Vote," 
and  so  on,  the  immediate  political  work  of  election  consists  of 
obtaining  election  boards  and  officials ;  providing  polling  places, 
ballot-boxes,  booths,  furniture,  blank  records,  and  other  necessary 
accessories ;  preparing,  printing,  distributing,  casting,  and  count- 
ing the  ballots ;  challenging ;  canvassing  the  ballots ;  stating 
the  results ;  making  the  election  returns ;  issuing  certificates 
of  election,  and  so  on.  Besides  the  above  there  may  be  other 
matters  to  attend  to  that  arise  out  of  the  incompetent  or  the  wrong- 
ful action  of  a  voter  or  of  an  election  official. 

All  of  these  various  contributive  acts  or  actions  are  really 
subordinate  processes  that  are  performed  in  point  of  time  some 
before,  some  while,  and  some  after  the  vote  is  cast ;  but  all  of  which 
are  performed  in  a  regular  order  of  sequence  that  combines  and 
coordinates  them  all  into  one  general  composite  process.  All 
of  these  subordinate  processes  are  carried  out  either  by  the  joint 
action  of  the  elector  and  the  election  officials,  or  by  single  officials 
or  sets  of  officials ;  and  the  main  point  to  be  remembered  is  that 
throughout  the  general  process  both  the  individual  elector  and  the 
public  officials  and  boards  are  supposed  to  be  acting  solely  for  the 
promotion  of  the  General  Welfare. 

Variations  in  the  Process.  No  two  Commonwealths  have 
agreed  exactly  concerning  the  manner  in  which  the  ordained 
protection,  security,  benefit,  and  happiness  of  the  individual 
shall  be  obtained ;  and  on  no  one  point  do  the  Commonwealths 


266  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

differ  more  than  in  the  exercise  of  the  Political  Prerogative 
of  The  People. 

Although  each  Commonwealth  professes  adherence  to  the  same 
general  principles ;  although  each  possesses  a  representative  form 
of  Government ;  although  each  has  the  same  kind  of  Adminis- 
trative Agencies ;  and  although  the  general  theory  of  the  elective 
principle  applies  to  each  State  alike ;  nevertheless,  each  Common- 
wealth has  its  owTi  distinctive  objects  to  accomplish ;  each  has 
its  own  distinctive  system  for  accomplishing  its  objects ;  and  this 
difference  in  objects  and  in  the  way  of  accomplishing  them  pro- 
duces distinct  variations  in  the  process  of  election. 

Three  Systems  of  Local  Self-government.  The  term  "  Local 
Self-government  "  expresses  the  idea  that  The  Commonwealth 
leaves  the  management  of  some  of  its  affairs  that  are  of  a  public 
nature,  but  of  limited  applicability  and  effect,  to  the  individuals 
of  the  local  political  divisions  of  The  State. 

The  ideas  of  political  administration  which  underlaid  the  forms 
of  Government  that  were  adopted  by  the  thirteen  original  States 
were  not  alike.  They  were  the  natural  outcome  of  the  different 
religious,  social,  economic,  and  political  beliefs  that  were  either 
held  by  the  original  settlers  of  the  different  Colonies,  or  which 
were  forced  upon  them. 

Territorial  Divisions  in  the  States.  When  the  original  American 
States  began  independent  political  administration,  the  territory 
occupied  by  each  of  the  bodies  politic  was  already  divided  into 
Counties,  and  these  in  turn  were  subdivided  into  smaller  divisions. 
In  some  of  the  States  the  county  was  subdivided  into  Towns.  In 
others  the  county  subdivisions  had  the  name  of  Magisterial  Dis- 
tricts, and  in  Louisiana  they  were  called  Parishes.  These 
Counties,  To\\tis,  etc.,  are  purely  political  div^isions  of  The  State. 
In  theory  each  has  its  peculiar  part  of  the  work  of  political  ad- 
ministration to  perform,  and  I  need  but  add  that  the  division 
of  the  territory  of  the  state  was  originally  devised  as  a  means  for 
adding  convenience  in  the  transaction  of  the  general  work  of 
administration  by  the  people. 

The  Political  Unit  of  Representation.  The  fixing  of  territorial 
boundaries  to  these  political  divisions  of  The  State  served  also 
to  divide  the  individuals  of  the  body  politic  into  collective  political 
units,  each  of  which  was  held  entitled  to  collective  representation 
in  the  lower  chamber  of  the  State  Legislatures. 

The  County  System.  In  some  of  the  states  the  County  was 
the  political  unit  of  representation ;  and  in  such  states,  the  system 


THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION  267 

by  which  the  people  managed  their  political  administration  was 
called  The  County  System. 

The  Township  System.  In  some  of  the  states  the  Town  was  the 
political  unit  of  representation ;  and  in  such  states,  the  system 
by  which  the  people  managed  political  administration  was  called 
The  Township  System. 

The  Representative  District.  But  the  uneven  increase  of  popu- 
lation which  subsequently  took  place  in  the  Counties,  Towns, 
etc.,  gave  to  the  more  sparsely  settled  political  units  what  was 
considered  to  be  an  undue  influence  in  The  Government ;  and  this 
changing  condition  in  affairs  gradually  brought  about  in  many 
states  the  adoption  of  another  and  different  unit  of  representation, 
which  was  effected  by  dividing  the  territory  of  The  State  into 
"  Districts  "  containing  as  nearly  as  possible  an  equal  number 
of  inhabitants  and  giving  the  inhabitants  of  each  "  District  "  a 
collective  representation  in  the  lower  chamber  of  the  State 
Legislature. 

The  Compromise  System.  The  adoption  of  The  District  as  the 
political  unit  of  representation  necessarily  obliterated  former  polit- 
ical lines,  created  new  ones,  and  somewhat  changed  the  political 
status  of  individuals  in  the  states  making  the  change.  Individuals 
found  themselves  grouped  together  differently,  and  a  new  system 
was  devised  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  new  situation.  It 
contained  some  of  the  appointive  features  of  the  County  Sys- 
tem and  some  of  the  elective  features  of  the  Township  System,  and 
it  received  the  descriptive  name  of  The  Compromise  System. 

Nature  of  the  Original  State  Governments.  It  may  be  laid  dowTi 
as  a  general  proposition  that  the  political  power  and  influence 
of  the  individual  varies  in  direct  proportion  to  the  active  part  he 
takes  in  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  body  politic.  His 
power  and  influence  is  greatest  in  a  Democracy,  because  he  is  an 
integral  part  of  The  Sovereign ;  and  smallest  in  an  Autocracy, 
because  he  is  only  one  of  the  governed  and  plays  no  active  part 
in  the  action  of  The  Sovereign. 

Let  us  take  Virginia  as  an  example  of  the  Colonies  which  em- 
ployed the  County  System.  Its  theory  of  State  Government  was 
Aristocratic  in  nature  in  that  it  embraced  the  aristocratic  principle 
of  Privilege  in  the  exercise  of  political  power  and  of  political  au- 
thority, leaving  the  individuals  inhabiting  the  State  with  unequal 
political  rights.  The  exercise  of  political  power  was  centralized 
as  much  as  possible  in  The  Government  and,  the  exercise  of 
several  different  kinds  of  political  authority  being  bestowed  upon 


268  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

single  individuals,  was  thus  compressed  most  undemocratically 
into  the  hands  of  the  few. 

In  Virginia  the  territory  of  the  Colony  was  divided  into  a  small 
number  of  large  Counties  for  the  sole  convenience  of  The  Govern- 
ment and  "  The  Common  People  "  were  prevented  as  far  as 
possible  from  managing  local  affairs.  The  underlying  principle 
of  The  County  System  as  it  originally  developed  in  Virginia  is 
that  Sovereignty  resides  only  in  The  Monarch,  and  those  who 
are  familiar  with  the  history  of  the  colony  know  that  the  County 
System  was  originally  imposed  upon  its  settlers  by  an  exercise 
of  Royal  Prerogative.  After  Virginia  obtained  independence, 
it  continued  the  use  of  The  County  System,  modified  in  some 
respects,  but  not  modified  so  as  to  greatly  affect  the  power  and 
influence  of  the  individual  elector  who  happened  to  be  of  "  the 
common  people." 

Now  take  Massachusetts  as  an  example  of  the  Colonies  which 
employed  The  Township  System.  The  principle  underlying  the 
use  of  this  system  is  that  Sovereignty  resides  in  The  People.  In 
Massachusetts  the  theory  of  State  Government  is  purely 
Democratic  in  that  it  embraces  the  ideas  of  equal  political  rights 
among  the  individuals  who  compose  the  body  politic ;  of  keeping 
the  exercise  of  political  power  in  the  hands  of  the  people;  and 
of  distributing  the  exercise  of  political  authority  among  the 
many  as  widely  as  is  considered  advisable. 

In  Massachusetts,  originally,  the  people  of  The  Towns  "  Con- 
stituted The  State  "  and,  acting  independently  of  each  other, 
managed  their  own  local  affairs.  In  Massachusetts,  and  in  the 
other  States  using  The  Township  System,  the  idea  of  the  exercise 
of  political  power  in  the  control  and  management  of  local  affairs 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  political  divisions  of  The  State  has  never 
been  relinquished  by  the  people.  This  system  of  management 
was  their  free  choice;  and  it  has  always  been  retained  in  use  by 
them  because  they  have  demanded  its  use,  instituted  its  use, 
and  regarded  its  use  as  one  of  their  chief  Political  Rights. 

Now  as  to  the  extent  to  which  these  systems  are  used  in  The 
United  States : 

The  County  System  is  in  use  throughout  the  Southern  States, 
New  Jersey  included.  The  Township  System  is  in  use  through- 
out the  New  England  States.  The  Compromise  System  is  used 
in  the  remainder  of  the  States. 

Under  the  County  System  many  general  State  Officers  and 
almost  all  local  OflScers  and  Boards  are  obtained  by  appointment 


THE  PROCESS  OF  ELECTION  269 

and  not  through  selection  and  choice  by  the  people.  Under  the 
Township  System  such  officers  and  boards  are  generally  obtained 
by  popular  elections.  Under  the  Compromise  System  they  are 
obtained  by  a  modification  of  the  other  systems. 

The  political,  economic,  and  moral  results  produced  upon  the 
individual  in  the  American  Commonwealths  by  the  application 
of  these  three  systems  of  Local  Self-government  deserve  the 
most  careful  attention  of  every  American  elector  because  —  and 
speaking  theoretically  —  The  County  System  is  designed  to  pro- 
duce a  small  and  active  class  of  electors,  which  directs  and  controls 
Electorate  Action,  and  a  large  but  passive  class  of  electors,  which 
is  led.  The  power  and  influence  of  a  few  are  heightened,  but  the 
power  and  influence  of  the  many  is  so  lessened  and  restricted 
that  the  individuals  of  this  class  play  a  really  insignificant  part 
in  political  administration  because  they  have  little  or  no  voice 
in  deciding  matters  of  far-reaching  import  or  of  local  application. 

The  Township  System  is  designed  to  give  the  individual  elector 
the  widest  and  freest  range  in  administrative  action  and  to  enable 
him  to  play  the  most  important  part  in  it  because,  under  this 
system,  he  has  a  voice  in  every  step  and  stage  of  administrative 
action  and  has  the  opportunity  to  participate  actively  first,  in  the 
formative  and  constructive  work  of  The  Commonwealth,  and 
second,  in  the  selection  and  choice  of  all  public  officials. 

The  Compromise  System  affords  the  individual  elector  an  oppor- 
tunity to  play  a  more  important  part  than  he  could  under  the 
County  System,  but  a  less  important  part  than  he  could  under 
the  Township  System. 

These,  in  the  main,  are  the  distinctive  results  that  would  flow 
naturally  from  the  use  of  either  of  these  systems  were  they  allowed 
to  operate  freely  in  a  Commonwealth  as  a  part  of  a  logical  system 
of  administration ;  and  if  the  reader  wonders  why  many  of  these 
political  results  do  not  at  present  work  out  in  practise  as  in  theory, 
he  will  find  an  explanation  in  the  fact  that  The  Commonwealths 
do  not  use  a  logical  system  of  administration,  and  that  every  po- 
litical act  of  the  individual  is  now  perverted  to  partizan  party 
purposes  by  the  superimposed,  dominating,  and  subversive  parti- 
zan party  system  now  in  use. 

The  Impulse  to  The  Government.  A  Political  Election  is  a  stated 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  by  The 
Electorate.  The  prime  purpose  of  a  political  election  is  to  provide 
a  proper  impulse  to  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  of 
Administration  by  The  Government.     In  order  that  The  Govern- 


270  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

merit  shall  work  properly  it  must  be  energized  properly.  This  is 
done  through  the  utterance  of  what  is  known  as  "  The  People's 
Mandate,"  and  through  the  filling  of  all  general  public  offices 
properly. 

The  People's  Mandate.  In  each  period  of  administration  The 
Electorate  is  required  to  express  its  Will  definitely  and  directly 
as  to  all  past,  present,  and  future  administrative  action  that  has 
been  brought  up  for  consideration  before  the  election.  The 
means  used  to  ascertain  this  Will  is  The  Ballot,  the  "  Majority 
Vote  "  being  considered  as  the  official  expression  of  Public  Opinion, 
or  the  Administrative  Will  of  The  People. 

Character  of  Mandate.  Theoretically,  The  Electorate  is  re- 
quired to  provide  The  Commonwealth  with  a  clear  and  unambigu- 
ous Administrative  Policy.  Whether  the  policy  provided  is  right 
or  wrong  is  not  of  so  much  initial  consequence  to  the  people  as 
it  is  to  have  it  clearly  stated  and  readily  understandable ;  for 
if  the  vote  when  cast  results  in  a  mandate  to  apply  an  ambiguous 
or  an  uncertainly  expressed  policy,  then  the  final  result  will  be 
ambiguous  or  uncertain  administrative  action.  Either  that,  or 
possibly  the  Legislature  will  merely  "  Mark  time  "  and  make  no 
political  progress  for  the  people. 

The  Application  of  The  Policy.  The  secondary  purpose  of  a 
Political  Election  is  to  secure  a  sagacious  and  proper  application 
of  the  policy.  Theoretically,  this  is  accomplished  through  the 
filling  of  all  elective  offices  with  sagacious,  public-spirited,  and 
competent  individuals.  When  the  newly  elected  Legislature  as- 
sembles, it  takes  up  its  particular  work  of  providing  the  ways  and 
means  for  applying  the  policy;  and  when,  in  the  course  of  time 
this  is  done,  then  the  Executive  public  officials  are  supposed  to 
enforce  the  application  of  the  policy  upon  all  alike  and  in  the 
manner  provided  by  the  Legislature. 

Necessity  for  Proper  Application.  True  political  progress  de- 
pends partly  upon  the  proper  application  of  a  definite  adminis- 
trative policy.  Whether  a  logical  application  of  any  given  policy 
will  work  out  "  Justice  to  The  Individual,"  time  and  effort  alone 
will  show.  If,  upon  logical  application,  the  policy  is  shown  to  be 
wrong  in  any  respects,  then  it  can  be  changed  quickly  at  the  suc- 
ceeding elections ;  but  the  people  will  never  be  able  to  ascertain 
definitely  whether  a  policy  is  right  or  wrong  until  they  have 
applied  it  logically  for  a  while. 

Necessity  for  a  Logical  System.  The  proper  application  of  a 
policy  requires  the  use  of  a  proper  system  of  application.     The 


THE  PROCESS  OF  ELECTION  271 

policy  may  be  right  because  it  is  in  consonance  with  the  State 
PoHty,  and  the  officials  may  be  all  that  the  spirit  and  intent 
of  the  people  call  for ;  and  yet  the  results  of  the  application  may 
be  unsatisfactory  and  disappointing.  When  this  happens,  the 
fault  must  be  looked  for  in  the  methods  of  application.  If  a 
Commonwealth  attempts  to  administer  a  proper  policy  to  its 
individuals  with  an  incomplete  administrative  system  wherein 
official  duties  are  not  properly  prescribed,  or  with  an  illogical 
system  whereunder  public  officials  are  subject  to  a  control  coming 
elsewhere  than  directly  from  The  Electorate,  then  even  public- 
spirited,  honest,  and  capable  officials  will  find  themselves  so  be- 
wildered on  the  one  hand,  and  so  hampered  in  the  discharge  of 
their  official  duties  on  the  other  hand,  as  to  be  unable  to  apply 
the  policy  with  the  thoroughness  and  effectiveness  which  the  people 
desire. 

But  this  is  not  the  worst  that  can  happen ;  for  the  people, 
through  an  unprescient  adoption  of  an  illogical  system  of  ad- 
ministrative action,  may  succeed  in  placing  themselves  in  a  posi- 
tion where  it  is  no  longer  possible  for  them  to  frame  a  clear  and 
definite  policy  and  get  it  passed  on  properly  by  means  of  the  ballot. 
Such  a  condition  of  political  impotence  always  arises  whenever 
The  Collective  Sovereign  entrusts  the  management  of  and  the  con- 
trol of  its  action  to  an  agency,  which,  having  non-political  objects  to 
attain  and  using  Sovereign-units  to  attain  them,  must  perforce 
resort  to  non-political  or  to  expediential  action  to  attain  them. 

The  Ballot :  The  Process  of  Election  has  been  built  up  around 
the  use  of  The  Ballot ;  and  a  word  concerning  its  use,  and  the 
purposes  intended  to  be  accomplished  by  its  use,  finds  an  apt 
insertion  here.  The  word  "  Ballot  "  originally  signified  the  use 
of  a  little  ball  by  which  the  lot  or  chance  of  a  question  was  decided, 
white  balls  being  deposited  in  a  receptacle  in  favor,  and  black 
balls  against,  the  preponderance  of  either  determining  the  ques- 
tion for  or  against.  Hence  the  term  "  Ball-lot,"  shortened  to 
ballot,  to  signify  the  method  of  voting. 

Other  methods  of  taking  a  vote  are  by  a  viva-voce  vote  (some- 
times decided  by  the  amount  of  noise  made)  ;  by  the  ayes  and  nays ; 
by  rising  ;  by  a  show  of  hands ;  and  by  a  division  of  the  assemblage. 
But  as  the  written  ballot  is  now  the  universal  instrumentality 
by  which  the  Right  of  Suffrage  is  exercised  in  the  United  States, 
we  will  not  pause  to  consider  the  other  methods  of  voting. 

The  Written  Ballot,  History.  As  far  as  the  writer  has  been 
able  to  ascertain,  written  ballots  were  used  first  in  the  Roman 


272  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Republic  for  the  election  of  Magistrates  by  the  Comitia  in  the 
year  139  B.C.,  but  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  the  idea  may 
have  come  down  to  the  Republic  from  Antiquity.  Tiberius 
transferred  the  election  of  Magistrates  from  the  Comitia  to  the 
Senate  which  voted  viva  voce.  Under  Trajan  the  Senate  used 
the  written  ballot,  and  Pliny  states  that  some  of  the  Senators  — 
protected  by  the  secrecy  of  the  method  —  wrote  "  gross  imper- 
tinences "  on  their  ballots. 

Coming  down  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation  we  find  record 
of  the  use  of  the  written  ballot  by  the  Provincial  Synod  of  the 
Reformed  Church  for  North  Holland  assembled  at  Alkmaar 
in  1573.  By  1580  there  was  a  widespread  use  of  the  written 
ballot  in  the  Churches  for  the  election  of  Ministers.  In  1595 
the  practise  was  used  in  Emden,  in  East  Friesland,  in  the  nomina- 
tion of  candidates  for  Public  Office ;  and  when  in  July,  1620, 
The  Pilgrims  left  Delft  Haven,  Holland,  on  the  Speedwell  and 
the  Mayflower  for  America,  the  practise  was  widespread  in  political 
administration  in  Holland. 

In  America.  The  written  ballot  was  first  used  in  America  at 
an  election  of  a  minister  of  the  Church  in  Salem,  Massachusetts, 
in  July,  1629.  In  1634  the  Governor  of  the  Province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  was  elected  by  the  use  of  "  written  voting  papers," 
as  they  were  then  called.  In  1635  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts 
made  the  use  of  the  written  secret  ballot  in  the  election  of  its  chief 
Magistrates  one  of  its  Laws.  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut 
also  voted  that  way  in  1639,  West  Jersey  in  1676-77,  and  Penn- 
sylvania in  1683. 

From  these  beginnings  the  use  of  the  written  ballot  has  spread 
throughout  the  States.  Virginia  abandoned  the  viva-voce 
method  of  voting  in  1861,  and  Kentucky  in  1891. 

Objects  of:  Secrecy.  "  The  principal  object  of  the  written  ballot 
is  to  enable  the  voter  to  express  his  preference  and  voice  his  will 
secretly,  without  being  liable  to  any  ill  will  or  persecution  from  any 
person  or  class ;  and  to  prevent  his  being  overawed  in  the  exercise 
of  the  franchise,  as  many  were  in  times  past  when  the  voter  had 
to  announce  the  name  of  the  candidate  for  whom  he  voted." 
(Temple  m.  Meade,  4  Vermont,  541.) 

Freedom  of  Voter.  Mr.  Cooley  says  that  the  system  of  written 
ballot  voting  rests  upon  the  idea  that  every  Elector  is  to  be  per- 
fectly free  to  vote  as  he  pleases,  and  that  for  so  doing  he  should 
never  be  called  to  account  at  any  time  whatever.  In  a  New  York 
case  Judge  Denio  said  that  "  The  right  to  vote  in  this  manner 


THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION  273 

has  usually  been  considered  an  important  and  valuable  safeguard 
of  the  independence  of  the  humble  citizen  against  the  influence 
which  wealth  and  station  might  be  supposed  to  exercise." 

Freedom  of  Elections.  The  WTitten  secret  ballot  was  also 
provided  to  hinder  and  prevent  bribery,  corruption,  violence, 
and  intimidation  at  Elections.  The  exercise  of  the  Right  of  Suf- 
frage implies  the  voluntary  exercise  of  the  reason  and  will  of  the 
voter  on  all  or  any  questions  submitted  at  the  election ;  and  any- 
thing which  interferes  with,  or  prevents,  the  free  exercise  of  the 
reason  and  the  will  of  the  voter  vitiates  the  election  just  so  much, 
and  also  militates  against  the  commonly  accepted  doctrine  that 
"  Elections  must  be  Free." 

Finally,  the  right  to  vote  with  the  effectiveness  above  set  forth 
has  always  been  considered  by  Americans  as  one  of  their  "  Political 
Safeguards,"  and  one  which  they  attempt  to  provide  by  some  such 
Constitutional  provision  as  the  following,  which  is  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  State  of  New  York  that  was  adopted  in  1894; 
namely,  "  All  elections  by  the  citizens,  .  .  .  shall  be  by  ballot,  .  .  . 
provided  that  secrecy  in  voting  shall  be  preserved." 

Query?  Are  any  of  the  above-mentioned  objects  or  purposes 
accomplished  at  present  under  the  Partizan  Party  System  of 
Administration  ? 

Forms  of.  The  ballot  is  used  in  several  forms  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  several  purposes. 

The  Single  Ballot  is  used  when  the  voter  is  voting  either  for 
or  against  a  single  proposition,  or  a  single  candidate,  or  for  one 
of  two  candidates.  It  may  also  be  used  for  the  election  of  several 
candidates  for  membership  on  a  board  or  collective  body  when 
each  candidate  is  voted  for  separately.  Depending  upon  custom 
or  previous  action,  the  primitive  single  ballot  usually  contains 
only  the  words  "  For  "  or  "  Against,"  or  "  Yes  "  or  "  No,"  as  the 
case  may  be,  and  the  name  of  one  candidate.  Where  the  judg- 
ment or  will  of  any  number  of  persons,  considered  as  an  aggregate 
body,  is  that  which  is  evidenced  by  the  consent  or  agreement 
of  the  greater  number  of  them,  the  use  of  the  single  ballot  will 
enable  the  aggregate  body  to  definitely  and  decisively  express 
its  judgment  or  will. 

The  Plural  Ballot  is  used  where  boards  of  any  kind,  or  com- 
mittees, or  delegations  are  voted  for  as  a  whole.  It  contains  the 
names  of  all  the  candidates  for  membership  in  the  bodies  voted 
for,  and  the  whole  list  is  voted  for  by  its  deposit.  The  enforced 
use  of  this  form  of  the  ballot  may  sometimes  compel  some  of  the 


274  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

voters  to  vote  for  some  candidates  in  whom  they  have  no  confi- 
dence as  the  only  means  for  electing  others  whom  they  desire 
to  have  elected  ;  and  from  this  fact  we  can  perceive  that  the  mere 
form  of  the  ballot  may  in  itself  exercise  a  restricting  power  on  the 
free  exercise  of  individual  volition. 

''The  Blanket  Ballot  "  is  the  name  given  to  a  form  of  the  ballot 
which  contains  on  one  sheet  a  list  of  all  the  offices  both  general 
and  local  that  are  to  be  filled  by  the  voters  at  the  General  Election. 
It  also  contains  the  names  of  all  the  candidates  who  are  "  run- 
ning "  for  each  of  such  oflBces.  Later  on  we  will  consider  its  forms, 
the  way  in  which  it  is  prepared,  the  manner  in  which  it  is  used, 
and  some  of  the  effects  produced  by  its  use.  At  present  we  will 
briefly  look  at  the  prevalent  method  of  voting  : 

The  Australian  Ballot  System ;  Objects  : 

Secrecy.  The  prime  object  of  this  method  of  voting  is  to  secure 
absolute  secrecy  of  the  ballot. 

Purity  and  Freedom  of  Elections.  Another  object  was  to  secure 
the  purity  and  freedom  of  elections  by  preventing  tumultuous 
and  disorderly  action ;  the  exercise  of  physical  violence,  intimida- 
tion, coercion,  and  corruption  on  or  over  a  voter ;  the  bribing  of 
electors  and  of  election  officials ;  the  falsifying  of  the  count  and 
the  return ;  the  practise  of  Repeating,  etc. 

Expense  of  Election.  Another  object  was  to  reduce  the  cost 
of  election  to  poor  or  to  independent  candidates,  or  to  Independent 
Parties,  and  so  to  promote  independent  candidacies.  Under 
this  system  The  State  bears  all  the  expense  incurred  in  preparing, 
printing,  and  distributing  the  ballot,  furnishing  all  the  polling 
places,  ballot  boxes,  blank  records,  furniture,  booths,  and  so  forth. 
Because  The  State  does  some  of  the  work,  the  ballot  is  termed 
the  "  Official  Ballot,"  and  the  candidate  is  called  an  "  Official 
Candidate." 

Legal  Control  of.  But  a  most  important  object  was  to  take 
The  Election  out  of  "  Party  Control  "  and  place  it  under  the 
control  of  Law.  Of  course  with  this  particular  end  in  view  it  was 
absolutely  incumbent  upon  the  people  to  pass  laws  that  would 
accomplish  this  result.  We  will  shortly  see  what  they  did  in  this 
respect. 

The  original  system  provided  for  the  registration  of  voters ; 
the  nomination  of  candidates  by  petition ;  the  use  of  but  one 
ballot  on  which  the  voter  can  vote  separately  by  placing  a  cross 
mark  opposite  the  name  of  a  candidate  ;  arranging  the  candidates' 
names  in  alphabetical  order  on  the  ballot  —  thus  in  a  measure 


THE  PROCESS   OF   ELECTION  275 

putting  the  candidates  before  the  voters  fairly.  The  voter  was 
allowed  to  write  in  the  name  of  a  candidate  if  he  preferred  his 
own  choice  to  the  "  official  candidate  " ;  and  he  was  required  to 
mark  the  official  ballot  which  he  received  from  the  election  offi- 
cials, and  to  mark  it  in  a  secret  enclosure  called  a  "  booth," 
thus  preventing  the  "  substitution  "  of  previously  marked  ballots. 
The  ballot  as  the  voter  gets  it  contains  no  indications  of  "  Party  " 
preferences.  The  marking  of  the  ballot  by  the  voter  is  supposed 
to  produce  a  ballot  that  expresses  the  political  will  and  judgment 
of  the  voter  on  the  question,  or  on  the  candidates  submitted. 
The  use  of  the  '*  official  "  ballot  does  away  with  the  "  Vest  Pocket  " 
ballot,  whether  that  ballot  carries  an  expression  of  the  voter's  will, 
or  has  been  previously  marked  for  him  so  as  to  count  in  favor  of 
another's  will  or  desire.  There  is  an  instance  on  record  where 
under  the  former  "  system  "  a  mine  superintendent  marked  the 
ballots  of  three  hundred  and  twenty  Italian  employees  that  were 
voted  in  one  election  district  in  Pennsylvania. 

Origin.  The  s^'stem  was  devised  by  Francis  S.  Button,  who 
was  a  member  of  the  South  Australian  Legislature  from  1851 
to  1865.  It  was  originally  designed  to  meet  the  requirements 
of  an  election  of  legislative  candidates  where  but  few  candidates 
are  voted  for  in  a  legislative  district  election,  and  was  ffi'st 
adopted  in  Victoria,  Australia,  in  1856. 

The  American  Form,  or  Modified  System.  But  the  Australian 
System  in  its  entirety  has  never  been  adopted  in  any  American 
Commonwealth.  And  the  reason  why  the  system  in  its  original 
form  and  effect  was  not  adopted  in  America  is  this.  The  Pro- 
fessional Politicians  and  the  active  members  of  the  partizan  party 
organizations  saw  plainly  that  their  "  opportunities  "  at  elections 
would  be  sadly  interfered  with,  restricted  in  scope,  or  in  some  mat- 
ters done  away  with,  if  this  system  came  into  use.  The  Public, 
however,  was  strenuously  insisting  for  "  Election  Reform,"  for 
"  Ballot  Reform,"  and  for  freer  opportunities  for  "  Independent 
Parties  "  and  candidacies.  The  partizan  party,  ever  anxious  to 
pose  as  the  Mouthpiece  of  Public  Opinion,  was  also  anxious  to 
respond,  provided  it  lost  little  or  nothing  by  so  doing.  After 
the  partizan  party  had  sufficiently  canvassed  the  possibilities 
of  the  proposed  innovation,  then  the  public  got  "  The  Australian 
Ballot  System,"  but  not  until  various  weakening  and  nullifying 
provisions  had  been  inserted  in  "  the  system  "  to  meet  the  various 
"  Party  Requirements  " ;  and,  as  a  partizan  party  ward  Boss  is 
reported  to  have  said  regarding  the  action  of  the  people  in  adopting 


276  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

the  Modified  System,  "  If  any  one  had  deHberately  tried  to  make 
things  easy  for  the  Machine,  he  could  not  have  hit  on  anything 
better." 

As  many  of  my  readers  are  aware,  but  few  of  the  objects  in- 
tended hy  the  people  have  been  accompHshed  by  the  adoption 
of  the  modified  form  of  the  system,  while  pretty  nearly  all  of  the 
objects  intended  by  the  partizan  parties  have  been  accomplished ; 
and,  taking  this  into  consideration,  it  certainly  was  shrewd  in  the 
Party  Boss  to  give  the  credit  for  its  construction  and  adoption 
to  the  American  People. 

Purity  and  Freedom  of  Elections.  The  one  observable  effect 
of  the  adoption  of  the  modified  system  on  political  administration 
is  that  it  has  purified  elections  somewhat,  but  it  has  not  purified 
Politics  a  particle.  It  has  somewhat  limited  the  "  sphere  of 
activities  "  of  professional  politicians  at  Elections,  but  it  has 
caused  them  to  redouble  their  "  activities  "  in  the  pre-election 
processes  of  the  people.  Physical  violence,  disorderly  conduct, 
obstructing  tactics,  bribery,  intimidation,  and  corruption  are 
no  longer  practised  at  elections  on  the  large  scale  in  use  before  the 
change;  but  bribery,  intimidation,  corruption,  and  collusion 
are  now  used  secretly  to  influence  individual  administrative  action 
in  the  political  processes  antecedent  to  election  and  at  the  election 
itself.  With  the  above-mentioned  exception  there  is  hardly  a 
partizan  party  doctrine,  practise,  custom,  or  usage  that  is  changed 
in  its  ultimate  effect  by  the  adoption  of  the  Modified  System. 
Such  changes  can  not  be  effected  by  a  Law  that  merely  puts  the 
expense  of  the  election  on  The  State  and  gives  The  State  some 
clerical  work  to  do. 

Voters  are  still  "  induced  "  to  go  "  fishing  "  on  registration 
days.  If  registered,  voters  are  still  "  induced  "  to  refrain  from 
voting.  Enrolment  Lists  and  Registration  Lists  are  still  falsified 
in  many  places  as  before  described.  Colonizing  is  practised,  and 
regular  gangs  of  "  roughnecks  "  under  the  pay  of  a  partizan  party 
still  vote  repeatedly  in  Cities  at  the  same  election,  going  from 
election  district  to  election  district  and  voting  therein  under 
fictitious  names  and  addresses  that  are  learned  by  them  at  the 
different  election  districts  from  "  Party  Workers." 

Wherever  The  Machine  predominates,  the  immediate  work  of 
balloting  is  still  controlled  and  "  managed  "  by  the  Bi-partizan 
Election  Boards  before  described.  Has  the  reader  forgotten  the 
election  crimes  and  oft'enses  committed  wholesale  in  Ohio  and 
Indiana  since  1911? 


THE  PROCESS  OF  ELECTION  277 

The  election  process  has  not  been  simplified,  except  in  the 
matter  of  enabling  a  partizan  party  to  get  its  "  Straight  Tickets  " 
(the  modern  synonym  for  The  General  Ticket)  voted ;  and, 
through  the  mediumship  of  legislative  "  Party  Majorities  "  (the 
members  of  which  when  constructing  Statutes  act  under  the 
orders  of  the  "  Party  Committee  ")  provisions  regarding  various 
matters  connected  with  balloting  are  scattered  disconnectedly 
throughout  the  Election  Law,  thus  making  the  Law  as  involved, 
indirect,  and  hard  of  easy  comprehension  as  possible. 

Secrecy  of  the  Ballot.  The  secrecy  of  the  ballot,  whether  this 
phrase  means  the  deposit  of  a  ballot,  the  contents  of  which  are 
unknown  to  another,  or  secrecy  of  the  whole  operation  of  balloting, 
has  not  been  maintained.  Bi-partizan  Election  Boards  are  in 
part  designed  to  enable  the  "  Party  "  members  on  these  boards 
to  keep  track  of  the  "  regular  "  and  of  the  "  venal  "  party  ballot. 
The  "  Assistance  clause  "  which  is  in  force  in  some  of  the  States 
enables  an  "  ignorant  "  or  a  corrupt  "  Party  "  voter  to  obtain 
the  "  assistance  "  of  a  party  superior  in  "  preparing  "  his  vote ; 
and  it  also  enables  a  "  Party  "  to  know  what  is  put  on  the  ballot. 
Also,  when  coupled  with  the  exchange  of  "  Party  Courtesies  " 
between  the  "  Bi-partizan  "  members  of  the  boards,  it  becomes 
a  means  for  consummating  the  naturalization  and  registration 
frauds,  and  also  for  nullifying  the  underlying  idea  of  a  check  by 
one  "  Party  "  on  another. 

The  Statutory  provisions  regulating  the  Inspection  of  Elections 
are  rendered  completely  inoperative  as  far  as  the  venal  party  vote 
is  concerned  through  the  adoption  by  The  Machine  of  the  simple 
expedient  of  selecting  beforehand  corrupt  inspectors  who  assist 
The  Machine  in  its  manufacture  of  a  "  majority  of  votes  "  by 
giving  information  to  the  "  Party  Workers  "  outside  of  the  voting 
places  as  to  how  the  vote-buying,  colonizing,  personating,  and 
repeating  contracts  are  being  carried  out  by  "  the  voters."  Similar 
information  is  also  "  passed  out  "  regarding  the  progress  of  the 
"  Regular  "  party  vote,  thus  affording  The  Machine  a  final  oppor- 
tunity to  remind  the  laggard  or  the  apathetic  of  their  duty  to  obey 
the  "  Constituted  Authorities  "  of  the  partizan  party  organizations. 

The  Formation  of  Independent  Parties  and  independent  can- 
didacies are  hindered  as  much  as  possible ;  and  the  partizan  party 
is  given  the  advantage  in  many  ways.  There  is  no  end  to  the 
inconsistencies  in  The  Law.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
"  Party  "  Nominations  are  always  made  by  the  Party  Committee 
and  are  often  "  jammed  through  "  the  Party  Convention  by  it. 


278  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

nevertheless  in  many  States  The  Law  regards  a  partizan  party 
as  an  Electoral  Group  (Political  Party)  and  allows  the  Party 
Committee  to  place  the  "  Party  "  lists  of  candidates  on  the 
"  Official  Ballot  "  by  merely  "  certifying  the  correctness  "  of 
what  really  is  its  own  List ;  while  independent  parties  and  candi- 
dates are  forced  to  the  use  of  a  Petition  or  a  Nomination  Paper 
that  must  necessarily  be  signed  by  other  Electors,  thus  in  effect 
giving  organized  partizanship  the  advantage  over  independent 
administrative  action.  In  addition  to  this,  the  subtly  tinctured 
State  Law  "  safeguards  "  the  use  of  the  Petition  and  Nominating 
Paper  with  numerous  technical  legalities,  and  at  the  same  time 
does  not  prevent  a  partizan  party  from  keeping  back  its  statement 
of  its  list  to  a  date  which  often  leaves  insufficient  time  for  the 
Independents  to  comply  with  the  provisions  of  the  law. 

Dominant  Parties.  Again,  the  left-hand  or  first  columns  on 
the  "Blanket  Ballot"  are  appropriated  by  the  "Dominant 
Parties."  Any  kind  of  an  organized  group,  the  management 
of  which  has  succeeded  in  polling  a  fixed  minimum  of  the  entire 
vote  cast  at  a  General  Election,  which  minimum  ranges  from 
one  per  centum  in  some  States  to  ten  per  centum  in  others,  is 
entitled  to  the  name  of  "  A  Party,"  according  to  Law  ;  but  gener- 
ally only  those  "  Parties  "  which  "  poll  "  the  first  and  second  largest 
number  of  "  votes  "  are  entitled  to  be  considered  as  "  Dominant 
Parties."  The  Minimum-per-cent-Parties  take  the  next  columns 
and  the  Independents  are  relegated  to  the  last  columns,  and  any 
one  who  has  used  such  a  blanket  ballot  can  form  a  pretty  accurate 
estimate  of  the  opportunity  which  an  independent  party,  or 
candidate,  has  of  securing  effective  support  at  the  hands  of  a  pe- 
culiarly indiscriminating  Electorate  by  the  use  of  such  a  ballot, 
except  in  times  of  "moral  awakenings."  During  the  interims, 
and  while  Morality  is  putting  patches  on  its  Administrative 
System,  organized  partizanship  secures  "  The  victories  of  the 
ballot  box." 

.  illiterates.  The  original  Australian  system  creates  an  edu- 
/dational  test  in  that  it  presupposes  the  ability  of  the  voter  to  read 
the  names  of  the  alphabetically  arranged  candidates  in  order 
CO  make  his  selection.  It  regards  the  voter  not  as  a  member  of 
jany  kind  of  a  "  Party,"  but  as  a  Sovereign-unit  who  is  discharging 
jsome  of  his  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  and  Duties  of  Citizenship 
in  the  interest  of  the  General  Welfare.  In  States  where  Illiterates 
have  the  Right  of  Suffrage,  this  excluding  provision  is  circumvented 
by  having  the  ballot  printed  in  party  columns  that  are  sur- 


THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION  279 

mounted  by  pictures  called  "  Party  Emblems  "  that  the  illiterate 
(and  the  venal)  can  recognize  in  the  booth  after  the  picture  and 
its  meanings  have  been  drilled  into  him  by  the  "  party  worker," 
thus  in  effect  proclaiming  to  the  World  at  Large  that  any  indi- 
vidual who  is  sufBciently  literate  to  remember  a  primitive  picture 
for  a  few  days  and  remember  also  to  make  a  cross  mark  with  a 
lead  pencil  in  a  printed  circle  under  it,  is  sufficiently  equipped 
mentally  to  act  as  a  Sovereign-unit  of  an  American  Common- 
wealth and  help  put  its  distinctive  principles  of  administrative 
action  into  full  effect  and  efficient  operation  in  Society. 

Party  Control.  The  People  have  assumed  the  financial  burden 
of  preparing  for  and  handling  the  vote  at  elections,  but  the  "  price  " 
of  a  partizan  party  Nomination  remains  about  the  same  in  money, 
and  exactly  the  same  in  Party  Regularity,  as  before  the  adoption 
of  the  "  Modified  "  System.  The  State  has  eliminated  a  few  of 
the  overhead  charges  of  the  partizan  party  organizations,  but 
it  has  not  removed  the  control  of  The  Election  from  The  Partizan 
Party.  The  process  of  election  is  but  one  process  in  the  System 
of  Administration  ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  remove  this  one  process 
from  the  control  of  The  Partizan  Party  when  every  provision  in 
the  Laws  which  relates  to  Political  Administration  actually  tends 
to  give  The  Partizan  Party  the  control  of  every  step  and  stage 
of  every  other  process  of  the  whole  system ;  and  it  is  impossible 
to  effectually  oust  The  Partizan  Party  from  some  participation 
in  the  management  of  the  steps  and  stages  of  the  Election  Process 
so  long  as  it  retains  its  position  as  the  manager  of  the  whole  system. 
WTiat  can  be  more  ridiculous  action  on  the  part  of  the  people  than 
to  start  out  to  remove  the  control  of  "  The  Party  "  over  the  elec- 
tions and  at  the  same  time  allow  "  The  Party  "  to  control  and 
manage  the  processes  of  Naturalization,  Registration,  and  Nomi- 
nation, and  also  fill  the  election  boards  with  its  partizan  adherents 
only  ? 

Legal  Sanction  of  the  Partizan  Party.  The  above  is  by  no 
means  a  comprehensive  statement  of  the  effects  connected  with 
the  adoption  of  the  "  Modified  "  Australian  Ballot  system  of 
voting ;  but  the  one  result  most  to  be  regretted,  the  far-reaching 
effects  of  which  do  not  as  yet  appear  to  be  widely  appreciated  or 
apprehended,  is  that  the  partizan  party,  through  the  medium 
of  its  Boss-filled  Legislatures,  and  while  enthusiasm  for  the  adop- 
tion of  the  new  system  ran  high,  succeeded  in  incorporating  in 
the  State  Laws  certain  new  sections  relative  to  its  standing  and 
work  in  the  processes  of  nomination  and  election  which  had  the 


280  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

effect  of  bestowing  a  "  legal  "  sanction  to  its  existence  and  work 
as  a  Political  Agency  of  the  people.  For  under  the  provisions  of 
the  Modified  System  as  it  is  embodied  in  the  law  of  many  States, 
any  group  of  electors,  the  membership  of  which  includes  a  fair 
proportion  of  active  Professional  Politicians,  Practical  Politicians, 
Brokers  in  the  Sale  of  Legislation  to  the  Big  Interests,  Bribers, 
Intimidators,  Corruptionists,  Destroyers  of  Private  and  Public 
Morals,  CoUusionists,  OflSce  Seekers,  and  Self-seekers,  w^ho, 
under  any  distinguishing  name,  can  poll  a  certain  per  centum  of 
the  total  votes  cast  at  any  General  Election,  is  entitled  to  be 
considered  as  an  "  Electoral  Group,"  to  be  called  a  political  Party, 
and  to  possess  and  exercise  privileges  and  advantages  in  the  pre- 
election, and  in  the  election  work  of  The  Commonwealth,  which 
individual  Sovereign-units  who  work  independently  of  such 
groups  in  political  administration,  and  in  a  public  spirited,  moral, 
and  logical  manner,  and  solely  for  the  promotion  of  the  General 
Welfare,  do  not  possess.  And,  moreover,  it  is  still  further  possible 
for  any  such  Minimum-per-cent-Party,  through  the  assiduous 
and  persistent  and  unpunished  commission  of  almost  every  con- 
ceivable offense  against  public,  private,  and  political  morality,  to 
rise  to  the  proud  eminence  of  administrative  infamy,  where  it  can 
share  and  divide  with  one  other  similarly  composed  and  working 
*'  Dominant  Party  "  the  "Spoils"  of  Partizanship  that  have  been 
WTung  by  perfidious  action  from  the  administrative  necessities 
of  The  Commonwealth. 

Now,  the  true  character  of  any  group  of  individuals  is  determined 
only  by  its  composition,  object,  and  action.  The  reference  by  a 
Legislature  to  what  is  actually  a  Partizan  Party  as  "  A  Party  " 
does  not  change  a  partizan  party  into  a  properly  composed  or 
organized  Electoral  Group,  w^hich  is  the  only  kind  of  "  Party  " 
that  is  entitled  to  direct  participation  in  matters  of  Political 
Administration.  The  actual  facts  in  the  matter  remain  entirely 
unchanged  by  such  a  reference ;  but,  when  a  State  Legislature 
refers  to  a  partizan  party  as  "  A  Party  "  it  has  this  deplorable 
effect  as  far  as  correct  future  administration  is  concerned  ;  namely, 
it  tends  to  create  the  impression  in  the  minds  of  the  undiscriminating 
and  credulous  masses  that  the  existing  partizan  party  is  in  com- 
position, construction,  and  object  a  Political  Party,  and  is  one 
that  acts  solely  for  the  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  The  State 
and  of  the  individual,  which  impression  is  as  widely  separated 
from  the  Truth  as  the  gulf  w^hich  divides  Pretense  from  Civic 
Virtue. 


THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION  281 

The  provisions  of  the  modified  system  here  referred  to  are 
those  which  relate  to  the  way  in  which  nominations  are  to  be  made 
and  the  way  in  which  the  names  of  the  nominees  are  to  be  placed 
on  the  ballot. 

Under  the  modified  system  the  ballot  is  "  prepared  "  by  The 
State.  Broadly  speaking,  the  method  of  preparation  is  as  follows ; 
but  State  methods  vary,  and  each  reader  must  consult  his  Election 
Laws.  Nominations  for  general  office,  when  made,  are  reported 
by  "  The  Party  "  to  some  State  Official,  who,  in  turn,  sends  to 
each  County  Clerk  a  list  of  the  candidates  for  general  office  to  be 
voted  for  in  his  County,  and  the  County  Clerks  in  turn  add  to 
the  list  received  the  names  of  all  local  candidates  to  be  voted  for 
in  the  political  subdivisions  of  the  County,  and  so  completes  the 
ballot  for  use  everywhere  within  the  County,  City,  Ward, 
Town,  etc. 

The  important  point  to  the  partizan  party  in  the  modified 
system  lies  here.  If  The  State  has  conceded  the  Right  to  Nomi- 
nate to  a  partizan  party,  and  then  passes  legislation  which  enables 
the  partizan  party  to  have  its  list  of  candidates  placed  upon  the 
Official  Ballot  upon  receipt  by  the  proper  State  Official  of  a  mere 
"  certificate  "  as  to  its  correctness  made  by  The  Committee  of  a 
partizan  party,  then  The  State  has  further  established  the  partizan 
party  in  the  position  it  has  always  sought ;  viz.,  that  of  a  "legally" 
acting  Political  Agency,  not  a  duly  acting  agency,  not  a  properly 
acting  agency,  not  a  logical  agency,  but  An  Agency  that  is  "  legally  " 
authorized  to  act  in  political  administration  and  to  apply  its  own 
rules  of  action  in  a  field  of  action  that  was  unpresciently  left  un- 
regulated by  Fundamental  Law  in  the  beginning,  notwithstanding 
the  effects  its  application  of  its  own  rules  may  produce  in  the 
character  of  the  Political  Administration  of  The  Commonwealth. 
The  Partizan  Party  proceeds  and  acts  upon  the  doctrine  that 
whatever  is  not  prohibited  in  set  terms  by  the  Law  is  therefore 
possible  to  it  and  proper  in  nature  because  not  distinctly  and 
definitely  prohibited.  The  most  vociferous  plaudits  of  individual 
Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice  have  come  from  the  parti- 
zan party.  It  admits  with  us  all  that  these  Principles  outline 
in  a  general  way  what  shall  be  considered  moral  political  conduct 
on  the  part  of  The  Individual.  But  it  urges  that  the  people 
have  not  in  set  terms  declared  how  free,  equal,  and  just  individual 
conduct  shall  be  had  in  every  step  and  stage  of  Administrative 
Action,  and  that  because  of  this  failure  of  The  Sovereign  to  pass 
such  obviously  necessary  laws,  an  individual  sovereign-unit  may 


282  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

properly  do,  or  be  made  to  do,  that  which  would  be  improper 
were  such  Laws  in  force.  This  in  a  fair  way  sets  forth  the  moral 
turpitude  of  the  Political  Saviour  which  the  people,  through  the 
adoption  of  the  modified  form  of  the  Australian  ballot  system, 
more  firmly  established  in  its  assumed  positions  of  Guide  and 
Leader. 

The  Use  of  the  Ballot  The  use  of  the  ballot  is  intended  to 
serve  two  political  purposes :  first,  to  enable  each  Sovereign- 
unit  to  freely  register  his  own  individual  will  and  choice  between 
opposing  courses  of  administrative  action,  and  between  opposing 
candidates.  Second,  to  enable  The  Collective  Sovereign  to 
freely  ascertain  and  express  its  Will  as  to  administrative  action 
definitely  and  authoritatively. 

"Practical "  Disfranchisement.  An  elector  can  be  disfran- 
chised properly  only  by  due  process  of  law.  In  such  a  case  he  is 
not  allowed  to  vote.  But  there  are  other  ways  in  which  a  voter 
who  votes  can  be  disfranchised  improperly  and  effectually.  If, 
for  instance,  an  elector  joins  a  partizan  party  and  obeys  its  Con- 
stituted Authorities  when  voting,  then  his  vote  expresses  no  free 
individual  choice  because  it  merely  expresses  a  choice  that  has  been 
made  for  him.  Also,  the  vote  of  such  a  man  expresses  no  individual 
political  will.  It  is  not  a  contribution  towards  an  expression  of 
Public  Opinion,  but  only  towards  an  expression  of  partizan  party 
Will.  Such  an  elector  does  not  vote  freely  as  a  Sovereign-unit, 
but  voluntarily  as  a  partizan  party  member  under  duress;  and 
he  has  disfranchised  himself  practically,  as  far  as  a  free  expression 
of  Sovereignty  is  concerned,  because  he  makes  the  ballot  serve 
partizan  party  purposes. 

Then  again,  if  because  of  any  ignorant  or  wrongful  perversion 
of  the  Process  of  Election,  or  of  the  preceding  processes,  the  ballot 
comes  to  him  in  a  form  that  does  not  enable  him  to  register  his 
own  political  will  or  preference  fully  and  effectually,  then  such  an 
elector  is  practically  disfranchised  and  the  binding  force  of  public 
opinion  is  weakened  correspondingly.  But  furthermore,  if  it 
happens  that  the  "  Practical  Politicians  "  succeed  in  enforcing 
a  general  use  of  such  ballots,  then  public  opinion  ceases  to  be  an 
expression  of  Political  Will  and  becomes  a  manufactured  quantity 
that  can  be  utilized  by  those  in  the  control  of  the  administrative 
processes  for  the  perpetration  of  many  subtle  forms  of  injustice. 

Concerning  the  object  for  which  the  ballot  is  to  be  used,  individ- 
ual electors  can  also  be  "  practically  disfranchised,"  and  public 
opinion  be  rendered  nugatory,  providing  the  electors  do  not  possess 


THE   PROCESS   OF   ELECTION  283 

the  opportunity  to  cast  a  ballot  for  or  against  a  political  issue  or 
question,  but  are  obliged  to  cast  a  ballot  only  in  support  of  some 
partizan  party  promise  the  wording  of  which  is  habitually  loose, 
ambiguous,  and  deceptive,  and  the  true  partizan  party-meaning 
of  which  is  concealed  intentionally  behind  some  such  attractive 
but  utterly  misleading  word  as  "  Prosperity." 

Obstruction  of  Political  Progress,  Effects.  Political  Progress 
consists  in  settling  political  questions  as  they  arise.  Wherever 
a  Free  People  attempt  to  maintain  the  stability  of  The  State  and 
the  happiness,  peace,  and  order  of  society,  political  progress  is 
more  important  than  any  other  kind  of  progress.  But  no  ade- 
quate political  progress  can  be  made  if  individual  electors,  through 
being  disfranchised  by  such  "  practical  "  methods  and  practises, 
are  rendered  impotent  to  raise  and  bring  true  and  pressing  political 
questions  to  the  ballot  box  for  settlement,  or  where,  if  they  vote 
the  "  Ticket  "  provided  by  a  partizan  party,  they  are  obliged  to 
subordinate  the  General  Welfare  to  supposed  or  to  actual  partizan 
party  needs. 

Economic  and  individual  action  can  be  regulated  properly 
and  forcibly  only  through  political  action.  Regulative  adminis- 
trative action  always  follows  after  individual  or  economic  action 
has  disturbed  existing  conditions  or  individual  relationships.  If 
regulative  action  does  not  keep  pace  with  economic  progress  then 
the  "  Economic  Interests  "  possess  the  opportunity  to  obtain  an 
improper  or  undue  private  advantage  on  the  old,  specious,  and 
morality-dodging  plea  that  their  action  has  not  been  prohibited 
specifically  by  The  Law.  If  Political  Progress  —  sufficiently 
obstructed  by  the  "  Professional  Politicians  "  —  lags  far  behind 
economic  progress,  then  it  is  "practically"  possible  for  the  self- 
ish economic  interests  (groups  of  individuals),  working  to  their 
mutual  advantage  with  the  partizan  party  politicians,  to  establish 
a  regime  of  Injustice ;  so  true  is  it  that  Political  Principles  are  of 
little  practical  use  unless  they  be  supported  by  a  logical  and  an 
enforcible  system  of  application. 

The  Inadequate  Administrative  System.  Changing  our  stand- 
point now  so  as  to  include  a  view  of  some  of  the  pre-election  work 
that  was  intended  originally  to  give  force  and  effect  to  the  use 
of  the  ballot. 

Political  Leadership.  The  inadequate  system  with  which  the 
original  Commonwealths  started  political  administration  was 
silent  as  to  the  kind  of  leadership  to  be  employed  in  the  formation 
of  Individual  Will  and  of  Public  Opinion. 


284  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Political  Organization.  It  contained  no  definite  provisions 
relative  to  the  proper  organization  of  electoral  action. 

Political  Registration.  The  Commonwealths  failed  to  appre- 
ciate the  necessity  for  having  The  Voting  Electorate  ascertained 
definitely  and  fixed  properly  before  election,  and  then*  systems 
contained  no  provisions  to  this  end. 

Political  Nominations.  Likewise,  the  important  work  of 
selecting  candidates  and  of  placing  them  in  nomination  was  left 
unregulated. 

In  these,  as  in  almost  every  other  matter,  the  inadequate  system 
neither  enabled  The  Electorate  nor  compelled  the  elector  to  act 
in  the  manner  ordained.  Now,  political  leadership  and  political 
organization  are  essential  elements  in  political  administration. 
But  the  people,  lacking  political  sagacity,  put  the  discharge  of  the 
functions  of  leadership  and  organization  into  the  hands  of  the 
partizan  party,  thereby  changing  these  elements  of  political 
administration  into  partizan  party  leadership  and  partizan 
party  organization,  which,  when  applied,  necessarily  produced 
partizan  party  administration  in  the  place  of  Government  by 
The  People. 

The  Appointive  System.  The  same  lack  of  sagacity  character- 
ized the  action  of  the  people  in  reference  to  the  proper  performance 
of  the  Process  of  Nomination.  They  started  administration  with 
a  system  that  was  based  on  the  idea  of  direct  political  action  by 
individuals ;  but  they  soon  put  the  performance  of  the  Process 
of  Nomination  into  the  hands  of  the  partizan  party.  Now  the 
Power  to  Fill  Public  Office  is  a  part  of  The  Supreme  Power, 
and,  theoretically,  is  to  be  exercised  directly  by  the  people.  But 
the  general  Plan  of  Administration  that  was  originally  adopted 
did  not  adhere  strictly  to  theory  in  this  respect.  It  took  conditions 
into  consideration  and  provided  that  the  higher  State  offices 
should  be  filled  by  direct  electorate  action  at  the  elections,  and 
that  the  minor  or  ministerial  ofiices  should  be  filled  by  indirect 
electorate  action  afterwards ;  that  is,  by  an  exercise  of  discretion 
and  authority  on  the  part  of  the  elective  officials.  The  choice 
of  a  public  officer  by  either  method  is  a  discretionary  act.  The 
act  itself  is  intended  to  work  benefit  to  The  State  and  to  the 
individual. 

Public  Office  is  a  public  charge,  trust,  or  duty  that  is  imposed 
upon  an  individual,  or  body  of  individuals,  for  public  purposes. 

Public  Officials.  In  theory,  only  those  of  known  probity  and 
ability  are  to  be  "elevated  "  to  public  office. 


THE  PROCESS  OF  ELECTION  285 

Public  Service  consists  in  assisting  the  people  to  promote  the 
General  Welfare. 

Political  Appointment.  As  distinguished  from  a  Political 
Election  —  which  is  a  direct  exercise  of  political  power  by  all  of 
the  individuals  of  a  Political  Agency,  or  a  part  thereof  —  a  Political 
Appointment  is  a  direct  exercise  of  political  authority  by  some 
one  individual,  or  by  a  body  of  individuals  holding  some  one  or 
another  important  elective  office  in  The  State  Government. 

When  the  people  originally  distributed  the  exercise  of  political 
authority  between  the  three  branches  of  The  State  Government, 
they  also  bestowed  and  apportioned  the  Appointive  Authority 
between  them.  They  gave  to  the  highest  departmental  official 
or  officials  the  authority  to  exercise  this  discretion,  but  to  exercise 
it  for  The  People,  and  for  the  purposes  intended  by  the  people ; 
hence  the  necessity,  if  the  people  are  to  be  served  only  by  public- 
spirited,  honest,  and  capable  officials,  for  the  proper  performance 
of  the  processes  of  nomination  and  of  election ;  for  if  the  elective 
oflEices  are  not  properly  filled,  the  appointive  ones  are  not  likely 
to  be  so  filled. 

This  necessity  is  greatest  in  the  States  which  employ  either  the 
County  System  or  the  Compromise  System  of  Local  Self-govern- 
ment ;  for  in  these  States  by  far  the  greater  number  of  public 
offices  are  filled  by  appointment.  The  use  of  the  County  System 
was  originally  imposed  upon  the  people ;  but  the  Compromise 
System  was  more  a  matter  of  choice.  Where  this  system  obtains, 
the  people  resorted  to  the  appointive  method  of  filling  the  larger 
number  of  their  offices,  partly  as  a  means  for  making  political  ac- 
tion less  onerous  to  the  individual  through  relieving  The  Electorate 
from  the  necessity  of  reaching  an  agreement  of  wills  regarding 
the  filling  of  a  great  number  of  public  offices,  and  partly  to  center 
the  obligation  of  Responsibility  in  as  few  individuals  as  possible, 
leaving  it  to  The  Government,  considered  as  a  Political  Agency, 
to  make  these  few  individuals  feel  this  responsibility  and  cause 
them  to  select  honest  and  capable  subordinates  ;  thus,  as  it  were, 
somewhat  twisting  the  true  Doctrine  of  Political  Responsibility, 
which  is,  in  this  respect,  that  responsibility  for  proper  official 
conduct  in  a  Free  Commonwealth  lies  directly  to  the  people.  It 
was  also  held  that  the  elected  officials,  because  they  were  so  held 
responsible,  should  be  allowed  to  choose  the  non-elective  ofiicials 
under  them,  and  to  whom  the  actual  or  routine  execution  of  the 
Laws  was  in  many  cases  entrusted ;  and  further  because  the  ca- 
pable elected  officials  were  deemed  better  able  to  judge  of  the 


286  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

character,  capacity,  and  ability  of  their  assistants  than  the  people 
at  large. 

Three  requisites  were  necessary  to  insure  the  successful  operation 
of  this  plan  of  action.  In  the  first  place,  the  people  should  select 
and  elect  these  elective  officials.  In  the  second  place,  Respon- 
sibility should  be  continuously  placed  and  binding  upon  the 
elective  officer  and  promptly  enforced  whenever  necessary.  In 
the  third  place,  and  as  a  means  to  make  the  second  requisite 
effective,  the  function  of  each  office  and  the  duty  of  each  official 
should  be  stated  definitely  and  beforehand  by  the  people.  Neither 
of  these  requisites  existed.  Consequently  the  people  experienced 
difficulties  in  making  their  plan  work  successfully. 

With  the  development  and  acceptance  of  the  idea  of  "  Party 
Government  " —  which  really  means  the  administration  of  Gov- 
ernment according  to  the  will  of  "  A  Party  "  —  a  complete  dis- 
tortion of  the  plan  ensued ;  for  without  in  any  way  first  deter- 
mining the  nature,  character,  composition,  objects,  functions,  and 
specific  work  of  "  A  Party,"  or  in  any  way  trying  to  secure  re- 
sponsible action  from  it,  the  people  allowed  "  The  Party  "  (com- 
posed as  hereinbefore  described)  to  assume  the  responsibility  for 
proper  Political  Administration. 

The  Spoils  System.  Also  the  idea  was  advanced,  grew,  and  was 
finally  accepted,  that  the  right  to  fill  the  elective  offices  belonged 
to  "  The  Majority  Party,"  as  otherwise  it  could  not  enforce  the 
responsibility  for  proper  administration,  which  it  had  succeeded 
in  obtaining  at  the  election  —  by  the  practises  above  set  forth. 
And  finally  "  The  Party  "  claimed  and  was  accorded  the  right 
to  fill  the  appointive  offices  as  well. 

This  movement  was  not  accomplished  without  opposition. 
The  people  in  some  of  the  States  attempted  to  enforce  Respon- 
sibility on  the  elective  officials ;  but  these  officials  stepped  behind 
"  The  Party  "  as  their  political  sponsor.  A  sentiment  in  favor 
of  Civil  Service  Reform  Laws  as  a  means  to  raise  the  level  and 
morale  of  the  appointive  officials  developed  and  grew,  but  was  for 
the  time  being  side-tracked  by  the  agitation  for  the  adoption 
of  the  Australian  Ballot  System  of  Voting  as  a  panacea  for  our 
political  ills.  This  movement  went  through,  and  now  some  of  its 
"  practical  "  results  are  that  a  partizan  party  is  the  Common 
Superior  of  all  of  its  members  who  are  in  public  office ;  that  public 
office  is  treated  as  a  bit  of  partizan  party  patronage  to  be  bestowed 
for  past  and  future  partizan  party  service ;  that  public  officials 
are  regarded  as  responsible  to  a  partizan  party ;  that  the  immedi- 


THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION  287 

ately  obligatory  purpose  of  their  official  action  is  to  serve  a  partizan 
party ;  that  public  service  has  been  changed  in  nature  to  partizan 
party  service ;  and  that  this  kind  of  service  is  obtained  by  the 
partizan  party  through  filling  public  office  with  men  who  in  many 
respects  are  the  opposites  of  those  whom  The  Commonwealth 
originally  intended  should  serve  it  in  an  official  capacity;  all 
of  which  serves  to  confirm  the  truth  of  the  statement  that  a 
Free  Commonwealth  can  not  accomplish  its  objects  in  any  respect 
without  having  beforehand  a  logical  Rule  of  Action, 

Our  Politically  Criminal  Election.  Laws.  In  the  beginning 
of  Political  Administration,  and  before  the  surrender  of  the  exer- 
cise of  the  Political  Prerogative  to  the  partizan  party,  the  indi- 
vidual elector  had  the  opportunity  to  act  freely  and  effectively 
in  all  of  the  processes  of  administration  whether  he  acted  wisely 
or  not.  If  he  had  retained  the  opportunity  to  act  freely,  the  wis- 
dom or  unwisdom  of  his  action  would  have  been  apparent  quickly, 
and  unwise  action  could  have  been  corrected  quickly.  But  at 
present,  and  although  the  performance  of  some  of  the  steps  in  the 
pre-election  work,  the  election  work,  and  the  post-election  work 
is  at  last  "  Regulated  by  Law,"  nevertheless,  a  very  large  propor- 
tion of  the  electorate  is  compelled  to  act  unwisely  all  of  the  time 
in  the  process  of  election. 

The  passage  of  the  laws  which  regulate  the  performance  of  this 
process  has  been  brought  about  mainly  by  the  partizan  party. 
The  laws  themselves  have  been  devised  mainly  by  the  partizan 
party.  They  have  been  so  worded  as  to  bestow  an  undue 
advantage  upon  partizan  parties  in  election  work ;  to  bestow 
a  "  legal  status  "  upon  partizan  parties ;  and  to  maintain  them 
in  the  practical  control  of  the  entire  administrative  work  of 
the  elector. 

The  final  result  of  all  this  is  that  now  an  independent  or  free 
elector  finds  himself  so  hampered  by  The  Election  Laws  that  he 
cannot  participate  in  political  administration  freely  and  effectively ; 
that  is,  as  his  conscience,  will,  and  judgment  decree.  As  for  a 
member  of  a  partizan  party  organization,  such  a  man  can  not  act 
freely  in  any  event,  or  at  any  time,  so  long  as  he  remains  a  member. 
Nor  can  he  act  effectively  except  to  assist  in  transmuting  Political 
Administration  into  Partizan  Party  Administration ;  for  the 
really  formative  and  constructive  action  of  the  people  is  now 
under  the  control  of  the  partizan  party,  the  Managements  of 
which  constantly  divert  all  detail  electoral  administrative  action 
from  its  true  obiects  and  effects. 


288  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Political  Crime.  Political  Crime  may  be  defined  broadly  as  a 
serious  offense  against  the  Political  Morality  of  The  State. 
Crimes  against  the  public  morals  exist,  whether  they  are  defined 
in  set  terms  and  prohibited  by  the  Law  of  The  State,  or  not.  The 
above-described  action  by  the  partizan  party  is  a  political  crime. 
In  a  Republic  there  is  no  crime  comparable  in  magnitude  to  an 
offense  against  the  Moral  Status  of  The  Commonwealth  and  the 
Political  Freedom  of  the  individual.  No  Commonwealth  will 
ever  be  absolutely  free  from  such  crimes.  But  any  Commonwealth 
can  be  reasonably  free  from  them,  provided  it  wdll  specifically 
guarantee  beforehand  the  proper  performance  of  each  step,  stage, 
and  process  in  its  administrative  action,  and  afterw^ards,  when  new 
forms  of  political  crime  appear,  will  promptly  eliminate  the  oppor- 
tunity for  their  perpetration  by  Direct  Legislation. 

Failure  to  Enforce  Laws.  Notwithstanding  the  true  character 
of  our  Body  of  Administrative  Law,  there  are  still  many  political 
writers  who  would  have  us  believe  that  the  main  trouble  with 
the  present  political  situation  is,  that  the  Laws  are  not  enforced. 
They  point  to  the  Corrupt  Practises  Acts,  The  Civil  Service  Acts, 
and  other  similar  laws  and  say,  "  Enforce  these  stringently  and 
all  will  be  well." 

With  such  opinions  this  book  raises  an  issue  of  fact.  It  is  true 
that  the  above-mentioned  acts  and  laws  contain  some  few  specific 
guarantees  of  proper  action.  But  they  do  not  strike  at  the  parent 
evils  of  allowing  a  partizan  party  to  act  as  an  Electoral  Group 
and  dominate  the  entire  administrative  action  of  a  large  part  of 
The  Electorate  by  the  exercise  of  immoral  power  for  non-political 
objects.  These  Acts  do  not  prevent  the  partizan  party  from  apply- 
ing and  enforcing  its  immoral  Code  of  Action  in  the  administrative 
work  of  The  Sovereign.  Quite  the  Contrary !  These  Acts  and 
Laws  countenance  the  existence  of  a  Partizan  Party  as  a  Political 
Agency.  They  exist  merely  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  Parti- 
zan Party  System  of  action  less  evil  in  spots,  and  for  making  the 
results  of  Partizan  Party  Action  less  harmful  to  private  morals 
and  to  the  public  morals.  They  are  merely  small  portions  of  a 
large  and  bad  system  of  action.  They  are  passed  to  enable  The 
State  to  punish  the  perpetration  of  what  are  considered  grossly 
intolerable  overt  acts  at  certain  stages  of  administrative  action 
only.  They  only  relieve  some  few  parts  of  the  situation  from  the 
fear  of  violence,  bloodshed,  and  other  forms  of  Statutory  Crime. 
But  they  leave  the  rest  of  the  situation  open  to  the  undisciplined 
practise   of  dishonest}',   fraud,   and   immorality.     Consequently, 


THE  PROCESS   OF  ELECTION  289 

the  enforcement  of  these  few  Acts  and  Laws  referred  to  will  not 
and  can  not  clear  up  the  present  political  situation  and  make  all 
well ;  and  furthermore,  the  stringent  enforcement  of  a  Body  of 
Administrative  Law  that  is  defective  fundamentally  can  have 
no  other  effect  than  to  produce  defective  administration. 

Political  Fraud :  It  is  affirmed  in  this  book  that  the  American 
Commonwealths  have  blundered  in  Political  Administration,  and 
that  a  gigantic  political  fraud,  composed  of  numerous  lesser  frauds, 
is  being  practised  systematically  by  the  active  members  of  the 
partizan  party  organizations.  Now  a  complete  statement  of  a 
general  proposition  must  be  built  up  from  statements  regarding 
the  details  involved.  Careful  attention  to  detail  is  fatiguing. 
But  it  is  well  worth  while  because  it  exposes  the  hidden  meanings 
in  generalizations,  it  prevents  a  hasty  jumping  to  conclusions, 
and  it  reveals  the  whole  truth  of  the  matter.  Therefore,  m  the 
interest  of  sure  progress  let  us  go  into  details  somewhat. 

A  Political  Fraud.  A  Political  Fraud  may  be  defined  as  any 
deliberate  act,  omission,  concealment,  deception,  or  dishonesty, 
connected  with  the  Process  of  Political  Administration,  that  is 
hurtful  or  injurious  to  The  State  or  to  the  individual,  or  by  which 
any  illogical  or  inequitable  private  privilege  or  advantage  is  pro- 
cured. Sovereignty  is  the  attribute  most  affected  by  political 
fraud ;  and  any  act  or  action  that  affects  the  sovereignty  of  The 
State  or  of  the  individual  deleteriously,  must  be  either  a  political 
blunder  or  a  political  fraud. 

Characteristics  of.  The  above  definition  comprehends  the  de- 
grees of  moral  obliquity  that  are  described  loosely  by  the  terms 
Deceit  and  Dishonesty ;  each  of  which  terms  characterizes  the 
nature  of  some  one  or  another  political  fraud. 

Deceit.  For  instance :  Are  Deceit  and  its  practise  (Decep- 
tion) constituent  elements  of  Free  Administrative  Action  ?  No  ! 
They  are  the  death  virus  to  such  action.  Are  they  necessary 
to  the  attainment  of  the  ordained  ends  of  The  State  ?  No ! 
Affecting  the  acts  of  individuals,  they  work  to  prevent  The  State 
from  attaining  its  ordained  ends.  In  free  administrative  action 
the  practise  of  deception  is  never  resorted  to  except  as  the  means 
for  enabling  some  individual  or  body  of  individuals  to  gain  some 
private  end  illogically ;  and  if  the  accomplished  end  or  object 
be  non-political  in  nature,  then  a  political  fraud  has  been 
perpetrated. 

Dishonesty.  Political  Llonesty  may  be  described  as  the  disposi- 
tion to  act  in  accordance  with  the  generally  received  ideas  of 


290  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


right  administrative  action.  It  is  much  the  same  thing  which 
we  have  heretofore  described  as  PubHc  Spirit  and  Civic  Virtue; 
but  it  is  more  particularly  distinguished  as  the  disposition  to  carry 
out  the  Spirit  and  Intent  of  The  People  while  engaged  in  ad- 
ministrative work  that  is  not  comprehensively  regulated  by  Law, 

Political  Dishonesty  is  the  opposite  of  this,  or  the  disposition 
to  take  private  advantage  of  any  unregulated  or  insufficiently 
regulated  matter  of  Political  Administration ;  and  if  we  accept 
the  above  definition  of  political  honesty  as  true,  then  we  need  no 
argument  to  prove  that  in  any  free  body  politic  where  a  Collective 
Sovereign  is  attempting  to  administer  Government  as  Ordained 
without  a  comprehensive  system  of  administration,  Political  Hon- 
esty is  one  of  the  indispensable  factors  to  the  successful  solution 
of  the  administrative  problems. 

The  Spirit  and  Intent.  We  remember  that  Democracy  was 
favored  as  a  Political  Regime  because  it  was  possible  for  the 
Collective  Sovereign,  through  democratic  action,  to  abolish  the 
existence  of  Special  Privilege  in  society.  We  remember  that  the 
stated  benefits  to  be  derived  from  a  democratic  Regime  were  set 
forth  in  terms  that  showed  special  privilege  to  be  unjust.  We 
remember  that  the  ultimate  purpose  of  Political  Administration 
is  the  maintenance  of  the  ordained  status  of  The  Commonwealth, 
and  the  ordained  conditions  of  individual  existence,  through 
individual  administrative  action. 

The  Opportunity  for  Fraud.  Such  being  the  case,  it  became 
incumbent  upon  The  Collective  Sovereign  to  regulate  definitely 
and  properly  every  move,  step,  stage,  and  process  of  individual 
administrative  action.  But  the  Collective  Sovereign  has  never 
done  this.  Consequently  it  does  not  possess  an  indisputable  way 
of  making  its  o^^^l  units  act  solely  as  Sovereign-units  either  in 
Electoral  Action  or  in  Official  Action  ;  and  right  here  in  this  failure 
by  The  Sovereign  to  provide  a  logical  and  comprehensive  Body 
of  Administrative  Law  lies  the  opportunity  for  politically  dishonest 
Sovereign-units  to  perpetrate  political  fraud  easily. 

How  Perpetrated.  By  Whom.  We  will  admit  that  The  Col- 
lective Sovereign  has  failed  in  the  discharge  of  its  sovereign 
obligations.  But  nevertheless  we  wull  assume  that  The  Collective 
Sovereign  will  not  deliberately  perpetrate  a  fraud  upon  itself,  or 
upon  its  units.  And,  if  frauds  are  perpetrated  upon  The  Com- 
monwealth or  upon  its  individuals,  we  will  affirm  that  they  must 
be  perpetrated  either  by  some  individual,  or  by  some  body  of 
individuals,  who  hope,  through  deceitful  or  dishonest  political 


THE  PROCESS  OF  ELECTION  291 

action,  to  derive  some  special,  peculiar,  and  private  advantage 
that  is  not  included  among  the  stated  benefits  which  are  intended 
to  be  secured  and  to  be  transmitted  to  future  generations  through 
logical  and  honest  administrative  action. 

Two  Main  Classes  of.  Ever  since  the  adaptation  of  the  Process 
of  Election  to  political  uses  it  has  been  utilized  by  some  indi- 
viduals or  groups  of  individuals  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  a  private 
advantage  of  some  kind  or  another.  Depending  upon  what  is 
accomplished  and  how  it  is  accomplished,  such  action  amounts 
to  a  fraud  either  upon  The  Commonwealth  or  upon  the  individual. 
Such  frauds  are  carried  through  by  perverting  electoral  action 
and  official  action  that  is  taken  in  any  or  all  of  the  Processes  of 
Administration.  Some  originate  in  action  that  is  antecedent  to 
the  process  of  election  and  either  culminate  there,  or  are  carried 
on  for  culmination  in  the  action  of  The  Government.  Others 
originate  in  the  process  of  election  and  are  culminated  there  by 
the  perversion  of  the  process. 

Legal  Frauds,  Moral  Frauds.  We  might  further  differentiate 
these  frauds  as  Legal  Frauds  and  Moral  Frauds.  But  we  would 
gain  nothing  because  we  know  that  many  of  the  current  practises 
and  usages  which  have  received  the  legislative  sanction  —  or,  let 
us  say  in  the  deluding  words  of  the  partizan  party,  "  The  Sanction 
of  Public  Approval  "  —  are  nevertheless  moral  frauds  upon  the 
Spirit  and  Litent  of  The  People  and  upon  their  ordained  regime. 
We  know  the  basic  political  immorality  of  these  practises  and 
usages.  We  know  also  the  political  depravity  underlying  their 
contrivance  and  enforcement ;  and  all  that  need  be  said  at  this 
point  is,  that  "  Legislative  Sanction  "  is  a  very  different  matter 
from  "  Public  Sanction,"  and  that  these  practises  and  usages  have 
never  received  the  Sanction  of  Public  Approval.  It  is  true  that 
individuals  have  been  deluded  and  lioo(lwinked  into  a  passive 
acceptance  of  their  use ;  but  The  Collective  Sovereign  has  never 
passed  on  the  question  of  their  use  directly,  nor  in  the  manner 
ordained  for  the  expression  of  a  political  choice,  and  which 
action  is  absolutely  essential  for  the  proper  bestowal  of  "  Public 
Sanction." 

Frauds  on  The  Commonwealth.  A  fraud  on  The  Commonwealth 
is  any  deliberate  act  or  action  which  alters  its  ordained  status 
through  weakening  its  moral  strength,  its  material  strength,  its 
physical  strength,  its  intellectual  capacity,  and  its  ability ;  or  any 
such  act  or  action  by  which  its  ordained  Principles  of  Political 
Action  are  set  aside. 


292  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Frauds  on  The  Individual.  A  fraud  on  The  Individual  is  any- 
deliberate  act  or  action  which  alters  or  impairs  the  ordained  status 
of  the  individual  considered  either  as  a  Sovereign-unit  or  as  a 
social  and  economic  unit  of  The  Commonwealth. 

Among  the  grosser  frauds  on  The  Commonwealth  may  be  men- 
tioned the  perversion  of  the  Elective  Principle.  The  perversion 
of  the  Political  Principles  of  Majority  Rule,  Representation,  and 
Responsibility.  The  counterfeiting  of  Public  Opinion.  The 
destruction  of  Electorate  Control  over  The  Government;  all  of 
which  are  more  or  less  attributable  to  the  use  of  a  partizan  party 
as  a  Political  Agency  and  the  application  in  political  administra- 
tion of  such  ideas  as  Party  Success,  Party  Responsibility,  Party 
Control,  Party  Regularity,  and  Collusive  Action  between  opposing 
Partizan  Parties,  all  of  which  ideas  unite  to  produce  the  irre- 
sponsiveness  of  the  public  oflBcial  to  the  true  Spirit  and  Intent 
of  The  People,  and  which  irresponsiveness  is  evidenced  by  the 
passage  of  Strike  Legislation,  Favorable  Legislation,  Pork-Barrel 
Legislation,  Log-Roiling,  Jobbery,  and  so  on. 

Among  the  frauds  that  are  perpetrated  in  the  Political  Processes 
may  be  mentioned  the  naturalization,  registration,  nomination, 
and  the  election  frauds,  —  including  the  use  of  The  Gerrymander, — 
all  of  which  tend  to  produce  the  final  frauds  on  the  individual  of 
political  disfranchisement,  misrepresentation,  and  non-representa- 
tion. 

Election  Frauds.  Passing  by  some  forms  of  fraud  that  are 
perpetrated  in  the  w^ork  of  the  political  Campaign,  Canvass, 
Electioneering,  Getting  out  The  Vote,  and  so  on,  we  will  confine 
our  attention  at  present  to  frauds  that  are  more  immediately 
connected  with  the  handling  of  The  Ballot.  It  will  be  im- 
possible at  this  point  to  do  more  than  indicate  some  of  the 
many  specific  acts  which  have  been  construed  as  constituting 
such  frauds. 

Political  Bribery  consists  of  offering  a  voter  a  valuable  con- 
sideration either  for  his  vote  or  for  his  forbearance  to  vote.  We 
have,  in  Chapter  VIII,  considered  the  fundamental  immorality 
of  the  practise  and  some  of  its  effects. 

Political  Intimidation  is  the  use  of  physical  violence,  or  threats, 
or  menaces,  against  a  voter,  or  any  act  whereby,  through  the  force 
of  fear  or  dread,  the  free  exercise  of  the  Elective  Franchise  is 
interfered  with  or  prevented. 

Political  Corruption  consists  in  the  enforcement  upon  a  voter 
of  any  dishonest  practise,  usage,  inducement,  or  doctrine  whereby 


THE  PROCESS  OF  ELECTION  293 


the  morals  of  the  individual  are  contaminated,  vitiated,  and 
debased,  and  whereby  his  political  integrity  is  either  weakened 
or  destroyed. 

Repeating,  where  Registration  is  required,  consummates  the 
registration  repeating  frauds ;  and  is  the  voting  several  times  at 
an  election  by  an  individual  under  the  fictitious  names  placed 
upon  the  Registration  Lists.  Repeating  may  occur  where  regis- 
tration is  not  required ;  but  this  fraud  is  generally  made  possible 
only  through  collusive  action  of  one  kind  or  another. 

Personating  is  the  voting  at  elections  by  an  individual  who 
claims  to  be  some  one  whose  name  is  properly  on  the  voting  list 
but  who  has  not  voted.  Collusive  action  is  generally  its  distinctive 
feature,  and  especially  so  when  the  true  voter  is  precluded  from 
voting  because  of  this  act. 

Voting  of  Colonizers  consists  in  receiving  the  ballots  of  "  Colo- 
nizers "  —  who  may  not  even  be  residents  of  The  State,  see 
Chapter  XV  —  and  counting  them  as  votes  of  duly  qualified  voters. 
Generally  this  fraud  is  only  possible  through  collusive  action. 

Abstraction  of  Ballots  is  the  wrongful  taking  during  the  polling 
hours,  by  some  one  in  charge  of  the  election,  or  by  another  under 
his  direction  or  connivance,  of  ballots  from  the  ballot  box.  Ballots 
so  taken  are  usually  all  of  one  kind ;  but  the  number  of  ballots 
abstracted  is  usually  supplied  in  one  way  or  another  by  ballots 
of  another  kind  so  that  the  "  Majority  "  is  wrongfully  built  up 
in  an  apparently  true  total. 

Ballot  Box  Stuffing  is  the  insertion  of  spurious  ballots  into  the 
ballot  box.  The  stuffing  may  be  done  by  a  voter,  or  by  a  few 
voters,  or  by  some  one  in  charge  of  the  ballot  box,  or  by  some  one 
acting  under  his  direction  or  through  his  connivance.  A  voter 
assists  in  stuffing  the  ballot  box  whenever  he  deposits  two  or  more 
ballots  folded  together  so  as  to  appear  as  one  ballot.  The  box 
is  also  stuffed  whenever  ballots  are  put  in  the  box  that  have  not 
been  deposited  by  actually  qualified  election  district  voters.  Ballot 
box  stuffing  is  the  easiest  possible  way  of  manufacturing  an 
election  district  "  majority  of  votes  "  wherever  the  Registration 
Laws  are  lacking  and  the  Election  Laws  are  loose.  An  instance 
is  on  record  where  previously  prepared  ballots  were  put  on  the 
bottom  of  the  box  before  the  polls  opened  and  upon  them  a  false 
bottom  was  placed.  When  the  box  was  inverted  to  empty  it, 
these  stuffed  ballots  became  mixed  with  the  rest. 

Tissue  Ballots  are  ballots  in  proper  form  that  are  printed  on 
such  thin  tissue  paper  that  several  of  them  when  carefully  folded 


294  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

take  up  no  more  space  than  the  authorized  ballot.  The  use  of 
the  tissue  ballot  is  another  form  of  ballot  box  stuffing. 

Obstruction.  One  form  of  obstruction  is  accomplished  when 
party  partizans  of  one  "  Party  "  form  in  line  outside  of  the  polls 
under  pretense  of  waiting  to  vote  and  so  prevent  the  other 
"  Party's  "  adherents  from  voting  in  time.  Another  form  is, 
occupying  the  election  booth  for  a  long  time. 

Illegal  marking.  One  who  has  sold  his  vote  to  a  candidate  or  a 
"  Party  "  can  prove  the  discharge  of  his  part  of  the  bargain  to  the 
venal  candidate  or  member  on  the  Election  Board  by  some  slight 
mark,  tear,  or  wrinkle  that  distinguishes  his  ballot  from  others. 
Also,  the  ballot  clerk  can  easily  ascertain  how  any  individual 
votes  by  tearing  off  the  stub  of  the  ballot  in  a  peculiar  way. 

Assistance.  In  Election  Districts  where  personal  registration 
is  not  required,  the  actually  unqualified  illiterate  electors  who  have 
been  stuffed  into  The  Electorate  by  the  fraudulent  performance 
of  the  Process  of  Naturalization  are  allowed  the  "  assistance  " 
of  their  "  political  "  sponsors  in  preparing  their  ballots.  In  some 
States  two  Inspectors  of  Election  of  opposite  (but  not  necessarily 
opposing)  "  Dominant  Parties  "  enter  the  booth  with  the  illiterate 
for  this  purpose.  But  whenever  the  Party  Machine  is  in  control 
of  the  process  and  Trades  or  Deals  are  being  consummated,  the 
booth  merely  becomes  another  place  for  the  exchange  of  "  Party 
Courtesies  "  in  the  manufacture  of  "  Party  Majorities."  The 
assistance  clause,  however,  when  properly  applied,  does  enable 
blind  or  maimed  electors,  who  are  otherwise  qualified,  to  use  the 
written  ballot;  but  a  blind  elector  has  to  trust  to  the  political 
honesty  of  his  "  assistants." 

False  Canvassing,  Counting,  and  Return.  The  frauds  indicated 
by  these  names  are  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  "  Counting  in  " 
or  "  Counting  out  "  a  candidate  regardless  of  the  actual  number 
of  votes  cast  for  a  candidate.  When  the  election  was  under  the 
control  of  the  Dominant  Party,  this  was  the  easiest  way  of  "  electing 
a  candidate  "  or  getting  a  "  Party  Majority  "  with  all  that  that 
meant ;  but  need  I  point  out  that  where  this  was  done  The  Election 
was  turned  into  a  farce  and  that  the  actual  electing  body  was  the 
Election  Board  and  not  The  Electorate. 

Ballot  Manipulation.  Counterfeiting  a  ballot  may  be  con- 
summated by  the  knowing  insertion  of  some  slight  change  in  the 
printed  name  of  a  candidate,  or  the  knowing  omission  of  some  part 
of  the  name  such  as  the  abbreviation  "Jr.,"  which  change  or 
omission  is  easily  overlooked  by  the  illiterate  or  heedless  voter. 


THE  PROCESS  OF  ELECTION  295 

but  whereby  a  vote  for  that  candidate  may  be  lost  through  being 
rejected  in  the  canvass,  count,  or  return  by  the  knowing  election 
board.  It  has  been  consummated  by  heading  a  printed  ballot  with 
the  name  of  one  "  Party  "  and  printing  the  names  of  candidates 
of  the  other  "  Party  "  under  it ;  but  that  was  when  the  Dominant 
Parties  were  in  control  of  the  Election. 

The  above  list  of  election  frauds  is  not  inclusive.  It  merely 
sets  forth  some  of  the  frauds  that  have  been  perpetrated  in  times 
past,  and  includes  others  that  are  still  practised.  In  many  States, 
where  a  serious  attempt  has  been  made  to  "  purify  elections," 
the  original  open  opportunity  for  many  of  these  frauds  has  been 
restricted,  diminished,  or  surrounded  with  more  risk  by  Statutory 
Law.  The  real  effect  of  this  State  Action  has  been  merely  to 
obstruct  fraud  in  connection  with  the  transaction  of  some  of  the 
detail  work  of  the  election.  It  has,  in  such  States,  the  effect  of 
making  the  perpetration  of  certain  kinds  of  election  detail  fraud 
inadvisable ;  but  even  there  it  has  by  no  means  completely  closed 
the  opportunity  for  such  frauds,  as  witness  the  fraudulent  action 
that  is  still  possible  to  the  Bi-Partizan  Election  Boards,  the  use  of 
which  is  proudly  proclaimed  by  the  partizan  party  to  have  the 
sanction  of  Public  Approval. 

But  what  can  The  Commonwealth  reasonably  expect?  Its 
present  "  Purity  of  Election  "  Laws  have  been  passed  mainly 
through  the  guidance  and  influence  of  the  self-seeking  partizan 
party  having  its  own  axes  to  grind  and  using  The  Electorate 
to  grind  them  with.  Does  not  that  fact  alone  make  it  quite  prob- 
able that  the  practises  possible  under  such  laws  will  be  largely 
of  a  non-political  character,  and  therefore  politically  fraudulent? 
Can  we  reasonably  believe  that  a  body  of  law  which  permits  of 
non-political  action  in  Political  Administration  will  ever  prove 
an  efficient  safeguard  against  political  fraud  ? 

But  on  the  other  hand  there  are  many  States  which  have  no 
efficient  Registration  and  Election  Laws  that  afford  a  safeguard 
against  the  commonly  fraudulent  use  of  the  ballot;  and  this 
must  justify  me  with  those  of  my  readers  who  live  in  States  more 
favored,  in  having  set  forth  some  frauds  that  may  now  be  obsolete 
in  their  States.  I  do  not  claim  that  these  election  frauds  now 
exist  everywhere.  That  is  not  the  point.  I  do  claim  that 
they  all  existed  somewhere  and  at  some  time,  and  that  this 
fact,  coupled  with  the  other  fact  that  the  partizan  party 
was  in  control  of  the  Political  Processes  where  and  when 
they    were   perpetrated,  tends   to  throw  a  strong  light  on  the 


296  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

character  of  the  aggregation  to  whom  we  have  entrusted  the 
management  of  our  administrative  affairs. 

But  who  perpetrates  the  great  frauds  upon  The  Commonwealth 
that  are  still  possible,  notwithstanding  the  Purity  of  Election  Laws 
and  the  Corrupt  Practises  Acts  ?  It  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  The  Commonwealth  does,  or  that  individual  Sovereign-units 
designedly  divest  themselves  of  their  political  power,  political 
rights,  and  political  privileges.  There  are  no  Political  Parties 
in  existence  and  the  partizan  parties  are  still  in  control  of  the  dis- 
charge of  the  Political  Processes.  Who  is  it  therefore  that  practises 
these  frauds  upon  the  Sovereignty  of  The  Commonwealth  and 
upon  the  integrity  of  its  Sovereign-units,  or  causes  such  frauds 
to  be  so  practised,  unless  it  be  the  partizan  party,  the  active  mem- 
bers of  which  being  the  only  individuals  who  chiefly  benefit  by 
them  ?  A  fraudulent  Election  is  a  sufficiently  serious  matter  in 
itself ;  but  it  sinks  into  insignificant  proportions  beside  a  fraudu- 
lent Political  Administration. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION 

Representative  Democracy:  The  American  Commonwealths 
are  commonly  called  "  Representative  Democracies,"  Standing 
by  itself,  the  term  "  Representative  Democracy  "  expresses  a 
contradiction  in  ideas. 

Democracy.  The  word  "  Democracy  "  is  used  primarily  to  de- 
scribe the  political  system  under  which  government  is  established 
and  administered  afterwards  by  direct  action  on  the  part  of  the 
people. 

A  Democracy.  Standing  by  itself,  the  term  "  A  Democracy  " 
expresses  the  idea  of  a  people  who  have  assumed  political  inde- 
pendence, who  have  established  government,  and  who  exercise 
their  sovereignty  directly  in  its  administration. 

Republic.  The  word  "  Republic  "  is  used  primarily  to  describe  a 
Political  System  under  which  the  State  Polity  is  established  and  a 
governmental  regime  is  ordained,  through  a  direct  exercise  of  the 
supreme  power;  but  under  which  system  the  people  entrust  the 
performance  of  some  of  the  work  of  administrative  detail  to 
representatives  selected  by  themselves. 

A  Republic.  Standing  by  itself  the  term  "  A  Republic " 
expresses  the  idea  of  a  politically  independent  people  who  exercise 
some  of  their  political  powers  indirectly  in  the  work  of  administra- 
tion. Theoretically,  an  indirect  exercise  of  political  power  is  held 
to  be  a  direct  exercise  of  political  authority. 

A  Representative.  A  representative  is  one  who  stands  in  the 
place  of  and  who  acts  for  another. 

A  Political  Representative.  A  political  representative  is  one  who 
stands  for  the  time  being  in  the  place  of  the  sovereign,  who  acts 
for  the  sovereign  in  certain  matters,  and  who  exercises  such 
authority  as  is  bestowed  upon  the  office  he  occupies. 

Representative  Administration.  The  transaction  of  parts  of  the 
work  of  political  administration  by  means  of  the  exercise  of  politi- 

297 


298  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

cal  authority  produces  representative  administration  in  some 
matters. 

The  Spirit  and  Intent  of  The  People.  Broadly  speaking,  the 
separate  American  Commonwealths  instituted  Government  as  the 
means  for  imparting  stability  and  effective  operation  to  the  fol- 
lowing ideas;  namely,  that  Sovereignty  resides  in  the  people, 
that  Political  Power  proceeds  from  the  people ;  that  individuals 
who  possess  and  exercise  Sovereignty  shall  be  and  remain  politi- 
cally free  and  equal ;  that  The  Will  of  The  People  shall  decide  the 
purposes  for  which  and  the  manner  in  which  The  Supreme  Power 
shall  be  exercised  ;  and  that  each  Sovereign-unit  shall  at  all  times 
freely  participate  in  the  formation,  ascertainment,  expression,  and 
execution  of  that  Will  in  all  matters  connected  with  the  establish- 
ment of  Government  and  its  administration  afterwards. 

The  Plan  of  Effective  Operation,  In  each  Commonwealth  one  of 
the  first  acts  of  sovereignty  was  the  ordainment  into  use  of  a  general 
plan  of  administrative  action  under  which  the  Collective  People 
were  to  be  represented  primarily  by  The  Electorate  and  secondarily 
by  the  collective  bodies  of  legislative,  executive,  and  judicative 
officials,  which,  when  working  together,  we  call  The  Government. 
In  each  case  the  general  management  of  political  administration 
was  put  into  the  hands  of  The  Electorate.  This,  in  effect,  decided 
the  composition  of  the  acting  Sovereign  and  the  identity  of  the 
Sovereign-units.  In  each  case  The  Electorate  was  required  to 
exercise  some  of  the  supreme  powers  directly  for  certain  purposes, 
and  for  other  purposes  was  required  to  exercise  some  of  the  supreme 
powers  indirectly  and  by  means  of  the  secondary  Administrative 
Agency.  This  agency  was  to  be  put  into  active  operation  by  The 
Electorate  through  the  process  of  filling  its  offices  and  positions 
with  some  of  the  members  of  the  electorate.  Afterwards,  The 
Government  was  to  be  directly  guided  and  controlled  in  its  action 
by  The  Electorate  acting  for  the  people. 

Through  this  exercise  of  political  power  the  American  Common- 
wealths proclaimed  themselves  Democracies  in  sovereignty,  spirit, 
and  purpose,  but  acting  as  Republics  in  some  matters  of  Political 
Administration.  In  this  way  they  ordained  the  principles  of 
Democracy  as  a  guide  to  their  action  as  a  Republic. 

Representative  Administrative  Action :  The  American  Common- 
wealths have  ordained  Representative  Administrative  Action  as 
the  kind  of  action  by  which  some  of  the  administrative  powers  are 
to  be  exercised  for  the  production  of  some  of  the  desired  adminis- 
trative results.     Each  Sovereign-unit  must  act  as  an  elector  and 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  299 

some  will  be  called  upon  to  act  both  as  electors  and  as  public 
officers;  but  as  a  right  exercise  of  these  powers  depends  upon  a 
right  exercise  of  individual  power  in  administrative  matters,  and 
as  each  individual  elector  is,  in  theory,  animated  by  the  desire  to 
produce  the  General  Welfare,  each  is  clothed  with  Political  Freedom 
to  act  as  he  deems  best  for  this  end. 

Electoral  Action.  We  distinguish  the  direct  action  that  is 
required  of  an  individual  while  acting  in  the  capacity  of  An  Elector 
by  the  name  Electoral  Action. 

Electorate  Action.  The  direct  action  on  the  part  of  the  Collective 
Electorate  that  is  necessary  to  enable  it  to  discharge  its  functions 
as  a  political  agency,  we  call  Electorate  Action. 

Official  Action.  The  indirect  electoral  action  that  is  taken  by  a 
public  officer  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  a  public  office,  and 
the  indirect  electorate  action  that  is  taken  by  a  collective  body  of 
public  ofiicers,  and  which  is  necessary  to  enable  it  to  discharge  the 
functions  of  an  administrative  board,  a  Legislature,  etc.,  we  call 
Official  Action. 

Objects,  Reasons  for.  By  resorting  to  this  kind  of  administrative 
action  the  people  sought  to  avoid  the  inconveniences  and  the 
dangers  that  are  necessarily  connected  with  a  direct  exercise  of  all 
of  their  administrative  powers  by  all  of  the  citizens  of  The  State 
when  acting  together  as  an  administrative  assemblage.  The 
people  also  believed  that  through  the  use  of  comparatively  small 
political  agencies  that  were  to  be  composed  of  men  of  superior 
personal  civil-virtue,  ability,  and  political  knowledge,  they  could 
secure  a  wiser  and  a  speedier  readjustment  of  the  constantly  dis- 
turbed relations  of  individuals  than  could  be  had  from  direct 
action  by  the  collective  people ;  and,  all  things  considered,  the 
people  regarded  Representative  Action  in  some  matters  as  feasible, 
practicable,  and  altogether  the  most  advantageous  way  of  exercis- 
ing some  of  their  Powers  of  Administration. 

But,  of  course,  administrative  action  takes  place  after  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  Powers  of  Establishment.  Part  of  it  is  indirect  action 
and  not  direct  action  by  the  people.  The  question  immediately 
arises,  How  can  future  indirect  action  be  made  as  effective  as  direct 
action  by  The  People  in  the  future?  How  can  future  indirect 
action  by  an  agency  be  given  the  compelling  force  that  direct 
action  by  the  people  always  has? 

Sanction.  The  way  in  which  the  people  sought  to  accomplish 
these  effects  was  to  bestow  their  Sanction  beforehand  upon  the 
"  lawful  "  exercise  by  their  Political  Agencies  of  The  Delegated 


300  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Powers  of  Administration.  This  they  did;  but  hastily,  and 
without  providing  a  Rule  of  Action  beforehand  that  would  enable 
either  The  State  or  the  public  official  to  easily  and  speedily  deter- 
mine what  action  could  or  should  be  considered  "  lawful." 

We  remember  that  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  are 
portions  only  of  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  Powers  of 
the  people. 

The  Electorate  is  supposed  to  exercise  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial  powers  directly  for  the  purpose  of  providing  an  Adminis- 
trative Policy,  imparting  the  Impulse  to  administrative  action  by 
The  Government ;  selecting  and  choosing  between  Candidates  and 
filling  elective  public  offices;  and  controlling  the  action  of  The 
Government. 

The  Government.  Confining  ourselves  now  to  a  consideration  of 
Representative  Action  as  it  applies  to  The  Government.  When 
the  original  States  established  Government  their  Fundamental  Law 
was  in  existence,  and  there  was  also  a  large  body  of  "  Colonial 
Statutory  Law  "  in  existence  and  which  was  continued  on  in  use 
as  binding  rules  of  action  in  many  respects. 

Legislative  Power.  Taken  in  connection  with  the  delegated 
exercise  of  Legislative  Power,  representative  action  becomes  the 
means  by  which  the  people,  through  their  sanction  given  before- 
hand, attempt  to  secure  the  enactment  of  proper  Statutory  Laws 
without  passing  them  directly. 

Executive  Power.  In  relation  to  the  delegated  exercise  of 
Executive  Power,  representative  action  becomes  the  means 
whereby  the  people,  through  their  sanction  given  beforehand, 
attempt  to  secure  the  proper  enforcement  of  their  Fundamental 
and  their  Statutory  law  without  assembling  together  for  this 
purpose. 

Judicial  Power.     In  relation  to  the  delegated  exercise  of  Judicial 

Power,  representative  action  becomes  the  means  by  which  the 

people,  through  their  sanction  given  beforehand,  attempt  to  secure 

the  application  of  the  full  meanings  of  the  Principles  of  The  State 

Polity,  and  of  their  Statutory  Law,  to  their  political,  social,  and 

economic  affairs  without  assembling  together  for  that  purpose ; 

the  three  branches  of  The  Government,  working  together,  being 

/  merely  the  instrumentality  by  which  this  inclusive  division  of  the 

Jjr        work  of  political  administration  is  made  practically  operative. 

'  Sanction,    in    representative   action,    is   the   solemn   approval 

bestowed  by  The  People  upon  the  acts  of  their  representative 

agencies  or  agents.     In  a  pure  Democracy  sanction  beforehand  is 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  301 

unnecessary  because  the  people  deliberate  and  legislate  directly. 
In  a  Republic,  however,  the  people  agree  beforehand  to  let  an 
administrative  agency  decide  some  administrative  matters  by  its 
vote ;  and  in  order  to  impart  the  compelling  force  of  Law  to  the 
acts  of  The  Agency,  they  bestow  their  sanction  before  the  agency 
begins  its  exercise  of  Authority.  By  so  doing,  the  people  also 
impose  an  obligation  upon  each  citizen  to  conform  to  and  support 
the  "  lawful  "  acts  of  The  Government,  and  to  work  peaceably  for 
theu*  alteration  or  repeal  if  the  acts  produce  hardships  to  the 
individual  or  injury  to  The  State. 

Theoretically,  the  bestowal  of  sanction  beforehand  enables 
individuals  to  avoid  the  inconveniences  connected  with  Direct 
Legislation  in  some  matters,  and  enables  the  people  to  secure  a 
wiser  and  more  beneficial  exercise  of  The  Supreme  Power  in  these 
matters. 

But,  if  this  system  of  administrative  procedure  is  to  be  made 
effectual,  the  people  must  possess  some  way  of  making  it  so. 
Standing  by  itself  the  system  will  not  of  itself  produce  proper 
administrative  action.  It  must  be  backed  up  by  a  "  Body  of 
Law  "  before  proper  action  can  be  guaranteed,  or  even  premised. 
Individual  and  collective  Official  Action  must  be  distinctly  and 
comprehensively  described  and  prescribed  by  Law,  for  how  else 
can  anyone  determine  what  is  "  lawful."  The  proper  performance 
of  such  action  must  be  in  each  instance  compelled  by  Law,  for 
unless  it  is,  no  individual  or  body  of  individuals  will  come  forward 
and  give  up  the  necessary  time  to  try  to  make  a  debatable  idea 
work  practically.  If  what  is  "  lawful  "  is  neither  described  nor 
compelled,  then  the  bestowal  of  sanction  amounts  to  nothing  more 
than  a  mandate  from  The  Sovereign  to  its  agency  to  go  it  blind ; 
and  this  is  equivalent  to  ordering  its  individual  units  to  act  as  the 
agency  decrees,  even  if  that  decree  permits  of  or  compels  improper 
individual  action,  and  even  if  that  decree  has  been  obtained  by 
wittingly  wrong  action  by  the  individuals  who  compose  the  repre- 
sentative agency. 

A  Free  Commonwealth  always  stands  in  danger  of  two  kinds  of 
administrative  action ;  namely,  dishonest  action,  and  well-meant 
but  shortsighted  and  illogical  action  ;  both  of  which  produce  hard- 
ships and  injustice  to  some  of  its  individuals.  The  State  also  can 
be  injured  as  effectually  by  witless  honest  action  as  by  wilfully 
dishonest  action.  It  attempts  to  discourage  either  kind  ;  first,  by 
impeaching  public  officials  for  corrupt  action,  incompetence,  and 
unfitness  and  imposing  fine  and  imprisonment,  provided  the  action 


302  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

complained  of  and  proved  has  been  made  a  "  legal  "  crime;  and 
second,  by  the  action  of  The  Judiciary  in  declaring  the  official  action 
taken  to  be  a  nullity.  But,  unless  the  people,  at  the  same  time 
when  they  bestow  their  sanction  upon  future  official  administrative 
action,  already  possess  a  Body  of  Law  which  distinctly  defines  the 
functions  of  office ;  which  declares  the  official  who  shall  discharge 
its  functions ;  which  prescribes  the  methods  by  which  the  duties 
of  the  office  are  to  be  performed ;  which  declares  the  punishment 
for  official  malfeasance  in  every  case;  which  determines  the 
manner  and  means  for  inflicting  such  punishment  —  in  short, 
unless  The  State  has  a  Body  of  Law  which  definitely  regulates  its 
own  action  in  this  respect,  it  can  never  speedily,  effectually,  or 
justly  accomplish  even  so  righteous  a  purpose  as  this. 

When  the  American  Commonwealths  bestowed  such  sanction, 
they  committed  the  stupendous  blunder  of  failing  to  ordain  such 
a  body  of  law.  They  failed  to  appreciate  the  necessity  of  having 
beforehand  a  "  Specific  Guarantee  "  for  the  proper  exercise  of 
Political  Authority.  True !  They  had  the  example  before  them 
of  the  wholesome  effects  produced  by  the  use  of  a  prescribed  rule 
of  procedure  which  the  Judiciary  of  America  and  of  England 
presented ;  but  they  failed  to  perceive  the  necessity  for  a  similar 
rule  of  procedure  in  the  case  of  the  legislative  and  executive 
branches  of  The  Government.  They  trusted  to  the  force  of  Public 
Spirit  to  produce  proper  rules  of  action  and  proper  action  itself 
on  the  part  of  individual  representatives ;  but  so  far  this  force, 
unsupported  as  it  is  by  any  definite  statements  as  to  proper  indi- 
vidual administrative  action,  has  not  proved  the  equal  in  strength 
to  the  love  of  individual  material  advancement  which  lies  at  the 
root  of  all  evil,  political  evil  included. 

The  Judiciary.  Outside  of  the  faith  in  individuals  that  The 
Judiciary  will  administer  Justice,  what  is  it  that  imparts  definite- 
ness  and  compelling  force  to  judicial  decisions,  and  obtains  respect- 
ful compliance  with  the  results  proceeding  from  the  exercise  of 
volition,  discretion,  and  reason,  by  Judges  and  Courts,  if  it  is  not 
the  fact  that  the  Rule  of  Judicial  Procedure  is  definite,  a  part  of  the 
knowTi  Public  Law,  and  that  in  the  exercise  of  discretion,  volition, 
and  reason  Judges  are  governed  by  a  body  of  exact  and  widely 
known  definitions  which  control  their  administration  of  Justice  as 
ordained.  If  accurate  definitions  and  a  rule  of  procedure  will 
produce  such  effects  in  judicial  administrative  action,  why  will 
they  not  produce  action  of  a  similar  character  from  the  executive 
and    legislative    departments?     Fortunately    for    the    American 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  303 

People  the  administrative  action  of  the  first  State  Judiciaries  was 
aheady  regulated  by  a  body  of  accepted  rules  of  procedure  and 
general  definitions  and  concepts  concerning  Freedom,  Liberty, 
Equality,  and  Justice,  Also  the  general  character  of  the  judiciary 
was  established ;  and  the  really  important  point  to  be  covered 
was  the  future  maintenance  of  the  character  and  grade  of  the 
judiciary.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  this  point  was  left  uncovered, 
and  the  final  result  is  that  wherever  nominations  to  the  Bench  are 
sold  and  bought  like  any  other  commodity,  the  character  and 
grade  of  The  Judiciary  has  necessarily  declined  in  degree  and 
integrity. 

Legislative  and  Executive  Action.  The  bestowal  of  sanction 
beforehand  upon  undefined  action  produced  several  effects.  An 
undue  exercise  of  discretion  was  bestowed  upon  the  legislative  and 
executive  representatives  concerning  the  immediate  purposes  for 
which  official  action  should  be  taken,  and  concerning  the  manner 
in  which  Political  Authority  should  be  used.  The  whole  broad 
question  of  what  is  proper,  responsive,  and  responsible  official 
action  was  left  open  to  dispute  instead  of  being  settled  beforehand 
so  that  The  People  could  at  all  times  reasonably  secure  a  logical 
exercise  of  Political  Authority,  or  speedily  rectify  or  punish  its 
illogical  exercise.  The  Common  Superior  told  its  agencies  to  go 
ahead  until  further  orders  and  then  failed  to  issue  any  further 
adequate  orders.  The  legislative  and  executive  departments  were 
left  to  fight  it  out  between  themselves  and  grab  the  exercise  of 
Authority  from  each  other.  A  wide  field  of  administrative  action 
was  left  insufficiently  regulated  by  Law.  The  opportunity  was  left 
open  for  its  selfish  exploitation  ;  and  we  know  what  has  happened. 
Administrative  Action  in  both  departments  that  is  ministerial  in 
nature  —  because  theoretically  taken  under  the  direction  and 
control  of  the  ordained  Common  Superior,  The  Electorate  —  is 
now  supplanted  by  partizan  party  action.  That  means  that  The 
Electorate  has  abdicated  the  office  of  Common  Superior  in  favor 
of  The  Partizan  Party.  Each  Commonwealth  has  been  confi- 
dentially hoodwinked  into  the  use  of  successive  administrative 
expedients  until  now  in  the  place  of  a  Logical  System  of  Political 
Administration  we  have  and  use  a  collection  of  Partizan  Party 
customs,  practises,  and  usages  which,  in  connection  with  admin- 
istrative offices,  allow  the  successive  occupants  of  public  office  to 
use  the  office  for  partizan  party  purposes  while  ostensibly  filling  it 
for  public  i)urposes;  and  for  three-quarters  of  a  Century  indi- 
viduals in  The  Government  have  so  misused  executive  and  legis- 


304  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

lative  authority  for  the  accomplishment  of  purposes  that  are 
foreign  to  its  ordained  use  as  to  seriously  impair  the  ordained 
conditions  of  individual  existence ;  all  of  which  effects  would  not 
have  been  so  speedily  possible  had  the  Commonwealths  started 
political  administration  with  a  comprehensive  and  logical  system 
of  Administration. 

Free  Participation  in  Government :  Our  general  plan  of  Repre- 
sentative Administrative  Procedure  is  full  of  words  and  terms 
which  properly  describe  the  administrative  action  of  a  Democracy. 
Free  participation  in  Government  is  one  of  these  democratic  terms. 
What  is  its  meaning  under  a  Republican  form  of  administration  ? 

In  a  democratic  sense  the  term  means  the  direct  and  free  partici- 
pation by  a  Sovereign-unit  in  all  matters  connected  with  the 
exercise  of  Sovereignty  by  the  Collective  Sovereign.  But  if  a 
Collective  Sovereign  exercises  some  of  its  administrative  powers 
in  an  indirect  manner  and  by  Agencies,  then  all  of  the  Sovereign- 
units  can  not  freely  participate  in  all  matters  of  administration. 
That  is  our  position  ;  and  therefore  the  term  "  Free  Participation  " 
must  have  a  peculiar  meaning  with  us.  Considering  The  Elector- 
ate as  the  Collective  Sovereign,  its  individual  members  are  the 
Sovereign-units  who  are  entitled  to  participate  in  administration. 
We  divide  Electorate  Action  into  direct  and  indirect  action.  This 
in  turn  divides  participation  —  free  or  otherwise  —  into  direct  and 
indirect  participation.  In  order  to  get  a  Democratic  form  of  the 
direct  exercise  of  all  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration, 
the  States  have  ordained  that  all  of  the  electors  who  are  duly 
qualified  shall  in  each  period  of  administration  freely  participate 
in  the  exercise  of  these  particular  powers. 

Political  Representation :  This  leaves  open  the  matter  of  par- 
ticipation in  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  of  Administra- 
tion. Of  course  an  elector,  as  such,  can  not  participate  directly 
in  the  administrative  action  that  is  taken  by  the  three-branched 
Government;  but  in  order  to  enable  The  Electorate  to  exercise 
the  Delegated  Powers  indirectly  and  yet  effectively  Republics 
employ  a  means  called  Representation. 

Defined.  Leaving  details  for  future  elaboration,  the  American 
form  of  Political  Representation  may  be  briefly  described  as  a 
scheme  of  administrative  action  whereby  The  Electorate,  in  the 
official  exercise  of  Executive  Power,  shall  act  by  and  through  an 
individual,  or  certain  sets  of  individuals ;  and  in  the  official  exercise 
of  Legislative  Power  shall  act  by  and  through  a  certain  number  of 
individuals ;  and  in  the  official  exercise  of  Judicial  Power  shall  act 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  305 

by  and  through  still  other  individuals ;  and,  in  order  to  impart  a 
Democratic  character  to  this  indirect  exercise  of  political  power, 
the  States  decree  that  all  of  the  individual  Electors  shall  freely 
select  and  choose  the  individuals  who  are  to  primarily  represent 
The  Electorate  in  such  official  action,  and  that  such  official  action 
shall  be  directed  and  controlled  by  The  Electorate.  The  fact 
that  Official  Action  is  divided  into  Public  Action  and  Local  Action 
does  not  affect  the  general  theory  of  official  action. 

Comidered  as  a  Political  Right.  Since  Political  Representation 
is  an  ordained  means  for  enabling  individual  electors  to  freely 
participate  indirectly  in  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powders  of 
Administration,  it  is  capable  of  being  considered  as  a  Political 
Right.  In  theory,  Representative  Action  for  certain  purposes  is 
held  to  possess  a  distinct  advantage  over  Direct  Action.  Both  the 
Collective  Sovereign  and  its  individual  units  are  therefore  entitled 
to  all  of  the  benefits  flowing  from  its  use ;  and  both  may  rightly 
claim  that  the  whole  process  of  Representation  shall  be  kept 
logical,  as  otherwise  it  will  not  produce  the  kind  of  administrative 
action  that  was  originally  intended.  Besides  this,  the  public  officer 
may  claim  the  same  thing;  as  otherwise  he  may  not  be  able  to 
secure  the  benefits  of  immunities  that  are  granted  to  public  officials. 

The  advantage  of  considering  Political  Representation  as  a 
Political  Right  is  obvious.  Our  attention  is  immediately  directed 
first,  towards  ascertaining  the  exact  meanings  and  benefits  of  the 
right;  and  second,  to  the  distinctive  obligations  that  rest  upon 
The  Electorate,  the  individual,  and  the  public  official  to  secure  all 
of  the  peculiar  benefits  which  flow  from  that  right  to  The  Com- 
munity considered  as  a  Political  Power ;  to  the  citizens  who 
compose  The  Community  (and  through  ourselves  to  our  posterity)  ; 
and  to  the  public  official.  Furthermore,  by  regarding  it  as  a 
Political  Right  we  are  enabled  to  refer  all  controversies  and  dis- 
putes concerning  its  nature,  meaning,  intent,  and  manner  of  opera- 
tion, back  to  our  Principles  of  Action  for  elucidation  and  decision. 
Being  a  Political  Right,  all,  and  each,  are  interested  in  its  full 
maintenance;  and  all,  and  each,  are  injured  by  its  violation  in 
any  respect ;  and  finally,  each  individual  is  held  in  duty  bound  to 
call  the  attention  of  The  Community  to  any  violation  of  the  right 
or  diminution  of  its  benefits. 

The  American  Kind  of.  Let  us  say  that  our  theory  of  represent- 
ative government,  so  far  as  it  bears  on  the  matter  of  Political 
Representation,  is  this :  Government  and  its  Administration  are 
instituted  and  maintained  through  an  exercise  of  The  Will  of  The 


306  SAFE   AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

People,  and  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  General  Welfare ; 
Political  Representation  is  ordained  as  an  advantageous  means 
for  the  transaction  of  some  of  the  work  of  administration ;  the 
people  are  made  the  basis  of  representation  in  The  Legislature ; 
that  the  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  is  to 
be  directed  and  controlled  by  The  Will  of  The  People ;  that  each 
Sovereign-unit,  however  acting,  is  morally  bound  to  properly  dis- 
charge his  allotted  part  in  every  step,  stage,  and  process  of  political 
administration ;  that  the  privilege  and  the  duty  of  expressing 
The  Will  of  The  People  as  to  political  administration  is  bestowed 
upon  The  Electorate ;  that  The  Will  of  The  People  is  a  consensus 
of  individual  Electoral  Wills ;  that  Political  Majorities  are  ma- 
jorities of  Electoral  Wills ;  that  Political  Majorities  are  to  be 
formed  solely  through  the  free  play  of  individual  reason  and  con- 
science ;  that  majorities  of  Electors  are  not  to  be  permanently 
organized  for  the  continuous  exercise  of  Political  Authority ;  that 
Representatives,  who  are  selected  for  the  sole  purpose  of  more 
advantageously  expediting,  perfecting,  and  carrying  out  some  of 
the  detail  work  of  the  people  in  administrative  action,  must  work 
and  act  according  to  the  ordained  Principles  of  Democratic  Action 
which  apply  to  all  alike ;  that  such  representatives  must  by  their 
action  put  nothing  but  the  Spirit  and  Intent  of  The  People  into 
practise ;  that  such  representatives  must  by  their  action  put 
nothing  but  The  Will  of  The  People  into  operation  as  to  adminis- 
trative details  ;  that  the  predominating  administrative  sentiments 
of  The  Community  are  to  be  freely  represented  in  The  Legislature 
as  well  as  in  The  Government  as  a  whole ;  and  that  in  the  legis- 
lature, the  representatives  are  to  act  'precisely  as  the  people  would 
act  were  they  gathered  together  as  a  Legislative  Assemblage  and 
working  under  their  ordained  Democratic  Principles  of  Associa- 
tion ;  for  otherwise,  it  will  be  impossible  for  the  people,  through 
indirect  action,  to  put  their  Principles  of  Action  either  into  full  or 
effective  operation. 

A  Representation  of  Ideas.  From  this  it  appears  that  the 
American  Commonwealths  have  ordained  the  existence  of  but  one 
kind  of  political  representation ;  viz.,  the  representation  of  Ideas 
concerning  the  Geiural  Welfare;  and  in  passing  it  may  be  said  that 
the  representation  of  any  other  ideas  than  these  will  tend  to,  if  it 
does  not  actually,  pervert  the  administrative  action  of  the  people 
from  its  true  objects. 

Form  of  is  Personal  Representation.  Our  ordained  form  of 
political  representation  is  most  commonly  termed  Personal  Repre- 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  307 

sentation.  The  name  is  used  to  indicate  the  difference  in  nature 
which  exists  between  our  form  and  some  other  forms  of  political 
representation  such,  for  instance,  as  : 

Arbitrary  Representation,  or  Representation  by  Status,  which 
form  rests  upon  the  basis  of  traditional  ideas  concerning  individual 
position  and  privilege ;  and  such  a  form,  for  instance,  as  : 

Equal  Representation,  which  name  more  especially  indicates  the 
kind  of  representation  possessed  by  the  several  not  wholly  autono- 
mous political  bodies  or  subordinate  States  that  may  compose  a 
larger  confederated  Nation. 

The  specific  objects  to  be  accomplished  by  the  bodies  politic 
using  either  of  these  tliree  kinds  of  political  representation  are 
perfectly  distinct,  and  the  reasons  for  the  use  of  either  kind  are 
different.  Space  forbids  a  consideration  of  any  other  objects  and 
reasons  than  our  own  ;  and  these,  being  considered,  show  that  with 
us  Political  Representation  means  that  particular  kind  which  will 
enable  the  individual  units  of  the  Collective  Sovereign  to  partici- 
pate as  freely  as  possible  in  the  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers  of 
Administration  ;  and  we  neither  bestowed  nor  intended  to  bestow 
political  representation  on  any  body  of  individuals  who  were 
permanently  organized  to  promote  Sectarian,  Military,  Social, 
Economic,  Sectional,  Class,  Selfial,  and  Selfish  Interests  what- 
soever. And  finally  we  prohibited  such  organizations  and  all 
individuals  from  exercising  private  selfial  influence  upon  individual 
electors  while  acting  in  an  administrative  capacity. 

Importance  of  Correct  Methods.  Whether  we  shall  ever  secure 
the  desired  extent  and  kind  of  participation  required,  and  whether 
we  can  ultimately  secure  the  administrative  results  hoped  for, 
will  of  course  depend  very  largely  upon  the  Methods  by  which  we 
act.  But  in  looking  into  the  general  plan  of  American  representa- 
tive action  we  experience  an  instant  and  encouraging  gleam  of 
conviction  that  it  can  be  made  to  work  successfully,  that  it  will 
naturally  become  composed  of  logical  methods,  Provided  Only,  that 
each  Individual  elector,  while  acting  either  in  an  elective,  or  in  an 
official  capacity,  and  in  each  step,  stage,  and  process  of  adminis- 
trative action,  will  be  guided  and  governed  by  the  principles  of 
Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice  as  they  apply  to  such 
action.  But  with  human  nature  in  its  present  state  of  develop- 
ment one  indispensable  prerequisite  is  necessary  for  the  production 
in  and  by  any  Free  Commonwealth  of  the  kind  of  individual  action 
that  has  been  ordained.  The  State  must  possess  a  logical  System 
of  Administration  that  not  only  provides  the  individual  elector 


308  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

with  the  opportunity  to  act  in  a  logical  manner,  but  which  also 
enables  The  State,  if  occasion  requires,  to  compel  a  logical  and 
therefore  an  effectual  action  from  every  Sovereign-unit  however 
acting.  The  Collective  Sovereign  must  at  all  times  retain  effective 
control  over  the  action  of  its  Sovereign-units  or  fail  in  the  at- 
tempted exercise  of  Sovereignty. 

Now  it  makes  no  difference  by  what  form  of  popular  government 
the  people  seek  to  make  their  will  effectual ;  in  each  form  the 
obligation  regarding  the  kind  of  methods  remains  the  same. 
Under  any  form  of  Popular  Government  the  obligation  is  upon  the 
Collective  Sovereign  to  provide  methods  of  individual  administra- 
tive action  which,  whether  they  are  used  to  produce  this,  that,  or 
the  other  specific  result,  w^ill  in  each  instance  harmonize  in  char- 
acter with  its  self-chosen  Principles,  and  will  also  give  full  opera- 
tive force  to  their  meanings.  Our  form  of  representative  action, 
being  based  upon  a  distinctive  concept  of  individual  Equality, 
can  never  succeed  in  maintaining  individual  Justice,  unless  our 
administrative  methods  are  such  as  will  maintain  individual 
Equality  in  administrative  action.  Any  method  of  administrative 
action  which  tends  to  impair  or  to  destroy  absolute  equality  in 
individual  administrative  action  necessarily  works  mischief  to 
The  Community  through  giving  to  some  more  influence  in  admin- 
istrative work  than  they  should  rightfully  possess,  and  through 
depriving  others  of  their  rightful  degree  of  influence.  The  use  of 
such  methods  tends  to  create  a  Privileged  and  an  Unprivileged 
Class ;  and  this  was  one  of  the  possibilities  that  Democracy  was 
instituted  to  prevent.  Let  us  briefly  examine  some  of  the  argu- 
ments which  support  the  use  of  several  methods  of  representation 
that  directly  affect  the  political  equality  of  individuals,  and  which 
methods  should  therefore  be  avoided. 

Improper  Methods :  By  "  Interests."  Some  writers  liken 
Society  to  an  "  Organic  Body  "  that  is  composed  of  different 
groups  of  individuals,  which  groups  they  term  "  Collective  Organ- 
isms." These  so-called  organisms  are  engaged  in  various  economic 
pursuits,  which  are  called  "  Social  Interests."  The  claim  is  made 
that  the  solidarity  of  Society  depends  upon  the  freedom  in  which 
these  "  Social  Interests  "  may  be  carried  on.  Such  writers  argue 
that  these  "  Interests  "  are  the  real  animating  force  in  Society  — 
the  accumulation  of  wealth  being  the  strongest  desire  in  Man ; 
that  the  "  General  Interest  "  will  be  best  secured  by  the  successful 
development  of  these  "  Social  Interests  " ;  that  Representative 
Government  is  really  instituted  to  afford  superior  opportunities 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  309 

for  the  prosecution  of  these  "  Interests  " ;  and  that  to  make  it 
fully  effective  these  "  Interests  "  should  be  the  Units  of  Repre- 
sentation in  The  Government. 

But  Representation  by  "  The  Interests  "  will  produce  a  Govern- 
ment of  The  People,  by  "  The  Interests,"  and  for  "  The  Interests." 
So  in  the  same  way  Representation  by  "  The  Party  "  will  produce 
a  Government  of  The  People,  by  "  The  Party,"  and  for  "  The 
Party."  Measured  by  our  Objects,  Representation  by  "  The 
Interests  "  is  a  totally  inapplicable  form  ;  but  the  arguments  in  its 
support  are  in  many  respects  so  like  the  arguments  advanced 
by  some  writers  in  support  of  Representation  by  "  The  Party  " 
that  it  may  be  well  to  analyze  them  briefly.  Besides  being  fatally 
defective  in  basis  —  because  they  ignore  the  stated  meanings  of  the 
Principles  of  our  State  Polity  —  the  arguments  are  also  fallacious 
because  of  their  ingeniously  equivocal  terms. 

As  to  the  State.  The  word  "  Society  "  is  used  to  express  the  idea 
of  a  Political  State.  The  State,  however,  is  not  composed  of 
"  groups  of  individuals  working  economically."  It  is  composed  of 
all  of  its  individuals  working  together  politically.  The  object  of 
Political  Action  is  to  produce  and  maintain  Individual  Justice. 
The  object  of  Economic  Action  is  to  produce  Wealth.  The  State 
acts  politically  to  remedy  injustices  that  are  committed  economi- 
callv,  and  to  force  individuals  and  "  Interests  "  to  work  harmoni- 
ously  together  for  the  production  of  the  General  Welfare,  which 
onlv  exists  when  Individual  Justice  is  maintained. 

As  to  Welfare.  These  arguments  ignore  our  idea  of  Individual 
Welfare,  which  is  personal  immunity  from  any  form  of  injustice. 
They  interpret  "  Welfare  "  as  the  welfare  of  certain  groups  of 
individuals.  They  confine  the  meaning  solely  to  Economic 
Welfare,  thereby  excluding  from  their  calculations  the  idea  of 
the  moral  welfare  of  the  individual  upon  which  rests  the  moral 
welfare  of  The  State.  They  say  nothing  concerning  personal 
immunity  from  possible  oppressive  administration,  and  the  Wel- 
fare of  Humanity  at  Large,  which  conditions,  it  must  not  be  for- 
gotten. Popular  Government  was  in  part  designed  to  secure. 

As  to  Object  of  Government.  The  term  "  Social  Interests " 
conveys  an  impression  of  State  Interests;  and  by  creating  this 
impression  these  writers  slide  over  the  truth  that  these  so-called 
"  Social  "  interests  are  actually  private,  individual,  selfish,  eco- 
nomic interests.  Certainly  these  private  interests  can  be  prose- 
cuted most  successfully  if  they  can  obtain  control  in  administra- 
tion, but  we  did  not  institute  Government  for  that  object. 


310  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

As  to  Political  Status.  Through  the  use  of  an  mdiscrimmatmg 
nomenclature  these  writers  on  Popular  Government  avoid  the 
truth  and  create  false  impressions  in  many  respects.  By  calling 
these  proposed  Units  of  Representation  "  the  Collective  organisms 
of  Society,"  they  create  the  impression  of  an  Electoral  Group  having 
political  features,  work,  composition,  and  character,  and  being 
entitled  to  control  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  of  Admin- 
istration. But  these  "  Social  Interests  "  considered  as  groups  do 
not  possess  political  attributes.  They  are  merely  many  separate 
groups  of  economic  units  —  not  electors  —  who  are  pursuing 
various  mechanical  or  commercial  callings,  who  can  not  exist 
independently  of  each  other;  who  can  not  be  "harmonized" 
because  they  are  engaged  in  a  constant  economic  warfare ;  who 
can  not  possess  the  Collective  Will  that  is  necessary  to  supply  the 
animating  force  to  Political  Administration  and  whose  members 
are  merely  united  together  by  one  part  only  of  the  "General 
Interest  "  which  unites  the  individuals  of  a  State  together.  Let 
a  real  political  question  like  Slavery  arise  !  Then  what  happens  ? 
The  individuals  who  compose  these  "  Collective  Organisms,"  these 
"  Social  Interests,"  these  proposed  "  Units  of  Representation  " 
instantly  fly  apart,  separate,  and  associate  themselves  with  others 
for  the  decision  of  the  Political  Question ;  and  the  "  Organism," 
considered  as  a  Political  Unit,  disappears. 

As  to  Character.  Furthermore,  the  character  of  these  "  Social 
Interests  "  is  fixed  not  by  the  Principles  of  Democratic  Associa- 
tion, but  by  the  use  of  the  Principles  of  Competitive  Business. 
Each  collective  "  Social  Interest  "  is  more  or  less  dependent  upon 
the  activities  of  the  other  "  Social  Interests,"  and  each  is  always 
striving  to  reduce  the  extent  of  that  dependency  by  "  absorbing  " 
every  possible  "  Allied  Interest  " ;  that  is,  by  reaching  out  into 
and  by  occupying  fields  of  economic  effort  that  are  by  nature 
similar  or  "  allied  "  to  their  effort.  And  moreover,  each  separate 
business  group  in  each  collective  "  Social  Interest  "  is  constantly 
and  most  unsocially  fighting  every  other  business  group  with 
competitive  methods  of  business  for  the  purpose  of  killing  off 
business  groups  of  its  oion  kind.  Experience  has  shown  that  these 
"  Social  Interests  "  stop  at  nothing  either  to  destroy  a  competitor 
or  to  enlarge  their  own  private  fields  of  operation.  The  commer- 
cial practises  of  the  "  Social  Interests  "  proclaim  them  to  be  pure 
Selfish  Interests.  They  are  in  fact  a  most  improper  unit  of  repre- 
sentation because  representation  of  Self-interest  does  not  accord 
with  that  theory  of  popular  government  which  seeks  to  secure  to 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  311 

each  individual  an  equal  opportunity  to  participate  in  administra- 
tion and  to  pursue  happiness.  To  give  such  "  Interests  "  repre- 
sentation in  The  Government  is  merely  to  afford  the  more  powerful 
"  Interests  "  an  added  opportunity  to  absorb  the  weaker  "  In- 
terests" and  to  destroy  in  Society  the  conditions  of  individual 
existence  that  popular  govermnent  was  invoked  to  secure  and 
maintain. 

By  Sections  :  "  Natural  opportunities  "  play  an  important  part 
in  the  formation  of  what  are  called  "  Sections  "  in  a  State.  By 
natural  opportunities  are  meant  those  peculiar  conditions  of  the 
soil,  or  combinations  of  land  and  water,  or  the  special  productive- 
ness in  either  or  both,  which  enable  man  to  satisfy  his  desire  for 
Wealth  with  less  exertion  than  at  other  places.  These  oppor- 
tunities lie  in  sections  of  the  State  widely  separated  from  each 
other.  The  pursuits  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  sections  are  dif- 
ferent, some  being  agricultural  while  some  may  relate  to  manu- 
facture, fisheries,  mining,  etc.  The  inliabitants  of  each  section 
have  selfial  interests  that  are  somewhat  at  variance  with  each  other, 
and  the  needs  of  each  section  are  different.  This  leads  naturally 
to  the  idea  that  a  Representative  from  each  Section  is  needed  in 
The  Government  to  see  to  it  that  the  welfare  of  the  inhabitants 
of  his  section  does  not  suffer  at  its  hands.  Since  the  Welfare  of 
The  Whole  involves  the  welfare  of  its  units,  however  economically 
engaged,  there  is  nothing  seriously  inconsistent  in  this  supposition, 
so  long  as  the  selfial  interests  of  sections  is  not  allowed  to  degener- 
ate into  the  selfish  interest  of  business  groups.  But  the  idea  is 
dangerous  because  it  is  a  move  in  the  direction  of  centralizing  the 
control  of  the  exercise  of  Political  Authority  in  such  groups  instead 
of  retaining  this  control  in  The  Electorate.  Furthermore,  the 
different  sections  are  not  populated  evenly,  and,  under  our  plan 
of  giving  one  representative  to  a  given  number  of  inhabitants, 
some  sections  would  soon  obtain  a  preponderating  representation 
in  The  Government  with  the  accompanying  danger  of  Sectional 
Legislation. 

By  Classes :  In  the  early  days  of  State  Government  there  were 
distinct  Classes  in  the  Commonwealths  which  originated  in  tra- 
ditional ideas  concerning  the  right  to  govern  that  is  conferred  by 
family  position,  acquired  wealth,  and  the  possession  of  education. 
As  a  rule,  these  "  Classes  "  were  held  in  lively  suspicion  by  the 
greater  part  of  the  people,  and  it  was  partly  as  a  means  for  making 
their  disapprobation  of  the  "  Spirit  of  Caste  "  in  society  permanent 
and  effectual,  partly  as  a  means  for  establishing  but  one  rule  of 


312  SAFE   AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


political  action  for  all  of  the  members  of  society  alike,  partly  in 
order  to  improve  the  social  and  economic  opportunities  of  the 
"  Unprivileged  "  class  and  to  minimize  the  pains  of  inferiority  and 
of  obedience  in  the  masses,  partly  as  a  means  to  counteract  sup- 
posed "  Monarchical  Tendencies  "  in  some  classes  and  to  stop  the 
Power-centralizing  forces  at  work  in  some  directions,  that  The 
People  at  Large  sought  a  free,  equal,  and  personal  representation 
in  The  Govermnent.  In  other  words,  they  sought  through  Per- 
sonal Representation  to  harmonize  selfial  interests  for  the  benefit 
of  The  Commonwealth,  and  through  such  representation  to  prevent 
a  combination  of  selfish  interests,  whether  of  sections  or  of  classes, 
which  might  otherwise  obtain  control  of  political  administration 
and  use  it  to  obtain  special  benefits,  advantages,  or  privileges  unto 
themselves.  The  election  of  Jackson  to  the  presidency  was  the 
final  protest  of  The  People  at  Large  against  what  up  till  then  had 
been  the  practise  of  electing  representatives  from  certain  "  Classes  " 
in  society  and  of  selecting  the  Executive  officers  of  the  General 
Government  from  certain  "  Sections  "  of  the  Country.  It  was 
in  effect  a  People's  Mandate  that  from  then  on  the  only  requisite 
of  a  Representative  was  his  ability  to  intelligently  represent  the 
ideas  of  those  who  returned  him  —  honesty  being  taken  for 
granted ;  that  Administrative  Ideas  come  properly  from  The 
People  at  Large  and  not  from  Classes;  that  Administration,  in 
order  to  freely  reflect  The  Will  of  The  People,  must  be  managed 
by  an  agency  that  is  composed  of  representatives  who  are  returned 
by  The  People  and  not  by  Privileged  Classes  within  The  Common- 
wealth ;  that  Admmistration  by  Classes  invariably  produces  Class 
Welfare  first,  and  tends  to  produce  an  evil  form  of  Government ; 
viz..  Government  by  Classes.  Evil,  because  of  the  political 
thraldom  to  which  it  reduces  the  unprivileged  classes,  or  the 
"  Common  People,"  as  such  classes  were  called  in  Jackson's  time. 
This  had  been  fully  illustrated  in  the  Southern  States,  wherein  a 
few  rich  families  in  each  county  had,  by  a  combination  of  class 
interests,  been  able  to  completely  control  the  administration  of 
local  affairs,  and  where  also,  through  a  similar  combination  within 
The  Government,  they  had  been  able  to  completely  control  its 
action  and  so  to  perpetuate  the  exercise  of  Political  Authority  in 
the  hands  of  an  openly  so-called  "  Ruling  Class." 

By  Party  :  The  first  impression  created  by  the  term  "  Represen- 
tation by  Party  "  is  that  of  a  Political  Party  with  its  representa- 
tives in  The  Government.  Individual  electors,  however,  do  not 
associate  together  in  a  true  political  party  for  the  purpose  of 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  313 

giving  Representation  to  "  A  Party  " ;  they  do  this  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  obtaining  an  added  force  and  efficiency  to  their  effort 
to  create  a  preponderating  administrative  sentiment  in  the  Com- 
monwealth and  to  obtain  a  preponderating  representation  of  that 
sentiment  in  The  Government.  It  may  take  a  true  political  party 
several  periods  of  administration  to  establish  its  ideas  as  the  pre- 
dominating sentiment  in  the  Commonwealth ;  but  when  this  is 
accomplished  and  The  Government  is  instructed  to  put  the  pre- 
dominant sentiment  into  practical  operation,  the  function  of  a 
political  party  is  discharged.  Considered  as  a  "  Body  of  Electoral 
^Yill,"  it  ceases  to  exist  when  that  Will  is  properly  made  into 
Statutory  Law.  Considered  as  a  definitely  ascertained  number  of 
electors,  a  political  party  ceases  to  exist  when  its  functions  are 
discharged  in  any  period  of  administration  because  its  individual 
members  at  once  unite  with  other  electors  in  other  political  parties 
of  possibly  greater  and  possibly  lesser  numerical  magnitude  for 
the  settlement  of  other  Political  Questions  in  other  periods  of 
administration ;  and  these,  too,  disintegrate  when  their  political 
function  is  discharged. 

The  proper  subject  of  Political  Representation  is  the  ideas  of 
individual  electors  regarding  Political  Administration  and  not 
the  ideas  that  may  be  held  by  a  temporarily  organized  association 
of  electors;  and  all  of  the  arguments  against  representation  by 
"  Interests,"  by  Sections,  and  by  Classes  bear  with  equal  force 
against  giving  Representation  to  Parties  of  any  kind. 

By  Partizan  Parties :  And  more  especially  do  they  bear  against 
giving  representation  to  the  permanently  organized  associations 
of  partizan  voters  which  we  inaccurately  term  Political  Parties. 
Such  Associations  are  not  necessary  elements  of  Democratic 
Administration.  They  are  not  an  ordained  means,  agency,  or 
part  of  our  Administrative  System.  They  are  not  even  contem- 
plated in  our'  Theory  of  Administration.  They  do  not  put  Demo- 
cratic Principles  of  Action  into  operation  in  the  management  of 
their  own  affairs.  They  are  not  organized  for  the  purpose;  of 
maintaining  the  exercise  of  Political  Power  or  the  control  of  the 
exercise  of  Political  Authority  in  the  hands  of  The  Electorate. 
They  are  not  organized  for  the  sole  purpose  of  promoting  the 
General  Welfare.  On  the  contrary,  they  are  organized  (professions 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding)  for  the  immediate  purpose  of 
creating  an  immoral  and  undemocratic  Power  which  they  can  use 
in  obtaining  control  over  the  exercise  of  political  power  and  political 
authority  for  the  ultimate  purpose  of  promoting  the  welfare  of 


314  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

"  The  Party  "  and  the  undue  political  advantage  of  some  of  their 
active  members. 

In  its  object,  character,  composition,  and  structure  a  Partizan 
Party  resembles  an  "  Interest."  To  give  Representation  to  a 
Partizan  Party  is  to  present  the  largest  Partizan  Party  with  an 
increased  opportunity  to  kill  off  its  opponents,  to  prevent  the 
formation  of  Political  Parties  and  Political  Majorities,  to  distort 
and  pervert  Electoral  Action,  Electorate  Action,  Official  Action, 
Administrative  Action,  and  to  obstruct  the  individual  and  The 
State  from  taking  Democratic  Action  as  the  means  for  putting 
Democratic  Principles  of  Action  into  full  operation  and  effect. 
Such  representation  must  necessarily  result  in  the  administration 
of  a  Government  of  The  People,  by  The  Partizan  Party,  and  for 
the  inclusive  interests  of  the  existing  partizan  parties.  The  State 
being  left  to  exist  upon  and  maintain  and  protect  itself  with  the 
remnants  of  individual  Freedom,  Liberty,  and  Equality  that 
partizan  parties  have  not  yet  devised  means  to  absorb.  Having 
indicated  the  kinds  of  representation  to  be  avoided,  let  us  now 
consider  the  form  that  was  intended  to  be  used. 

Proportionate  Representation :  The  ideas  which  enter  into  the 
American  conception  of  political  representation  in  legislation  are 
briefly  these.  The  Power  to  Legislate  is  among  the  Administrative 
Powers.  The  Electorate  must  legislate  directly  and  for  the  pur- 
pose, among  others,  of  decidmg  the  temporary  Policy  of  Admin- 
istration. It  must  legislate  indirectly,  by  means  of  The  Legisla- 
ture, and  for  the  purpose  of  providing  rules  of  action  (Statutory 
Law)  which  will  enable  individuals  to  properly  apply  the  tem- 
porary Policy.  Individual  electors  are  to  participate  as  freely 
as  possible  in  official  legislation  by  means  of  Representatives  that 
are  freely  selected  and  chosen  through  direct  judicial  and  executive 
action  by  The  Electorate.  Theoretically,  the  sentiment  of  the 
body  of  The  Legislature  is  to  be  a  reflex  of  the  sentiment  of 
the  body  of  The  Electorate;  and  if  the  direct  action  of  The 
Electorate  is  properly  performed,  then  the  sentiments  that 
exist  in  The  Electorate  will  be  freely  represented  in  The 
Legislature,  and  will  also,  as  far  as  is  mechanically  possible, 
be  represented  therein  in  about  the  same  proportion  as  they 
exist  in  The  Electorate. 

Speaking  of  the  effect  which  this  kind  of  Political  Representation 
will  have  upon  the  composition  of  The  Legislature,  and  designating 
the  preponderating  administrative  sentiments  of  the  community 
as  "  A  Political  Majority  "  and  as  "  A  Political  Minority,"  we 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  315 

find  it  to  be  in  accord  with  Mr.  Mill's  idea  of  proper  Democratic 
Representation  as  set  forth  by  him  in  Chapter  VII  of  his  Con- 
siderations on  Representative  Government.  Expressing  Mr. 
Mill's  ideas  in  terms  that  are  used  in  this  book  and  without  forcing 
any  meanings,  they  will  appear  as  follows.  "  A  Political  Majority 
would  always  have  a  majority  of  the  representatives,  but  a  Political 
Minority  would  always  have  a  minority  of  the  representatives. 
JVIan  for  man,  a  Political  Minority  would  be  as  fully  represented 
as  the  Political  Majority.  Unless  they  are,  there  is  not  equal 
government,  but  a  government  of  inequality  and  privilege ;  one 
part  of  the  people  rule  over  the  rest :  there  is  a  part  whose  fair 
and  equal  share  of  influence  in  the  representation  is  withheld  from 
them  contrary  to  all  just  government,  but,  above  all,  contrary  to 
the  principle  of  democracy,  which  professes  equality  as  its  very 
root  and  foundation." 

This,  in  a  fair  way,  describes  the  plan  of  political  representation 
which  the  American  People  intended  to  put  into  operation.  Let 
us  give  it  a  distinctive  name.  In  the  first  place,  we  need  a  name 
that  will  definitely  express  this  one  idea  of  giving  Political  Repre- 
sentation solely  to  Administrative  Ideas  or  Sentiments ;  and  in  the 
second  place,  we  need  assistance  in  distmctly  separating  and  setting 
this  idea  apart  from  another  which,  since  1844,  has  developed 
regarding  a  "  proportional  representation  "  of  Partizan  Parties 
in  The  Government,  but  which  proportion  is  based  upon  the 
majorities  of  party  votes  which  are  manufactured  and  gotten  together 
by  the  illogical,  immoral,  dishonest,  and  fraudulent  practises  that 
are  employed  by  Partizan  Parties  in  securing  Party  Success.  This 
sort  of  Representation  is  the  very  antithesis  of  the  American  idea 
whereunder  the  ideas  of  Political  Majorities  and  Political  Muiorities 
are  to  be  freely  and  fully  represented  in  The  Legislature ;  there- 
fore, to  express  this  meaning  and  to  exclude  all  others,  let  us  use 
the  name  Proportionate  Representation. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  concept  of  Proportionate  Representation 
upon  which  to  base  a  claim  that  a  Majority  Sentiment  is  entitled 
to  a  disproportionate  part  of  the  whole  representation  ;  or  which 
will  justify  the  people  in  adopting  any  scheme,  means,  or  methods 
that  will  enable  a  majority  to  secure  more  than  its  fair  proportion 
of  the  representation.  And  it  is  ridiculous  to  suppose  that  any 
Free  People,  possessing  the  power  to  govern  themselves,  would 
knowingly  ancl  willingly  adopt  a  plan  of  representation  that  would 
permit  one  part  of  themselves  to  deprive  the  other  part  of  them- 
selves of  the  right  to  freely  and  fully  participate  in  official  admin- 


316  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

istration.  As  pointed  out,  such  action  would  be  destructive  of  the 
very  poHtical  equahty  which  they  created  and  ordained  Govern- 
ment to  preserve,  and  would  produce  the  very  injustice  which  they 
ordained  Government  to  prevent ;  and  that  the  American  Com- 
monwealths have  been  led  astray  in  this  respect  must  be  primarily 
attributed  to  the  fact  that  they  started  political  administration 
without  possessing  a  Body  of  Administrative  Law  that  set  forth 
the  kind  of  representation  desired. 

Furthermore,  there  is  nothing  in  the  concept  of  Proportionate 
Representation  which  even  remotely  suggests  the  idea  of  giving 
political  representation  to  any  organized  association  of  individuals 
whatsoever.  It  is  undeniable  that  the  Will  of  The  People,  when 
properly  expressed,  shall,  during  administrative  periods,  decide 
the  Policy  of  Administration ;  but  this  idea  applied  to  the  matter 
of  Representation  means  that  a  true  majority  of  wills  —  not  a 
manufactured  majority  of  individuals  or  of  votes  —  shall  elect  a 
majority  of  the  representatives.  The  right  of  the  majority  to 
"  Rule,"  that  is,  to  decide  and  apply  the  Policy  of  Administration, 
is  by  no  means  the  same  idea  as  the  right  of  "  a  majority  "  to  the 
whole  or  to  a  disproportionate  part  of  the  representation,  for  that 
might  quickly  lead  to  an  unrestrained  administrative  rule  by  any 
kind  of  a  majority. 

Then  again,  the  true  idea  of  Republican  administrative  action 
under  Democratic  principles  of  action  is  that  the  legislature  shall 
be  composed  of  representatives  of  the  people,  and  that  these 
representatives  when  assembled  together  for  official  action  shall 
act  precisely  as  the  people  would  act  were  they  assembled  together 
in  the  exercise  of  the  Legislative  Power.  In  such  a  General  Legis- 
lature the  majority  representation  and  the  minority  representation 
would  engage  in  deliberation  concerning  how  the  expressed  Will 
of  The  People  should  be  put  into  operation ;  and  the  true  idea  of 
the  representative  legislature  is  that  the  Minority  Sentiment,  as 
it  exists  in  the  people,  shall,  at  all  times  and  through  its  represent- 
atives, be  present  in  The  Government,  acting  there  as  a  check 
upon  unwise,  hasty,  or  dishonest  official  legislation.  And  finally, 
the  principle  of  Political  Equality,  as  it  applies  to  the  doctrine  of 
Free  Participation  by  the  individual  in  official  legislation,  requires 
the  political  minority  to  be  represented  in  the  legislating  agency 
by  its  representatives. 

Apportionment  of  :  Theoretically,  the  term  "  Apportionment  of 
Representation  "  means  dividing  the  legislative  representatives 
proportionally  between  the  groups  of  individuals  who  hold  oppos- 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  317 

ing  sentiments  regarding  the  temporary  administrative  policy  to 
be  pursued  bj'  the  people. 

The  importance  of  a  logical  sj'stem  of  apportionment  can  not  be 
overestimated,  for  it  is  right  here  at  the  beginning  of  Political 
Administration  that  the  people  may  unwittingly  abandon  the 
guidance  of  Democratic  Principles  of  Action  through  omitting  to 
supplement  their  apportioimient  of  representation  with  methods 
of  voting  that  will  enable  them  to  always  obtain  a  representation 
of  administrative  sentiments  and  to  always  preclude  a  represen- 
tation of  groups  of  individuals. 

Basis  of.  The  American  Commonwealths  chose  population  as 
the  basis  of  representation.  Through  an  exercise  of  The  Powers 
of  Establishment,  they  determined  the  numerical  size  of  the  legis- 
lature, and  thus  in  effect  determined  the  whole  number  of  legis- 
lative representatives.  They  divided  the  population  of  The  State 
by  this  fixed  number,  and  the  quotient  expressed  the  number  of 
individuals  who  together  were  entitled  to  participate  in  official 
legislation  by  one  representative. 

Defined.  In  this  connection  Political  Apportionment  may 
be  defined  as  the  partition  of  the  population  of  a  State,  by 
the  people  of  a  State,  into  a  certain  number  of  numerically 
equal  portions  for  the  purpose  of  political  representation  in 
the  State  Legislature. 

Representative  Quotas.  Territorial  boundaries  are  set  to  each 
portion  and  each  portion  is  called  a  Representative  Quota. 

Each  Representative  Quota  is  entitled  to  be  represented  in  the 
State  Legislature  by  one  representative,  who  acts  officially  for  all 
who  compose  the  quota.  There  are  two  chambers  in  the  State 
Legislature,  and  there  may  be  fractions  in  the  quotients  above 
mentioned.  These  matters  will  be  further  considered  when  we 
describe  the  District  System  of  Representation. 

Problem  of.  The  important  point  to  remember  here  is  that  this 
division  of  the  population  into  representative  quotas  is  done  for 
convenience  in  Political  Administration,  and  is  never  done  with  the 
idea  of  disuniting  Electorate  Action,  or  of  hampering  the  political 
freedom  of  electors,  or  of  impairing  their  political  equality. 

The  population  of  The  State  being  divided  into  Representative 
Quotas,  the  problem  which  faces  The  State  is  how  to  obtain  a 
representation  of  a  General  Administrative  Sentiment  from 
separate  and  detached  groups  of  electors.  The  same  sentiments 
permeate  each  group.  The  problem  is  therefore  one  of  expression 
or,  in  other  words,  is  a  voting  problem,  and  one  which  can  only 


318  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

be  solved  logically  through  the  use  of  correct  methods  of  voting 
in  connection  with  correct  methods  for  the  transaction  of  the  pre- 
election work.  The  entire  population  of  a  State  always  contains 
within  itself  a  large  number  of  individuals  who  favor  the  application 
of  one  certain  Administrative  Policy  as  against  another ;  and  the 
application  of  the  other  policy  is  supported  by  another  large  group 
of  individuals.  There  may  be  more  than  two  groups,  but  that 
does  not  affect  the  working-out  of  the  principle.  The  number  of 
individuals  in  each  group  may  be  the  equivalent  of  one  or  more 
representative  quotas.  Theoretically,  each  group  is  held  entitled 
to  be  represented  in  the  legislature  by  one  or  more  representatives, 
as  the  case  may  be.  In  this  way  a  proportionate  representation 
of  the  Sentiments  of  the  people  is  to  be  had  in  the  legislature ; 
and,  according  to  this  idea,  all  The  People  are  held  to  possess  an 
opportunity  to  freely  participate  in  the  detail  matters  of  official 
legislation.  The  expression  of  the  sentiments  existing  in  the  body 
of  the  people  is  given  to  The  Electorate,  the  idea  being  first,  that 
the  electors  will  share  the  sentiments,  and  second,  that  the  electors 
shall  also  have  the  opportunity  for  freely  obtaining  a  representation 
of  these  sentiments  in  the  legislature.  Whether  the  electors  have 
this  opportunity  must  necessarily  depend  upon  whether  the  Admin- 
istrative system  under  which  they  transact  their  pre-election  work 
provides  it  in  all  of  its  various  requirements ;  but  unless  these 
sentiments  are  freely  represented  within  the  legislature  by  indi- 
viduals who  have  been /rce/?/ selected  and  sent  there  by  the  electors, 
then  some  of  the  population  must  be  deprived  of  their  right  to 
freely  participate  in  the  making  of  laws  which  regulate  individual 
action  in  whatever  capacity  taken. 

The  Partizan  Party  Idea  of.  At  present,  however,  Proportionate 
Representation  is  nowhere  practised  in  the  American  Common- 
w^ealths.  Nor  do  the  legislatures  reflect  the  ideas  regarding  com- 
position and  method  of  acting  which  called  them  into  existence. 
This  has  come  about  because  of  the  mistaken  original  action  of  the 
people  combined  with  subsequent  illogical  action  which  they  have 
been  induced  to  take. 

With  the  rise  and  acceptance  of  what  is  loosely  termed  "  The 
Party  Idea,"  but  what  is  in  fact  The  Partizan  Party  Idea  of  guid- 
ance and  control  in  administrative  action,  representation  in  the 
legislature  was  accorded  to  Partizan  Parties.  Considered  as  an 
institution.  The  Partizan  Party  immediately  argued  that  if  Gov- 
ernment was  to  be  administered  according  to  "  The  Will  of  The 
Majority  "  (then  expressed  by  the  largest  Party  Vote)  administra- 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  319 

tion  could  be  made  most  effectual  by  giving  the  whole  of  the  rep- 
resentation to  the  "  Majority  Part}^" 

The  Exclusion  of  Minority  Representation.  This  claim  invoh'ed 
the  idea  of  the  exclusion  of  the  minority  representation,  and  the 
people  rejected  it.  But  they  were,  however,  gradually  led  into  the 
acceptance  of  another  misleading  belief;  namely,  that  "  A  Party  " 
was  entitled  to  the  whole  of  the  representation  if  it  could  get  it ; 
and  if  that  were  impossible,  then  it  had  the  right  to  as  large  a 
"  Party  Majority  in  The  Government  "  as  it  could  get,  and  this 
notwithstanding  the  noxious  means  used  by  Partizan  Parties  in 
promoting  Party  Success  at  elections.  When  The  Partizan  Party 
was  allowed  to  put  this  doctrine  into  "  practical  "  operation,  it 
quickly  destroyed  Proportionate  Representation.  Further  details 
of  the  way  in  which  this  was  done  will  shortly  appear.  The 
reasons  for  wishing  it  done  are  obvious.  Of  course  a  selfish 
"  Majority  Party,"  or  one  wishing  the  assistance  of  the  legislature 
to  further  build  itself  up  into  a  permanent  political  agency,  does 
not  relish  the  salutary  check  upon  its  partizan  legislation  that 
a  minority  representation  in  the  legislature  would  afford.  Such 
"  Parties  "  much  prefer  to  see  the  restraining  influence  of  the 
Minority  Sentiment,  or  of  the  "  Minority  Party,"  relegated  to  the 
slow  process  of  molding  Public  Opinion  within  the  body  of  the 
people  rather  than  to  have  it  bear  directly  upon  the  passage  of  its 
desired  legislation  while  that  legislation  is  being  discussed  in  the 
legislature.  Those  who  support  the  Partizan  Party  Doctrine  of 
Majority  Rule  strenuously  urge  that  it  is  necessary  to  have  "  The 
Party  of  The  Minorit}'^  "  outside  of  The  Government,  there  to 
watch  "  The  Party  in  Control  "  to  see  that  it  does  not  commit 
mistakes,  or  worse,  and,  if  it  does,  then  to  secure  a  majority  of 
votes  and  assume  temporary  control.  Besides,  it  argues  to  itself, 
if  the  minority  can  be  placed  in  this  position,  it  can  also  be  put  under 
the  additional  disadvantage  of  having  to  contend  with  the  enor- 
mous power  of  the  majority  party  that  springs  from  the  control  of 
the  administrative  processes  and  of  the  public  offices.  An  estab- 
lished system  of  this  sort  would  be  the  natural  desire  of  a  Partizan 
Party  that  is  engaged  in  exploiting  the  political  necessities  of  the 
people  in  its  own  interest ;  and  such  a  "  Party  "  would,  if  per- 
mitted, naturally  devise  means  for  excluding  as  many  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  its  opponents  as  possible  from  the  legislature. 

The  casuistries  in  the  above  claim  are  apparent.  Theoretically, 
we  do  not  attempt  to  make  progress  in  political  administration 
through  frustrating  the  selfish  efforts  of  one  Partizan  Party  after 


320  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

another.  We  attempt  progress  through  constantly  putting  into 
operation  the  collective  will  of  the  people  as  to  Justice,  and  it  is 
undemocratic  not  to  have  the  will  and  desire  of  each  individual 
equally  and  freely  reflected  in  the  legislature.  It  is  unwise  to 
remove  from  The  Government  the  check  imposed  by  the  presence 
in  the  legislature  of  representatives  of  the  minority  sentiments. 
As  it  is  against  the  state  polity  of  Liberty  and  Equality  to  deprive 
any  citizen  of  his  right  to  representation  in  the  legislature,  it  is 
therefore  unjust.  The  "  minority  party  "  can  watch  the  official 
action  of  the  "  majority  party  "  representation  better  inside  than 
outside  of  The  Legislature ;  and  finally,  to  prevent  this  is  to  deprive 
both  the  people  and  The  Government  of  much  counsel  and  advice 
at  just  the  time  when  it  is  most  needed ;  namely,  during  the  ses- 
sions of  the  legislature.  But  the  claim  is  also  fallacious  in  that  it  is 
founded  upon  the  supposition  that  the  new  "  Party  in  Control  " 
will  administer  public  affairs  more  wisely  or  more  in  accordance 
with  the  Principles  of  The  State  Polity  than  its  predecessor.  The 
supposition  is  unwarrantable  because  the  character  of  the  incoming 
"  Party  in  Control  "  is  the  same  as  that  of  its  predecessor  and  it  is 
obliged  to  administer  Government  under  exactly  the  same  system 
as  that  employed  by  its  predecessor,  and  further,  because  experience 
has  shown  that  sooner  or  later  it  is  bound  to  perpetrate  the  same 
kind  of  errors.  This  is  a  perfectly  natural  result,  for,  by  employing 
the  same  system  and  methods,  it  finds  itself  in  the  same  situation, 
governed  by  the  same  assumed  necessities,  animated  by  the  same 
objects,  devoid  of  a  salutary  check  upon  selfish  legislation,  without 
a  logical  rule  of  action,  and  drawn  on  by  the  same  temptations  into 
the  commission  of  the  same  kind  of  action  that  worked  the  downfall 
of  its  predecessor.  The  claim  is  also  contrary  to  the  experience 
of  other  Republics,  which  is  to  the  effect  that  wherever  the  minority 
sentiment  is  for  a  continued  period  not  freely  represented  in  the 
legislating  agency,  then  administration  rapidly  deteriorates  into 
one  not  according  to  the  Will  of  The  People,  but  according  to  the 
desire  of  "  The  Majority  in  The  Government,"  whether  that 
majority  has  been  obtained  properly  or  improperly.  But  if  that 
majority  has  been  obtained  improperly,  then  Government  will  be 
administered  according  to  some  class,  section,  interest,  or  "  Party  " 
that,  in  the  absence  of  proper  methods  of  Electoral  Action,  may 
succeed  in  getting  a  majority  of  votes  together  by  a  combination  of 
means  and  methods  that  may  not  be  political  in  nature.  As  far 
as  the  present  partizan  party  means  and  methods  are  concerned, 
this  is  putting  it  as  mildly  as  possible,  for  yearly  experience  shows 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  321 

us  that  in  every  large  center  of  population  our  Political  Saviour 
does  not  hesitate  to  use  means  and  methods  for  getting  his  repre- 
sentation into  The  Government  that  are  not  only  immoral  and 
dishonest,  but  that  are  often  criminal  in  kind. 

The  Partizan  Party  Idea.  The  Partizan  Party  Idea  meant  that 
a  Partizan  Party  was  to  organize  Electoral  Action,  was  to  furnish 
an  Administrative  Policy,  was  to  secure  the  necessary  majority 
of  votes  to  elect  a  majority  of  the  representation,  was  to  control 
the  action  of  the  representatives  elected  through  its  efforts,  and 
was  to  act  generally  as  a  Political  Agency  should  act.  Nothing 
was  said  about  the  morality  of  its  action.  That  was  taken  for 
granted.  But  with  the  putting  of  this  idea  into  operation.  Political 
Representation  was  actually  changed  into  Partizan  Party  Repre- 
sentation, although  the  people  —  though  habitually  regarding  a 
partizan  party  as  a  political  party  —  still  cherished  the  delusion 
that  The  Will  of  The  People  was  somehow  represented  in  The 
Government,  and  by  individuals  who  continued  under  the  control 
of  the  people. 

The  difficulties  which  the  people  have  always  experienced  in 
obtaining  a  Proportionate  Representation  of  their  administrative 
sentiments  are  not  entirely  attributable  to  The  Partizan  Party. 
Certainly  their  origin  is  not.  In  the  filling  of  the  general  elective 
executive  offices  all  of  the  electors  choose  between  all  of  the  candi- 
dates, the  candidates  for  Governor,  etc.,  being  the  same  in  every 
Unit  of  Representation.  In  the  vitally  important  matter  of  official 
legislation  all  of  the  electors  should  have  the  opportunity  of  choos- 
ing between  all  of  the  legislative  candidates,  as  how  else  can  the 
people  obtain  a  free  expression  of  their  general  legislative  senti- 
ments ?  This  seemed  impossible  at  the  beginning  of  Administration, 
and  for  convenience  the  people  resorted  to  political  apportionment ; 
but  as  said  before,  the  apportionment  of  legislative  representation 
for  the  sake  of  convenience  called  for  the  construction  of  a  logical 
system  of  electoral  action  in  this  respect  for  the  sake  of  the  ordained 
Principles  of  Action.  Having  established  collective  units  of  legis- 
lative representation,  the  people  needed  a  system  of  action  that 
would  produce  in  the  legislature  a  proportionate  representation  of 
the  predominating  general  sentiments  from  the  separated  and 
detached  collective  units  of  representation  ;  and,  since  the  elector 
must  express  his  administrative  sentiment  through  voting  for  a 
candidate,  the  first  thing  needed  was  a  ballot  and  a  balloting  sys- 
tem that  would  enable  each  elector,  wherever  residing  and  however 
grouped  with  others,  to  freely  and  definitely  express  his  individual 


322  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

sentiment  through  freely  expressing  his  preference  and  choice 
between  all  of  the  legislative  candidates,  or,  if  lists  of  candidates 
were  used,  then  for  the  opposing  lists  entire. 

Individual  electors  are  partitioned  into  territorial  groups  with 
the  idea  of  making  administrative  action  less  onerous  to  the  individ- 
ual, and  not  with  the  idea  of  changing  the  character,  force,  or 
effect  of  electorate  action  or  of  individual  action.  When,  however, 
the  Collective  Sovereign  splits  up  its  individual  sovereign-units 
into  collective  Units  of  Representation  and  compels  its  individual 
sovereign-units  in  each  group  to  elect  a  legislative  representative 
who  is  a  resident  of  the  territorial  unit,  it  produces  several  marked 
effects  in  both  the  above-mentioned  classes  of  action. 

Uniting  Bond  Weakened.  By  so  doing,  it  weakens  the  capacity' 
of  the  individuals  who  compose  The  State  by  preventing  their 
free  action  together  as  a  Collective  Sovereign  in  all  matters  that 
vitally  affect  the  General  Welfare.  WTien  individual  sovereign- 
units  are  partitioned  into  specially  working  groups,  a  certain  inde- 
pendence in  action  is  created,  and  the  sensitiveness  of  The  Collective 
Sovereign  to  right  or  wTong  action  by  its  individual  sovereign- 
units  is  somewhat  deadened  by  the  realization  that  the  group-unit 
has  group-interests  to  conserve.  The  Sovereign  itself  has  become 
a  bundle  of  group-units,  each  having  some  distinctive  work  to  do ; 
and  the  bond  which  originally  united  all  of  the  sovereign-units 
together  in  one  general  purpose  is  loosened  when  the  purpose  is 
partitioned. 

Free  Association  Prevented.  By  so  doing,  the  Collective  Sover- 
eign interposes  an  obstacle  to  the  free  association  together  of  the 
individuals  who  compose  the  Collective  Sovereign.  It  may  still 
present  an  outward  appearance  of  union  in  some  respects,  but 
without  free  association  together  of  its  units  in  the  matter  of  gen- 
eral legislative  representation  it  can  not  act  in  this  respect  as  a 
Collective  Sovereign  should  act,  and  it  must  act  as  a  Collective 
Sovereign  that  is  composed  of  group-units  must  act. 

Political  Capacity  Weakened.  Without  free  association  and  free 
action  between  Sovereign-units  as  to  official  legislation  there  can 
be  no  Free  Agreement  of  Individual  Wills  upon  which  rests  The 
Will  of  The  People  in  this  respect.  The  Power  of  The  State  to 
govern  remains  intact,  but  The  State  has  slightly  disintegrated  and 
its  capacity  is  weakened.  Its  capacity  depends  upon  the  ability 
of  the  elector  to  act  freely  in  all  administrative  matters.  But  an 
elector  who  is  now  compelled  to  act  in  the  capacity  of  a  member  of 
one  collective  unit'for  certain  purposes  can  not  by  his  vote  help  to 


POLITICAL   REPRESENTATION  323 

prevent  unwise  or  even  dishonest  action  for  these  same  purposes 
outside  of  his  collective  unit  because  the  final  utterance  of  his  Will 
(his  vote)  has  no  direct  influence  outside  of  his  own  unit  of  repre- 
sentation. He  can  argue,  but  he  can  not  prevent  such  action  by 
the  vote  that  was  originally  given  him  for  the  express  purpose  of 
enabling  him  to  help  prevent  it.  All  of  the  individual  electors  of 
The  State  are  no  longer  free  to  act  together  for  the  accomplishment 
of  all  of  the  purposes  of  Electorate  Action.  A  new  species  of  "  Col- 
lective Will  "  has  been  created  in  reference  to  legislative  represen- 
tation, and  the  individual  electors  in  each  representative  unit  must 
now  work  separately  from  those  of  the  other  units  in  ascertaming 
the  collective  will  of  the  Unit  of  Representation. 

As  to  Political  Majorities.  When  the  Partizan  Party  Idea  of 
organizing  electoral  action  was  put  into  "  practical  "  op'^ration  by 
the  practical  politicians,  political  majorities  considered  as  the 
largest  nmnber  of  free  individual  wills  ceased  to  exist.  ^Vhile 
obtaining  representation  in  the  legislature  the  effort  of  the  individ- 
ual was  immediately  directed  to  getting  a  "  Representative  Dis- 
trict "  majority.  District  majorities,  like  State  majorities,  were 
construed  to  be  either  "  Majorities  of  Votes  "  or  "  Majorities  of 
Voters  "  ;  and  the  originally  intended  Political  Majority  (the  will 
of  The  State  as  to  Justice)  became  transmuted  into  nothing  more 
or  less  than  a  Majority  of  The  District  Majorities  ;  and,  naturally, 
the  Will  that  was  represented  by  such  a  majority  was  the  will  of 
the  organizing  agency  that  produced  it. 

The  Will  of  The  People.  The  difficulty  of  obtaining  a  "  Body  of 
Representation  "  that  fully  reflects  the  Legislative  Will  of  The 
State  is  mcreased  by  causing  that  body  to  be  composed  of  members 
who  are  returned  by  and  from  territorial  districts  in  which  the 
individual  elector  is  prevented  from  acting  freely  with  all  other 
individual  electors  of  The  State  while  ascertaining  and  ex-pressing 
the  Legislative  Will  of  The  State.  The  representative  no  longer 
wholly  represents  the  Legislative  Will  of  The  State  for  he  is  held 
to  represent  also  the  Will  of  a  District  Constituency.  A  new 
species  of  Will  has  been  created  which  The  State  must  protect 
itself  against.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  under  the  Partizan  Party 
Idea  this  Will  is  often  if  not  always  expressed  by  a  manufactured 
majority  of  "  Party  "  votes ;  and,  depending  upon  the  means  used 
in  the  manufacture,  is  always  more  or  less  a  perverted  will.  In 
short,  in  the  absence  of  logical  methods  of  organizing  electoral 
action,  The  Partizan  Party  was  aftorded  the  opportunity  for 
centering  its  energy  upon  the  manufacture  of  a  Majority  of  the 


324  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

District  majorities,  and  so  to  manufacture  the  Legislative  Will  of 
The  People.  Also,  and  whenever  the  opposing  administrative 
sentiments  were  about  numerically  equal  in  a  State,  the  situation 
offered  the  organizing  agency  an  opportunity  to  expend  most  of  its 
energy  and  "  resources  "  upon  the  creation  of  majorities  of  votes 
in  a  few  of  the  Units  of  Representation  or  in  a  number  of  them 
sufficient  to  give  it  the  majority  of  the  district  majorities,  The 
State,  meanwhile,  being  put  in  the  illogical  position  of  being  con- 
trolled by  the  action  of  its  subordinate  agency. 

As  to  Majority  Rule.  It  needs  no  argument  to  show  that  the 
intent  of  the  Doctrine  of  Majority  Rule  can  be  rendered  inoperative 
in  proportion  to  the  extent  in  which  District  Majorities  can  be 
mechanically  manufactured  or  be  fraudulently  produced. 

As  to  The  Partizan  Party  Will.  Under  the  Fartizan  Party  Idea, 
the  "  Will  "  that  is  to  be  represented  in  official  legislation  is  always 
the  W^ill  of  a  Partizan  Party.  Controlled  by  the  idea  of  Majority 
Rule,  it  is  but  natural  to  suppose  that  the  dominant  will  in  the 
legislature  would  always  be  the  Will  of  the  Majority  Dominant 
Party ;  that  is,  the  "  Party  "  that  polled  the  largest  number  of 
votes  for  one  "  Party  Ticket  "  at  the  last  election.  But  this  does 
not  always  follow,  for  there  have  been  instances  where  through  a 
combination  of  accident  and  vicious  party  practises  it  has  been 
possible  to  give  the  majority  of  the  representatives  to  the  Minority 
Dominant  Party,  thus,  in  effect,  producing  legislative  administra- 
tion according  to  the  Will  of  the  minority  of  the  organizing  agency. 
When  this  occurs,  then  the  Will  of  The  People  is  set  aside  and 
destroyed  as  the  animating  impulse  to  official  legislation,  the 
majority  will  of  the  acting  political  agency  is  overriden,  and  the 
theory  of  the  Partizan  Party  Idea  is  completely  subverted  and 
rendered  of  no  account. 

The  Will  behind  The  Partizan  Party.  The  American  Common- 
wealths made  The  Partizan  Party  the  organizer  of  electoral  action. 
This  "  Organizing  Agency  "  is  not,  however,  a  united  agency  for 
it  is  always  composed  of  two  (or  more)  opposing  partizan  parties, 
one  of  which  may  be  the  "  Majority  Party  "  in  some  sections  of 
The  State,  while  the  other  may  occupy  the  same  position  in  other 
parts  of  The  State ;  but  on  the  surface  it  appears  that  the  legisla- 
tive will  that  is  immediately  represented  in  the  legislature  is  The 
Will  of  the  Local  Majority  Partizan  Party. 

To  give  representation  to  any  Partizan  Party  is  courting  admin- 
istrative disaster.  The  experience  of  other  States  in  the  past 
teaches  that  sooner  or  later  this  kind  of  will  becomes  subject  to  the 


POLITICAL  REPRESENTATION  325 

Will  of  some  species  of  Self-interest  Class  that  in  one  way  or 
another  obtains  control  over  the  action  of  the  partizan  organizing 
agency.  The  natural  opportunities  in  a  State  or  in  a  Country 
cause  various  "  Literests  "  (meaning  by  this  term  the  individuals 
who,  grouped  together  in  the  form  of  a  corporation,  are  separately 
engaged  for  the  production  of  wealth  in  the  occupations  broadly 
indicated  by  the  terms  Coal,  Cotton,  all  forms  of  Common  Carriers, 
Grain,  Iron,  Leather,  Meat,  Mines  and  Mining,  Oil,  Steel,  Sugar, 
etc.,  etc.)  to  be  located  at  different  portions  of  the  State  or  the 
Country.  Splitting  the  population  of  a  State  into  legislative 
districts,  and  then  giving  representation  to  a  majority  of  individuals 
in  a  district,  unavoidably  tends  of  itself  to  produce  a  representation 
of  "  Interests  "  or  of  Sections ;  and  if,  further,  the  individuals  are 
compelled  either  to  act  in  the  capacity  of  Partizan  Party  Members, 
or  to  support  partizan  party  action  by  their  votes,  then  it  will  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  give  representation  to  the  Will  of  The 
Partizan  Party.  It  will  also  tend  to  destroy  the  Power  of  The 
State  to  harmonize  the  actions  of  The  Interests  with  the  General 
Welfare.  The  Interests  no  longer  appear  before  the  people  (the 
primal  Legislature)  with  the  idea  of  seeking  Justice  for  all  through 
presenting  there  their  claims  for  adjustment.  On  the  contrary, 
The  Interests  are  given  an  opportunity  to  fight  each  other  in  The 
Government  and  there  to  obtain  laws  which  specially  favor  them- 
selves in  their  competitive  exploitation  of  each  other  and  of  The 
People  at  Large. 

But  the  individuals  who  compose  the  Big  Business  Interests  are 
far  too  shrewd  to  indulge  in  such  an  open  method  of  action.  It 
is  very  seldom  that  our  "  Captains  of  Industry  "  are  bold  or  cynical 
enough  to  become  active  leaders  in  electoral  action  or  open  personal 
opponents  in  the  legislature.  That  sort  of  thing  would  be  too 
flagrant  to  succeed  because  the  Political  Principles  which  govern 
the  action  of  an  individual  considered  as  an  elector,  and  the  Busi- 
ness Principles  —  I  had  almost  said  Lack  of  Principles  —  which 
govern  an  individual  considered  as  a  member  of  a  Big  Interest, 
are  diametrically  opposed  to  each  other  and  make  it  either  an 
impossibility,  or  an  absurdity,  or  a  dishonesty  for  an  individual  to 
openly  act  at  one  and  the  same  time  in  these  opposing  capacities. 
Besides,  it  is  not  necessary.  It  is  possible  for  The  Interests  to 
accomplish  their  ends  secretly  and  without  any  foolishness.  The 
people  have,  in  effect,  provided  The  Interests  with  a  specially 
devised,  self-seeking  class  of  individuals,  who  are  ready  at  hand  for 
use,  provided  only  that  the  Big  Interests  can  obtain  control  over 


326  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

"  The  Organization  "  to  which  this  self-seeking  and  office-seeking 
class  of  individuals  belong.  To  obtain  this  control  is  comparatively 
easy  because  The  Partizan  Party  must  have  funds  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  organization  and  of  its  non-office-holding  but  spe- 
cially active  members,  and  the  control  can  be  bought  by  "  Contri- 
butions." Once  in  control,  The  Interests  can  work  indirectly  but 
much  more  effectively  because  it  will  then  appear  to  the  uninformed 
masses  that  their  own  cause  is  championed  by  the  Representatives 
of  The  People.  The  bald  fact,  however,  is  that  the  cause  of  The 
Interests  is  being  championed  by  the  paid  agents  of  The  Interests, 
which  agents  can  and  do  create  and  compel  legislators  to  carry  out 
their  will.  The  Big  Interests  do  not  care  which  partizan  party 
they  use.  Depending  upon  circumstances  and  what  they  w^ant. 
The  Interests  commonly  use  one,  or  the  other,  or  both  "  Parties  " 
at  one  and  the  same  time  and  for  one  and  the  same  object  or  for 
different  objects.  Having  the  Power  of  Wealth  and  using  it 
underhandedly  in  matters  of  political  administration,  "  The 
Interests  "  not  only  can  but  systematically  do  make  or  break  the 
local  influence  of  partizan  party  organizations  to  suit  themselves, 
while  all  of  the  time  using  "  The  Party  "  to  enable  themselves  to 
exploit  the  economic  necessities  of  the  individuals  who  compose 
The  Commonwealth. 

These  few  hastily  sketched  points  must  suffice  to  illustrate  the 
pressing  necessity  for  logical  and  supplementary  action  at  the  time 
when  a  Representative  Democracy  partitions  its  population  into 
collective  Units  of  Legislative  Representation.  Such  action  was 
never  taken  by  the  American  Commonwealths.  They  created 
electoral  legislative  entities  which  in  the  course  of  time  passed 
under  the  control  of  The  Partizan  Party  when  it  became  the 
accredited  organizer  of  electoral  action ;  and  in  the  next  chapter 
we  will  review  as  briefly  as  possible  some  of  the  effects  produced 
in  our  work  of  political  administration  by  this  course  of  action. 


CHAPTER  XIX 
THE   DISTRICT   SYSTEM    OF   REPRESENTATION 

Some  of  the  States  originally  started  Administration  with,  and 
still  retain,  the  County  as  the  Unit  of  Legislative  Representation. 
Some  started  with  the  Town  as  such  unit,  and  some  established  the 
Representative  District  as  the  unit  of  such  representation.  This 
chapter  treats  solely  of  the  so-called  District  System  of  Representa- 
tion, under  which  the  population  of  a  State  is  divided  into  two  sets 
of  approximately  equal  numerical  groups  of  individuals,  and  under 
which  a  legislative  representative  is  apportioned  to  each  group  in 
each  set.  The  boundaries  that  are  set  to  each  group  divide  the 
territory  of  the  state  into  Districts.  Each  group  in  one  of  these 
sets  of  groups  is  to  be  represented  by  one  individual  in  the  lower 
and  larger  chamber  of  the  state  legislature,  and  each  group  in  the 
other  set  of  groups  is  to  be  represented  by  one  individual  in  the 
upper  and  smaller  chamber.  Considered  as  territorial  divisions, 
the  smaller  districts  are  called  by  the  name  of  the  lower  cham- 
ber ;  but  let  us  term  them  Representative  Districts,  and  let  us 
use  the  name  "  Representative  "  to  indicate  the  individual  who 
is  returned  by  the  smaller  district  into  the  larger  chamber.  The 
Representative  Districts  are  considered  as  the  Unit  of  Representa- 
tion. The  larger  districts  are  called  Senatorial  Districts.  They 
contain  several  representative  districts  within  their  territorial 
limits,  the  idea  being  to  have  The  Senate  composed  of  representa- 
tives returned  from  districts  that  have  a  wider  range  of  selfial 
interests  than  that  of  the  representative  district  and  therefore 
likely  by  its  action  to  impart  stability  and  wisdom  to  the  action 
of  the  State  Legislature. 

Fractions  of  Districts.  In  dividing  the  population  by  the  fixed 
number  of  representatives  in  order  to  ascertain  the  Representative 
Quota,  fractions  always  occur.  There  is  no  rule  of  universal  opera- 
tion regarding  the  representation  of  these  fractions,  but  speaking 
broadly,  the  tendency  is  to  give  representation  to  fractions  larger 

327 


328  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

than  one-half  of  the  representative  quota,  and  to  give  the  fractions 
representation  in  any  event  if  equality  in  representation  is  better 
guaranteed  by  so  doing. 

Possibilities  Considered.  It  is  generally  admitted  that  the 
"  District  System  "  affords  facilities  to  the  people  in  getting  Rep- 
resentatives. I  think  it  will  be  generally  admitted  also  that  if  the 
district  system  were  backed  up  by  a  logical  and  comprehensive 
Administrative  System,  it  would  afford  no  insuperable  obstacles 
to  the  getting  of  Proportionate  Representation  by  the  people. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  if  the  people  permit  a  partizan  party  to 
control  the  work  connected  with  the  getting  of  representatives, 
then  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  district  system  will  afford  a 
Partizan  Party  facilities  for  getting  representatives  just  as  well ; 
and,  if  the  people  allow  The  Partizan  Party  to  put  the  district 
system  into  operation  according  to  its  code  of  action,  then  it  must 
be  admitted  that  the  district  system  will  afford  most  undesirable 
facilities  for  changing  the  political  representation  that  was  ordained 
into  Partizan  Party  Representation,  for  impairing  or  destroying 
the  political  Right  of  Representation,  and  for  perverting  official 
legislation  from  its  true  objects.  The  system  itself  is  merely  an 
administrative  contrivance,  and  it  can  be  made  to  produce 
proper  or  improper  results,  depending  entirely  upon  the  way  in 
which  it  is  constructed  and  used. 

Equality  in  "  Party "  Representation.  Let  us  pause  for  a 
moment  to  consider  how  the  people,  working  under  the  Partizan 
Party  Idea,  might  still  preserve  some  semblance  of  democratic 
action  in  their  administrative  work.  According  to  the  Partizan 
Party  Idea,  the  partizan  party  manages,  controls,  and  assumes 
responsibility  for  that  work.  Individual  ideas  are  to  be  expressed 
as  partizan  party  ideas.  Partizan  party  ideas  are  to  be  repre- 
sented in  the  legislature.  Consequently,  if  the  legislature,  com- 
posed of  representatives  elected  through  the  efforts  of  this,  that,  or 
the  other  partizan  party,  is  to  reflect  The  Will  of  The  People  in  any 
degree,  or  if  any  semblance  of  equality  in  representation  is  to  be 
retained,  then  the  partizan  parties  should  be  represented  in  the 
legislature  according  to  their  numerical  proportion  in  The  Elector- 
ate. With  the  adoption  of  the  Partizan  Party  Idea  the  situation 
called  for  political  action  by  the  people  in  two  respects.  In  the 
first  place,  laws  should  have  been  passed  that  would  have  secured 
proportional  representation  by  "  The  Parties  "  ;  and  in  the  second 
place,  laws  should  have  been  passed  that  would  have  enabled  the 
people  to  control  the  action  of  their  hastily  created  Partizan 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    329 

Agency.  Nothing  of  the  sort  was  done.  The  people  left  the  par- 
tizan  parties  free  to  organize  themselves  as  they  saw  fit  and  handed 
the  control  and  management  of  electoral  action  over  to  them. 

Equality  in  Representation.  Since  Equality  is  a  fundamental 
principle  of  American  Administrative  Action,  it  should  characterize 
every  part  of  that  action.  Equality  in  Political  Representation 
exists  when  the  predominating  administrative  sentiments  of  The 
Electorate  are  freely  and  fully  represented  within  its  legislative 
agency  in  about  the  same  numerical  ratio  as  the  number  of  electors 
holding  one  belief  bears  to  the  number  of  electors  holding  other 
beliefs.  But  in  order  to  obtain  such  representation  it  is  necessary 
for  The  Electorate  to  act  while  obtaining  it  as  a  single,  whole,  and 
united  body  of  electors. 

District  Representation.  If,  in  obtaining  representation  in  the 
legislature,  The  Electorate  is  split  up  into  Representative  Quotas 
and  representation  is  given  to  each  Quota  considered  as  a  District, 
then  The  Electorate  can  no  longer  act  as  a  single,  whole,  and 
united  body  of  individual  electors,  but  must  act  as  a  body  that  is 
composed  of  groups  of  electors  having  group  functions  to  discharge. 
When  so  acting,  the  freedom  of  individual  electors  in  the  work  of 
getting  legislative  representation  is  destroyed,  and  the  possibility 
of  producing  Proportionate  Representation  is  rendered  remote. 

Measured  by  our  principles  of  administrative  action,  representa- 
tion of  the  predominating  sentiments  of  The  Electorate  (Propor- 
tionate Representation)  and  representation  of  the  majority  senti- 
ment in  representative  districts  (District  Representation)  are 
widely  different  ideas.  If  the  latter  is  the  rule,  the  former  must 
stand  aside.  It  was  not  necessary,  however,  to  give  representation 
to  the  Representative  Districts.  The  idea  of  splitting  The  Elect- 
orate up  into  representative  groups  was  merely  to  obtain  facility 
in  producing  a  Proportionate  Representation  of  the  administrative 
sentiments  that  existed  in  The  Electorate  through  making  the 
several  processes  of  ascertaining  Public  Opinion,  of  Nomination, 
and  of  Election  easier  to  individual  electors.  Public  Opinion  is 
the  expressed  sentiment  of  the  majority  of  wills  in  The  Electorate, 
and  both  Public  Opinion  and  its  opposing  sentiments  could  most 
freely  and  equally  be  given  proportionate  representation  in  the 
legislature  by  allowing  electors  to  choose  their  representatives  from 
The  Electorate  at  Large  —  the  body  in  which  the  opposing  senti- 
ments exist. 

The  Resident  Membership  Provision.     When  the  people  adopted 
the  plan  of  District  Representation,  they  went  a  step  farther  — 


330  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

in  the  wrong  direction  —  and  declared  that  the  representative 
units  should  be  represented  in  the  legislature  only  by  individuals 
who  resided  in  the  district  containing  the  representative  unit. 

The  effect  of  this  provision  upon  the  influence  which  the  in- 
dividual elector  can  bring  to  bear  in  The  Government  is  plain; 
for,  unless  it  happens  that  some  person  of  more  than  ordinary  polit- 
ical ability  and  fitness  resides  in  a  representative  district,  then  the 
electors  who  reside  there  are  forced  by  accident  or  circumstances 
alone  to  send  into  the  legislature  some  person  who  is  not  qualified 
properly  to  deal  with  matters  that  come  before  a  legislature. 
Whenever  this  happens,  a  lowering  in  the  proposed  grade  of  repre- 
sentatives occurs,  the  efficiency  of  legislation  is  impaired,  the 
force  of  the  required  impulse  to  official  administrative  action  is 
diminished,  and  the  political  influence  of  a  whole  representative 
quota  is  weakened. 

A  Government  of  Men.  Also,  the  District  System,  through  sub- 
stituting the  opinions,  wishes,  and  desires  of  local  majorities  of 
men  for  the  intent  of  the  fundamental  laws  of  The  Commonwealth, 
tends  to  make  that  body  subject  to  men  instead  of  laws,  so  true 
is  what  James  Fenimore  Cooper  said  in  the  early  days  of  our 
administrative  experiment ;  namely,  that  "  Freedom  is  not  gained 
by  the  mere  achievement  of  a  right  in  the  people  to  govern,  unless 
the  manner  in  which  that  right  is  to  be  both  understood  and 
practised  is  closely  incorporated  with  all  the  popular  notions  of 
what  has  been  obtained." 

The  Redistricting  Acts.  When  the  people  first  established  the 
limit  of  the  representative  districts,  they  ordained  that  a  new 
apportionment  should  be  made  after  each  census,  if  necessary. 
At  that  time  Patriotism  and  the  desire  to  promote  the  General 
Welfare  were  the  virile  administrative  impulses  in  the  people. 
The  idea  of  Personal  Representation  was  new  in  1776  and  knowl- 
edge of  its  requirements  was  lacking,  but  the  people  trusted  to  the 
force  of  Public  Spirit  and  individual  Civic  Virtue  to  keep  the 
legislatures  filled  with  true  representatives  of  the  people,  and 
failed  to  anticipate  the  possibility  that  the  legislature  might  in  the 
course  of  time  pass  under  some  other  control  than  that  of  the 
people.  Trustful  and  uninformed,  the  people  bestowed  the 
authority  to  make  the  new  apportionment  upon  the  legislature, 
and  furthermore,  to  make  it  during  periods  between  the  censuses, 
if  necessary.  The  Governor  was  to  sign  the  Redistricting  Act  as 
of  course,  because  such  an  Act,  when  passed  by  a  truly  representa- 
tive legislature,  was  considered  as  an  expression  of  The  Will  of 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM  OF  REPRESENTATION    331 

The  People.  As  to  detail,  the  District  System  of  Representation 
merely  provided  that  the  districts  should  be  compact,  of  contigu- 
ous territory,  and  of  as  nearly  equal  population  as  possible.  But 
it  was  silent  as  to  the  Principles  governing  the  people  in  their  redis- 
tricting  action,  as  to  the  precise  reasons  which  should  constitute 
the  necessity  for  a  redistricting,  and  as  to  the  permanency  of 
district  boundaries  which,  when  once  fixed,  justly  included  an 
approximately  eOj^ual  representative  quota.  In  short,  much  of  the 
important  detail  connected  with  district  representation  was  left 
most  insufficiently  regulated.  The  situation  was  left  open  to 
possible  manipulation ;  and  when  the  partizan  parties  assumed 
control  of  the  formative  and  constructive  work  of  The  Electorate, 
they  proceeded  to  cause  this  open  matter  to  be  so  regulated  that 
the  districts,  even  if  they  as  established  constituted  a  proper 
numerical  quota,  could  be  remade  at  any  time  and  for  any  reasons 
that  were  satisfactory  to  the  dominant  Partizan  Party. 

The  Party  Program.  Under  the  operation  of  the  Partizan 
Party  Idea  of  political  administration,  The  Partizan  Partj'^  has 
become  the  leader  and  organizer  of  administrative  action  not  only 
within  The  Electorate  but  within  The  Government  as  well.  It 
lays  out  "  The  Plan  of  Campaign  "  in  both  political  agencies. 
This  plan  of  campaign  is  called  "  The  Party  Program."  The 
Partizan  Party  is  allowed  to  make  these  political  agencies  carry 
out  the  Party  Program  in  its  own  way,  and  the  program  is  Self- 
perpetuation  and  Opportunism. 

Now  because  there  is  nothing  tangible  in  the  Fundamental  Law 
to  prevent,  any  partizan  party  which  through  its  own  peculiar 
practises  has  become  "  The  Party  in  Control  "  can  cause  its 
members  in  The  Government  (Governor  included)  to  divide  the 
population  of  a  state  by  "party"  lines  and  for  partizan  party 
reasons  instead  of  for  public  convenience  and  for  true  representation 
reasons ;  and  so,  by  the  mere  shifting  of  district  boundaries  about 
in  the  population  for  partizan  party  purposes,  to  enable  itself  to 
mechanically  make  and  unmake  majorities  of  "  Party  "  votes  in 
the  Districts  whenever  its  "  Success  "  at  the  election  depends  upon 
such  action,  and  irrespective  of  the  fact  that  the  existing  districts 
fulfil  all  the  working  requirements  of  the  District  System  of 
Representation. 

The  Gerrymander.  A  Redistricting  Act  that  is  passed  for  the 
purpose  of  maintaining  numerical  equality  between  Representative 
Quotas,  and  one  that  is  passed  for  partizan  party  purposes  differ 
very  widely  in  character.     The  one  is  a  part  of  the  requued  admin- 


332  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

istrative  work  of  the  people,  the  other  is  a  political  fraud  that  is 
perpetrated  by  a  partizan  party  on  Political  Representation.  This 
particular  form  of  partizan  party  fraud  has  received  the  name  of 
"  The  Gerrymander,"  The  use  of  this  term  grew  out  of  the 
necessity  for  having  some  distinctive  name  which  would  set  forth 
sharply  the  difference  in  purposes  between  a  Gerrymander  of  The 
State  by  the  legislature  and  a  true  Redistricting  of  The  State  by 
the  legislature. 

Object  of.  In  either  case  the  legislative  act  always  bears  some 
such  title  as  "  An  Act  to  Apportion  Representatives  in  Certain 
Districts."  There  is  nothing  in  this  title  to  suggest  a  Gerrymander. 
On  the  contrary,  the  use  of  the  word  "  Apportion  "  in  the  title 
serves  to  connect  the  purpose  of  the  Act  in  the  mind  of  the  average 
man  with  matters  relating  to  quotas  entitled  to  representation  rather 
than  to  numerical  changes  in  the  membership  of  the  partizan 
party  district  organizations,  and  which  is  the  real  purpose  of  a 
Gerrymander. 

General  Process  of.  With  partizan  party  "  majorities  "  in  the 
control  of  the  legislatures  (but  at  the  same  time  under  the  control 
of  the  partizan  party  ]\Iachine),  it  has  become  the  common  custom 
(whenever  this  or  that  "  Party  in  Control  "  deems  it  necessary  for 
its  continued  "  Success  "  at  the  election)  for  The  Party  in  Control 
to  cause  the  legislature  to  redivide  the  population  of  a  state  into 
new  representative  districts  along  "  Party  "  lines,  so  that  a  larger 
number  of  districts  shall  contain  small  Dominant  "  Party  " 
majorities,  as  against  a  smaller  number  of  districts  containing  large 
majorities  against  the  Party  in  Control.  And  this  is  done  without 
consulting  the  people  at  all,  for  whoever  heard  of  a  Representative 
being  elected  for  the  purpose  of  changing  the  political  composition 
of  the  district  electing  him  ? 

Detail.  The  detail  of  the  practise  is  as  follows.  A  State  may 
contain  certain  adjoining  areas  of  manufacturing,  commercial, 
mining,  and  agricultural  "  Interests  "  by  reason  of  its  natural 
opportunities.  In  such  a  case,  and  ordinarily,  one  partizan  party 
will  have  natural  majorities  in  some  Districts  and  natural  minor- 
ities in  others.  As  each  district  elects  a  representative  to  the 
legislature,  it  is  plain  that  a  dominant  partizan  party  can  increase 
its  number  of  representatives  in  the  legislature,  providing  it  can 
by  any  unprohibited  means  increase  the  number  of  districts  in 
which  it  can  secure  a  majority  of  votes.  Voters  who  are  controlled 
by  Partizan  Parties  are  the  same  to  such  parties  as  votes.  In  all 
districts  where  a  dominant  partizan  party  has  large  majorities  it 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    333 

has  votes  to  spare ;  and  if  it  can  take  portions  of  such  districts 
and  attach  them  to  other  districts  in  which  it  has  either  a  doubtful 
majority  or  a  large  minority  membership,  then  it  will  be  possible 
for  that  partizan  party  to  change  its  "  doubtful  districts  "  or 
its  "  large  minority  districts  "  mto  "  Sure  Majority  Districts," 
thereby  increasing  the  number  of  its  representatives  in  the  legis- 
lature. If  this  operation  can  be  performed  in  a  sufficient  number 
of  districts,  then  that  dominant  partizan  party  can  manufacture  a 
large  enough  "  Majority  in  The  Legislatiu-e  "  to  insure  its  control 
of  official  legislation  and  possess  itself  of  legislation  to  sell. 

As  said  before,  such  an  "  Apportionment  "  can  only  be  ac- 
complished by  a  Statute  which  the  Partizan  Party  in  Control 
causes  to  be  passed.  It  has  long  been  a  favorite  maneuver  em- 
ployed by  the  partizan  party  which  has  "  Captured  a  State  "  to 
further  "  Strengthen  itself  "  within  The  State,  the  first  work  of 
the  legislature  being  to  "  Redistrict  the  State  "  so  that  the  Majority 
Dominant  Party  shall  have  majorities  of  voters  or  votes  (same 
thing)  in  the  greatest  number  of  representative  districts. 

A  successful  Gerr\Tnander  means  the  death  of  Proportionate 
Representation.  It  means  the  success  of  Disproportionate 
Representation.  Often  it  means  the  exclusion  of  the  minority 
party  from  any  representation  in  the  legislature.  It  means  that 
the  actual  Will  of  The  People  is  opposed  by  a  non-political  and 
partizan  party  will  in  The  Government,  and  it  means  that  The 
Government  itself  can  be  rendered  in  no  sense  representative  of 
the  will,  the  spirit,  and  the  actual  intent  of  the  people.  A  Gerry- 
mander is  a  partizan  party  contrivance  for  making  a  strong 
partizan  party  stronger  and  a  weak  partizan  party  weaker.  It  is 
in  effect  a  scheme  for  manufacturing  Partizan  Party  Power  and  for 
centralizing  its  exercise  in  the  hands  of  "  The  Bosses."  An  ac- 
curately worked-out  Gerrymander  will  guarantee  beforehand  a 
subservient  partizan  party  majority  in  the  larger  number  of 
representative  districts  and  a  similar  majority  in  The  Government. 
With  a  guaranteed  "  party  "  majority  in  the  district,  both  "  the 
Party  "  and  the  applicant  for  candidacy  can  contract  beforehand 
reasonably  for  the  sale  and  purchase  of  the  nomination  ;  and  with 
a  guaranteed  "  Party  Majority  "  in  the  legislature,  both  "  The 
Party  "  and  "  The  Interests  "  can  bargain  beforehand  reasonably 
for  the  sale  and  purchase  of  Special  Privileges.  The  same  "  Gen- 
eral Ticket  "  which  elects  the  guaranteed  legislative  majority  will 
carry  other  "  Party  Candidates  "  into  the  general  administrative 
oflBces  of  The  State,  and  the  Gerr^Tnander  thus  becomes  a  partizan 


334  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

party  means  for  the  "  strengthening  of  The  Party  hold  "  on  all 
administrative  offices  in  The  State.  A  guaranteed  partizan  party 
majority  is  also  a  guaranteed  substitution  of  Bossism  as  the  source 
of  Administrative  Impulse ;  for  by  the  mere  shifting  of  partizan 
party  lines  among  individuals,  the  qualified  voters  in  a  district 
(through  the  enforcement  upon,  and  the  observance  by  many  of  the 
doctrine  of  "  Party  Regularity,")  can  be  made  to  frustrate  the 
natural  formation  of  The  Administrative  Will  of  The  People. 

It  may  be  a  matter  of  surprise  to  some  of  my  younger  readers  to 
learn  that  this  iniquitous  practise  was  put  into  operation  in  the 
State  of  Virginia  by  Patrick  Henry  at  the  very  first  election  for 
United  States  Senators  held  after  the  adoption  of  The  Constitu- 
tion, the  object  being  to  pack  the  legislature  with  opponents  of 
James  Madison. 

Origin  of  Name.  The  practise  got  its  name  in  the  following 
manner.  In  1811  the  then  Democratic  Party  obtained  a  majority 
in  The  Government  of  Massachusetts,  with  Elbridge  Gerry  as 
Governor.  I  quote  the  substance  of  Professor  Ware's  article  in  the 
American  Law  Review  of  January,  1872.  "  In  order  to  secure 
themselves  in  the  possession  of  The  Government,  the  party  in 
power  passed  the  famous  law  of  Feb.  11th,  1812,  providing  for  a 
new  division  of  the  State  into  senatorial  districts,  so  contrived 
that  in  as  many  districts  as  possible,  the  Federalists  should  be 
outnumbered  by  their  opponents.  To  effect  this,  all  natural  and 
customary  lines  were  disregarded,  and  some  parts  of  the  State, 
particularly  the  Counties  of  Worcester  and  Essex,  presented 
singular  examples  of  political  geography.  It  is  said  that  Gilbert 
Stuart,  seeing  in  the  office  of  the  Columbian  Centinel  an  outline  of 
the  Essex  outer  district,  nearly  encircling  the  rest  of  the  County, 
added  with  his  pencil  a  beak  to  Salisbury,  and  claws  to  Salem 
and  Marblehead,  exclaiming,  "  There !  That  will  do  for  a  Sala- 
mander." "  Salamander !  "  said  Mr.  Russell,  the  editor,  "  I  call 
it  a  Gerrymander  "  ;  and  the  practise  was  named  in  that  remark. 

The  state  of  Michigan  was  once  so  Gerrymandered  that  the 
"  Opposing  Party  "  required  a  majority  vote  of  fifteen  thousand 
to  overcome  the  effects  of  the  Gerrymander  alone,  and  the  reader 
is  probably  aware  of  the  notorious  Congressional  "  Shoe-string 
District  "  of  Mississippi,  comprising  all  of  the  Counties  on  the 
river,  and  being  about  three  hundred  miles  long  with  an  average 
width  of  twenty  miles. 

Were  the  vote  of  a  State  taken  as  a  whole  on  any  administrative 
sentiment,  there  would  necessarily  be  a  majority  —  in  all  cases  not 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    335 

a  tie  —  either  for  or  against  a  sentiment,  and  a  majority  of  Admin- 
istrative Wills  would  decide.  But  by  separating  the  voters  into  a 
number  of  districts  all  of  which  vote  separately,  and  by  leaving  the 
redistricting  of  a  state  in  the  hands  of  a  partizan  party,  district 
majorities  of  partizan  party  votes,  and  partizan  party  majorities 
in  The  Government,  can  be  manufactured  long  in  advance  of  the 
election  by  simply  transferring  subservient  partizan  party  voters 
by  process  of  Law  from  one  or  some  districts  where  they  can  be 
spared  to  another  or  other  districts  where  they  are  needed  by  a 
partizan  party  for  its  purposes,  the  transference  being  made  purely 
for  partizan  party  reasons  and  to  accomplish  partizan  party 
objects. 

Individual  Freedom !  Liberty !  Equality !  Justice !  and 
United  Action  !  They  can  not,  and  they  do  not,  exist  where  such 
administrative  practises  prevail,  and  The  Gerr;vTriander  —  the 
partizan  party  redistricting  of  a  state  —  is  to  our  shame  a  term  of 
reproach  in  the  mouths  of  all  who  look  to  the  American  Common- 
wealths as  leaders  in  Human  Progress  and  as  the  guardians  of  the 
Rights  of  Mankind. 

Proportional  "Party  "  Representation.  On  page  48  of  his  book 
on  "  Proportional  Representation,"  Professor  John  R.  Commons 
argues  in  favor  of  giving  Proportional  Representation  to  what  he 
calls  political  parties.  He  is,  however,  speaking  of  the  present 
partizan  parties;  is  criticizing  the  immoralities  of  the  present 
Partizan  Party  System  of  political  administration  and  is  advocat- 
ing the  application  of  a  remedy  for  some  of  the  abuses  flowing  from 
the  partizan  party  management  of  political  apportionment. 
Paraphrased  to  fit  the  facts  and  with  the  salient  points  emphasized, 
his  argument  is  as  follows.  "  Let  us  suppose  that  the  lower  house 
of  a  State  Legislature  contains  40  members  sent  from  40  Districts 
and  that  one  partizan  party  controls  120,000  votes  in  the  State 
and  the  other  100,000  and  that  the  same  relative  proportion  of 
partizan  party  votes  exists  in  the  districts  as  in  the  State  at  large. 
Each  district  has  5500  voters.  In  each  district  Partizan  Party  A 
has  3000  votes  and  Partizan  Party  B  has  2500  votes.  Partizan 
Party  A  elects  all  of  the  Representatives  and  the  individuals 
belonging  to  Partizan  Party  B  are  unrepresented  in  the  legislature 
by  a  representative  of  their  own  cAo/ce,  although  they  aggregate  over 
forty-five  per  cent  of  those  entitled  to  participate  in  official 
legislation.  An  extreme  result  like  this  seems  improbable  but 
it  sometimes  happens." 

Professor  Commons  docs  not  state  that  it  usually  "  happens  " 


336  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

nowadays  because  this,  that,  or  the  other  partizan  party  makes  it 
happen;  but  as  this  is  a  fact  it  should  appear.  Continuing,  Pro- 
fessor Commons  says  :  "  Again  it  may  happen,  and  often  does  (and 
for  the  same  reason)  that  a  minority  of  the  popular  vote  obtains 
a  majority  of  the  representatives.  In  the  case  assumed,  partizan 
parties  may  have  been  divided  in  the  same  Districts  as  follows : 

Party  A 

Majority  of  100  in  25  Districts    .     .     2800  X  25  =    70,000  votes 

Minority  of  1500  in  15  Districts       .    2000  X  15  =    30,000  votes 

Total 100,000  votes 

Party  B 

Minority  of  100  in  25  Districts    .     .     2700  X  25  =    67,500  votes 

Majority  of  1500  in  15  Districts       .     3500  X  15  =    52,500  votes 

Total 120,000  votes 

In  this  assumed  case  Partizan  Party  A  with  100,000  votes  obtains 
25  representatives,  while  Partizan  Party  B  with  120,000  votes 
obtains  only  15  representatives." 

The  reader  is  asked  to  note  several  matters  in  reference  to  the 
above  quotation.  When  Professor  Commons  wrote  the  above  he 
did  not  have  in  mind  either  "  Political  Representation  "  or  "  Pro- 
portionate Representation."  He  was  merely  suggesting  a  way 
in  which  a  fairer  representation  by  "  Partizan  Parties  "  could  be 
had.  His  words  betray  no  hmt  of  a  suspicion  of  a  belief  on  his 
part  that  the  present  administrative  action  of  the  people  is  illogical 
and  improper.  The  instances  he  cites  merely  illustrate  the  pos- 
sibilities for  perverted  administration  that  exist  under  the  opera- 
tion of  the  Partizan  Party  Idea.  In  one  instance,  a  majority 
partizan  party  has  obtained  all  of  the  representation.  In  the  other 
instance,  a  minority  partizan  party  has  obtained  more  than  a 
majority  of  the  representation.  In  each  instance,  the  Doctrine  of 
Majority  Rule  —  as  far  as  it  applies  to  a  free  and  equal  participa- 
tion by  individual  electors  in  official  legislation  —  has  been  set 
aside  and  nullified ;  and  in  the  last  instance,  the  ordained  Major- 
ity Rule  —  as  far  as  it  applies  to  official  legislation  —  has  been 
supplanted  by  a  species  of  Class  Minority  Rule. 

Now  in  view  of  the  admitted  fact  that  such  "  happenings  "  are 
possible  under  the  regime  of  the  Partizan  Party  Idea,  does  it  not 
seem  strange  that  a  professor  in  one  of  our  high  educational  insti- 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    337 

tutions  should  gravely  proceed  upon  the  assumption  that  the  use 
of  a  partizan  party  as  the  organizer  of  electoral  action  was  right, 
and  that  the  use  of  The  Partizan  Party  System  as  a  System  of 
Political  Administration  was  right,  without  first  settling  the  ques- 
tion of  whether  it  was  right  or  wrong  b}^  applying  the  test  of  our 
Principles  of  Political  Action?  Is  not  the  verj-  fact  that  such 
thmgs  are  possible  under  the  application  of  the  Partizan  Party 
Idea  sufficient  at  least  to  create  a  presumption  that  both  the 
partizan  party  and  its  system  are  not  a  proper  agency  and  means 
for  the  production  of  Democratic  action  by  the  people  ?  And  is  it 
not  actually  wrong  that  the  youth  of  our  Country  should  — 
through  arguments  that  are  only  directed  towards  remedying  a 
badly  working  agency  and  system  —  be  insensibly  led  mto  the 
assumption  that  the  use  of  such  an  agency  and  its  system  is  in 
accordance  with  our  professed  kind  of  administrative  action  ? 

"Solid  Delegations."  Under  the  "practical  "  operation  of  the 
Partizan  Party  Idea,  the  exclusion  of  the  minority  "  Party  "  from 
any  representation  in  the  legislature  is  not  only  possible  but  in 
many  localities  it  is  actually  present  as  the  Established  Order  of 
Things.  In  illustration  of  the  truth  of  the  above  statement  as  it 
applies  to  representation  in  the  National  Legislature  the  reader 
may  be  interested  to  know  that  in  the  1917  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  counting  States  that  have  more  than  one  representative, 
seven  States  are  represented  by  what  is  termed  a  "  SoHd  "  Delega- 
tion of  Republican  Partizan  Party  Representatives,  while  eight 
States  are  there  represented  by  a  "  Solid  "  Delegation  of  Demo- 
cratic Partizan  Party  Representatives.  Counting  all  of  the  States, 
these  "  solid  delegations  "  mean  that  the  entire  body  of  individuals 
who  are  "  affiliated  "  with  one  or  another  of  the  National  Partizan 
Parties  in  twenty  out  of  the  forty-eight  States  —  some  six  hundred 
thousand  altogether  —  are  precluded  from  representation  in  The 
House  by  representatives  of  their  own  selection  and  choice.  Re- 
publicans in  Texas  must  be  content  to  be  represented  by  Republi- 
can representatives  elected  in  other  States  (if  that  may  be  called 
"  Representation  ")  and  the  same  is  true  of  Democrats  in  States 
sending  "  Solid  Republican  Delegations  "  to  The  House.  This  is 
not  Political  Representation,  or  Proportionate  Representation. 
It  is  nothing  more  or  less  than  Partizan  Party  Representation, 
which  can  and  does  completely  annul  the  right  of  thousands  of 
individual  electors  to  freely  and  fully  participate  in  all  matters 
of  National  official  legislation. 

I  quote  again  from  Professor  Commons'  book,  page  49,  and  fol- 


338  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

lowing,  and  again  ask  the  reader  to  note  the  curious  conclusions 
of  the  writer.  Professor  Commons  says  :  "  Where  a  system  offers 
in  theory  such  fruitful  opportunities,  it  is  too  much  to  expect 
party  managers  to  refrain  from  using  them.  Consequently,  the 
district  system  combined  with  party  politics  has  resulted  in  the 
universal  spread  of  the  Gerrymander.  Both  political  (sic) 
parties  practice  it,  and  neither  can  condemn  the  other.  They  simply 
do  what  is  natural — make  the  most  of  their  opportunities  as  far  as 
permitted  by  the  Constitution  and  system  under  which  both  are 
working.  The  Gerrymander  is  not  produced  by  the  iniquity  of 
parties,  it  is  the  outcome  of  the  district  system.  It  is  simply 
such  a  thoughtful  construction  of  districts  as  will  economize  the 
votes  of  the  party  in  power  by  giving  it  small  majorities  in  a  large 
number  of  districts,  and  coop  up  the  opposing  party  with  over- 
whelming majorities  in  a  small  number  of  districts.  But  it  is 
not  always  necessary  that  districts  be  cut  into  distorted  shapes 
in  order  to  accomplish  these  unjust  results.  A  map  of  all  the 
congressional  and  legislative  districts  of  the  United  States  would 
by  no  means  indicate  the  location  of  all  the  outrageous  Gerry- 
manders. In  fact,  many  of  the  worst  ones  have  been  so  well  de- 
signed that  they  come  close  within  all  constitutional  require- 
ments. But  the  Law  is  everywhere  disregarded.  Parties  are 
compelled  to  disregard  it,  for  a  Gerrymander  of  a  Democratic  State 
can  be  nullified  only  by  a  Gerrymander  of  a  Republican  State." 
The  italics  are  mine  and  are  used  to  bring  out  the  astonishing 
political  mentality  of  the  writer. 

Party  disregard  of  The  Law!  Everywhere  practised,  and 
condoned  in  our  highest  "  Halls  of  Learning  " !  The  Partizan 
Party  —  call  it  by  any  name  you  prefer  —  our  semi-legalized 
Organizer,  Leader,  and  Manager  of  electoral  and  electorate  action, 
a  Law  Breaker,  or  at  best,  a  Law  Evader  !  This,  then,  is  the  state 
of  Public  Morals  to  which  the  people  have  arrived  since  their 
departure  from  the  true  Democratic  principle  of  Equality  in  Repre- 
sentation !  Is  it  not  time  to  call  a  halt  on  this  line  of  political 
"  Progress,"  before  the  consciences  of  individuals  are  further 
contaminated  by  such  administrative  ineptitude  on  the  part  of  the 
people  and  turpitude  on  the  part  of  the  partizan  parties  ? 

Our  Servile  Colleges.  But  hov/  does  it  come  about  that  many  of 
our  college  professors  (and  in  some  instances,  college  presidents) 
merely  direct  their  efforts  to  patching  up  The  Partizan  Party  Sys- 
tem so  that  the  "  Law-breaking  Agency  "  shall  have  fewer  oppor- 
tunities to  break  the  Law?     Why  do  not  the  instructors  of  our 


THE   DISTRICT   SYSTEM   OF   REPRESENTATION     339 

youth  denounce  the  use  of  the  law-breaking  agency  and  its  admin- 
istration-perverting system?  This  is  one  of  the  disquieting 
political  phenomena  of  our  times  that  requires  an  explanation. 
Is  not  tJie  use  of  a  law-breaking  agency  immoral  ?  And  if  so,  what 
terms  describe  the  actions  of  individuals  in  high  educational  posi- 
tions who  admit  the  character  of  the  agency  and  at  the  same  time 
countenance  its  use? 

Coming  to  the  point  directly,  the  fact  of  the  matter  is  that  many 
of  our  colleges  and  universities  are  obliged  to  support  the  use  of 
The  Partizan  Party  and  its  system,  and  herein  lies  the  explanation 
of  the  action  of  their  Managing  Bodies  and  educational  staff.  That 
they  are  so  obliged,  however,  is  another  cogent  reason  for  the 
disuse  of  the  partizan  party  and  the  abolishment  of  its  system,  for 
the  obliging  force  is  not  exercised  by  the  American  People,  or  by 
The  Partizan  Party,  but  is  secretly  exercised  either  by  "  The 
Interests  "  as  this  term  is  defined  in  Chapter  XVIII,  or  by  the 
privilege-fattened  individuals  who  compose  "  The  Interests." 
The  use  of  The  Partizan  Party  and  its  system  is  an  indispensable 
requisite  for  the  success  of  "  The  Interests  "  in  their  exploitation 
of  the  necessities  of  the  individual.  It  is  these  privileged  individ- 
uals who  have  it  in  their  power  to  "  kill  off  "  speedily  any  educa- 
tional institution  that  seriously  threatens  the  continued  possession 
by  The  Interests  of  the  fruits  of  legalized  privileges ;  and  it  is  the 
Partizan  Parties  who  sell  special  privileges  to  The  Interests. 

Our  colleges  and  universities  are  not  self-supporting.  The 
tuition  fees  fall  far  short  of  meeting  expenses.  The  colleges  depend 
for  continued  existence  upon  endowments  and  gifts.  These  come 
mainly  from  individuals  who  have  made  their  money  in  the  "  Big 
Business  "  or  "  High  Finance  "  that  is  made  possible  either 
through  legislation  or  the  obstruction  of  legislation.  If  these  gifts 
are  withheld,  then  many  of  our  higher  educational  institutions 
face  financial  ruin.  They  bow  to  this  form  of  the  inevitable, 
accept  a  species  of  moral  ruin,  and  continue  to  teach  the  kind  of 
political  economy  and  political  administration  that  can  be  best 
utilized  by  The  Interests  and  which  ultimately  results  in  college 
gifts.  Fortunately  there  are  some  American  colleges  that  do  not 
as  yet  depend  for  their  existence  upon  gifts  from  the  super  wealthy, 
but  those  which  do  can  be  depended  upon  to  avoid  teaching  the 
kind  of  political  administration  that  The  Fathers  ordained. 

Returning  to  the  matter  in  hand,  let  us  as  briefly  as  possible 
indicate  some  of  the  more  important  effects  that  either  have  been, 
or  are  capable  of  being,  produced  in  our  admhiistrative  action  by 


340  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

the  use  of  the  District  System  of  Representation  as  managed  and 
appHed  by  the  Partizan  Parties. 

Non-representation.  The  Partizan  Party  Doctrine  of  Majority 
Rule,  combined  with  the  District  System  of  Representation  and 
reenforced  with  the  Resident  Membership  clause  and  the  right 
of  a  Partizan  Party  to  make  Official  Nominations,  have  together 
insured  the  existence  of  the  evil  of  Non-representation  to  some  of 
the  electors  of  A  State.  If  all  of  the  individuals  in  a  given  district 
can  only  be  represented  in  the  legislature  by  one  member,  then  it 
follows  that  unless  they  all  vote  for  him  there  must  be  some  in  the 
district  who  are  unrepresented  by  a  member  of  their  choice,  and  the 
right  to  equally  participate  in  official  legislation  is  violated. 
Then  again,  there  are  always  many  individuals  whose  political  and 
whose  administrative  ideas  differ  from  those  held  by  the  individuals 
who  "  affiliate  "  with  the  two  Dominant  Partizan  Parties.  But 
these  individuals  are  usually  scattered  throughout  The  State, 
residing  here  and  there  in  districts  that  are  separated  by  district 
lines  within  which  they  must  vote.  There  may  be  in  any  State 
more  electors  of  a  given  independent  political  belief  than  would 
be  required  to  elect  a  representative  were  the  vote  of  the  State 
taken  at  large.  But  under  the  District  System  this  total  number 
avails  them  nothing.  It  does  not  exist  as  an  administrative  factor, 
for  the  comparatively  few  individuals  in  each  representative  dis- 
trict are  compelled  to  vote  in  their  residence  district  and  only  for 
"  District  Candidates,"  and  are  thus  practically  prevented  from 
obtaining  direct  representation  of  their  ideas  in  The  Government. 

And  the  same  is  true  of  an  individual  who  is  a  member  of  a 
minority  partizan  party  if  it  is  small.  He  can  obtain  no  direct 
representation  from  his  district  or  in  the  legislature,  because  he  is 
not  allowed  to  join  his  vote  to  those  of  others  who  are  similarly 
minded  but  who  merely  reside  outside  of  his  district. 

Free  Association  expresses  two  ideas.  It  means  absolute 
freedom  in  political  association,  and  it  means  the  association  together 
of  the  individuals  who  compose  the  body  politic.  As  it  relates  to 
Political  Representation,  free  association  means  the  association 
together  of  the  individuals  who  exercise  the  Right  of  Suffrage. 
The  District  System  of  Representation  prevents  the  association 
together  of  such  individuals  for  all  of  the  purposes  of  political 
administration.  It  thus  in  effect  curtails,  restricts,  and  impairs 
individual  freedom  in  administrative  action,  and  what  freedom  is 
left  to  the  individual  is  rendered  almost  worthless  by  the  chicaner- 
ous  application  of  the  Partizan  Party  Idea  by  the  partizan  parties. 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    341 

United  Administrative  Action  is  an  individual  Political  Right. 
It  means  individual  administrative  action  that  is  taken  in  concert 
with  all  other  individuals  who  compose  the  body  politic.  It  has  a 
broader  meaning  than  voting  on  the  same  day  or  in  the  same  way. 
The  District  System,  however,  destroys  united  action  on  the  part 
of  The  Electorate  and  splits  it  up  into  "  District  Action,"  as  far 
as  Representation  is  concerned,  thus  violating  another  Political 
Right. 

But  the  danger  which  most  threatens  the  morale  of  both  The 
Commonwealth  and  of  The  Government  lies  not  so  much  in  the 
evils  of  non-representation  as  in  the  prevalence  of  a  vast  amount  of 
Misrepresentation  to  which  individuals  are  condemned  by  the 
combination  of  The  District  System  of  Representation  with  The 
Partizan  Party  System  of  organizing  electoral  action. 

Misrepresentation.  Were  electoral  action  organized  under 
Political  Leadership,  and  were  the  processes  of  Nomination  and  of 
Election  performed  logically,  the  chances  for  misrepresentation 
would  be  minimized  because  The  Electorate  would  freely  nominate 
and  elect,  and  the  majority  and  minority  will  would  be  propor- 
tionately represented  in  the  legislature  by  members  representing 
that  will. 

But  under  the  Partizan  Party  Idea,  some  of  the  electors  are 
grouped  apart  and  cooped  up  within  two  or  more  permanently 
organized  Partizan  Associations  and  are  compelled  mainly  by 
Party  Power  to  act  in  a  Partizan  Party  capacity.  Under  the 
District  System,  the  electorate  is  also  split  up  into  "  District  Units  " 
and  the  individual  electors  are  compelled  by  Law  to  act  and  vote 
in  the  capacity  of  District  Members.  The  Electorate  ceases  to 
exist  as  a  unitedly  acting  administrative  body,  and  a  species  of 
representation  is  created  that  is  foreign  to  our  principles  of  political 
administration ;  namely,  the  representation  of  Partizan  Parties 
in  the  legislature. 

On  its  face,  the  representation  of  Partizan  Parties  in  the  legisla- 
ture is  a  misrepresentation  of  The  Electorate  because  the  real 
objects  and  purposes  of  a  Partizan  Party  and  the  true  object  and 
purpose  of  The  Electorate  are  diametrically  opposed.  But  it  is 
the  misrepresentation  of  the  individual  elector  that  attention  is 
called  to  here.  This  occurs  in  two  ways.  The  electors  are  either 
those  who  act  independently  of  any  partizan  party,  or  those  who 
act  as  members  of  such  organizations.  The  misrepresentation  of 
an  independent  elector  occurs  whenever  such  an  elector  finds 
himself  represented  in  the  legislature  by  some  person  who  has 


342  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

been  elected  at  the  Partizan  Party  Dictate,  and  with  whose 
principles,  or  lack  of  principles,  as  the  case  may  be,  or  with  whose 
political  ideas,  or  administrative  ideas,  the  independent  elector  has 
neither  sympathy  nor  accord.  Such  a  "  Representative  "  is  usually 
a  partizan  of  the  "  Regular  "  stripe.  He  is  one  in  whom  the 
"  Party  Management  "  has  confidence ;  that  is,  such  confidence 
as  is  bestowed  by  the  "  Constituted  Authorities  "  on  their  cat's 
paw.  He  is  one  who  while  in  the  legislature  will,  to  an  immoral 
certainty,  give  the  orders  of  the  Partizan  Party  Boss  preference 
over  the  call  of  his  district  constituency  or  of  his  Commonwealth, 
and  he  would  not  be  in  the  legislature  if  he  would  not  do  this. 

The  misrepresentation  of  a  Partizan  Party  Member  occurs 
whenever  such  a  voter  finds  himself  represented  in  the  legislature 
by  some  person  with  whose  ideas  concerning  either  internal  par- 
tizan party  management,  or  the  general  course  of  a  partizan  party, 
or  the  partizan  party  management  of  electoral  action  or  of  official 
administrative  action,  the  voter  disagrees  or  is  not  in  accord. 
Questions  of  partizan  party  management,  or  of  partizan  party 
policy,  or  of  partizan  party  control  of  administrative  action,  are 
of  vital  consequence  to  continuous  partizan  party  representation. 
But  as  a  rule  all  of  these  partizan  party  questions  are  made  sub- 
servient to  the  temporary  partizan  party  success  at  the  election. 
This  subordination  of  all  considerations  to  "  Party  Success  "  at 
the  elections  produces  very  marked  effects  in  the  matter  of  partizan 
party  candidacies.  "  Party  Success  "  at  the  election  means  the 
insured  prospect  of  a  partizan  party  revenue  through  the  insured 
possession  of  a  vast  number  of  non-elective  offices  and  positions 
to  be  filled,  and  also  the  insured  "  support  "  of  those  who  seek 
special  privileges  through  the  mediumship  of  The  Party  in  Control. 
In  striving  for  "  Party  Success,"  the  partizan  party  leaves  no 
means  unworked.  The  kind  of  man  who  is  a  "  party  man  "  is 
always  looking  indiscriminately  in  the  direction  of  "  The  Party  " 
as  an  administrative  institution ;  and  if  he  can  not  get  what  he 
wants  from  one  "  Party,"  he  will  most  generally  join  another. 
The  desire  for  success  induces  a  Partizan  Party  in  close  elections 
to  put  forward  candidates  whose  partizan  party  attitude  will  oppose 
as  little  as  possible  the  opinions  of  the  voters  of  the  competing 
partizan  party.  This  is  done  in  the  hopes  of  possibly  drawing 
away  from  that  "  Party  "  whatever  "  dissatisfied  vote  "  may  exist 
therein. 

Again,  at  such  times,  the  purely  partizan  party  necessity  for 
poling  the  whole  vote  of  "  The  Organization  "  induces  a  partizan 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    343 

party  management  to  select  a  candidate  who  will  not  be  seriously 
objectionable  to  any  Wing  or  Faction  in  the  partizan  party  by 
reason  of  his  past  "  Party  Action  "  or  his  official  action.  The 
partizan  party's  "  logical  "  candidate,  or  perhaps  its  most  able 
man,  is  dropped  from  the  list  of  candidates  because  either  his 
personal  force  or  party  action  in  the  past  may  have  offended  some 
portion  or  section  of  "  The  Organization  " ;  and  a  man  who  has 
offended  no  one  by  his  force  or  ability,  because  he  has  none  to  speak 
of,  is  selected  as  the  "  Standard  Bearer  "  of  his  "  Party."  In 
either  event  such  candidates  are  sure  to  carry  out  the  desires  and 
behests  of  the  party  managers,  are  sure  to  "  represent  "  their 
partizan  party  as  managed  at  every  possible  turn  in  The  Govern- 
ment, because  through  msuring  the  prospect  of  continued  "  Par- 
tizan Party  Success,"  they  at  the  same  time  insure  the  prospect 
of  their  own  individual  success. 

The  great  mass  of  The  Electorate,  however,  and  Irrespective  of 
*'  Party  "  affiliation,  at  heart  desire  the  promotion  of  the  Welfare 
of  The  Commonwealth.  But  under  such  a  scheme  of  political 
administration,  the  individual  elector  who  honestly  seeks  to  promote 
that  welfare  through  the  use  of  "  The  Party  "  often  finds  himself 
confronted  with  the  alternative  of  either  voting  for  his  "  Party  " 
nominee,  in  whom  he  has  no  confidence  or  close  political  agreement, 
or  of  voting  for  the  nominee  of  the  competing  "  Party  "  with  the 
*'  Principles  "  of  which  he  is  in  active  disagreement,  or  of  refrain- 
ing from  voting  at  all,  which,  in  effect,  helps  the  "  Party  "  he 
dislikes.  If  he  votes  for  his  "  Party  "  nominee  (as  most  party 
men  do  except  in  most  aggravated  instances),  he  finds  himself 
misrepresented  in  the  legislature  by  the  candidate  of  his  own  vote 
—  not  choice  —  and  is  practically  forced  into  a  support  of  Mal- 
administration. Then  again,  how  shall  we  describe  the  position 
of  the  independent  elector,  and  of  those  who  are  not  enrolled 
members  of  any  partizan  party  organization?  The  Electorate, 
considered  as  an  administrative  bodv,  has  no  Bodv  of  Law  under 
which  the  administrative  action  of  its  individual  electors  considered 
as  such  is  organized.  The  Electorate,  as  such,  is  not  an  organized 
body  for  the  transaction  of  the  work  of  Nomination  and  of  Election. 
Practically  nothing  has  been  done  by  the  State  to  compel  individual 
electors  to  act  all  of  the  time  as  electors.  Those  who  wish  to  do  so 
are  allowed  to  act  as  members  of  partizan  party  organizations  that 
are  organized  permanently  for  the  transaction  of  the  processes 
of  nomination  and  of  election  in  the  interest  of  "  The  Party  " ; 
and  those  who  do  not  wish  to  join  such  associations  because  they 


344  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

believe  that  such  associations  are  wrong  in  principle  and  bad  in 
action  are  practically  compelled  either  to  form  themselves  into 
similar  organizations  or  follow  the  lead  of  the  already  organized 
partizan  parties.  But  the  candidates  of  all  partizan  parties  are 
selected  by  Partizan  Party  Action  and  not  by  Electorate  Action. 
They  are  all  selected  for  the  same  reasons  and  purposes  ;  and  if  the 
great  body  of  unenrolled  (and  therefore  usually  unorganized) 
electors  follow  the  lead  of  the  partizan  parties,  then  they  are  prac- 
tically forced  to  choose  between  the  evil  of  Partizan  Party  Repre- 
sentation as  the  means  of  keeping  political  administration  going 
at  all,  and  the  evil  of  abstaining  from  voting  at  all  as  a  concession 
to  conscience. 

The  adopted  systems  make  ordained  Electorate  Action  impos- 
sible. They  permit  Electoral  Action  to  be  transacted  wrongfully. 
They  give  permanently  organized  partizan  parties  the  right  to 
Nominate,  the  right  to  manufacture  district  "  majorities  of  votes  " 
and  "  majorities  of  voters,"  and  the  right  to  keep  a  solid  organiza- 
tional vote  at  the  command  of  the  Partizan  Party  Management 
or  of  the  Partizan  Party  Boss.  The  Law  compels  an  individual 
elector  to  vote  in  his  residence  district  and  prevents  him  from 
joining  his  vote  with  others  similarly  minded  but  residing  outside 
of  his  district.  How,  under  these  conditions  and  restrictions, 
can  an  independent  elector  (or  any  other  elector  for  that  matter) 
assist  effectively  in  obtaining  true  Political  Representation? 
And  finally,  look  at  the  situation  of  a  voter  who  is  a  member  of  a 
Minority  Partizan  Party  and  resides  in  a  district  that  is  under  the 
control  of  a  sure  Majority  Partizan  Party.  For  him  there  are 
no  factors  but  accident  and  the  unlikely  change  in  a  manufactured 
Public  Opinion  that  will  enable  him  to  obtain  any  representation 
whatever  —  except  misrepresentation. 

Apathy  in  The  Electorate.  The  probability  of  Misrepresentation 
and  of  Non-representation  that  is  guaranteed  beforehand  to  many 
individual  electors  by  the  combination  of  the  District  System  of 
Representation,  the  Partizan  Party  System  of  Administration, 
and  "  Party  Politics,"  is  one  of  the  causes  for  the  discouragement 
and  apathy  of  many  electors  who  decline  to  give  time  to  that  kind 
of  electorate  action  which  is  productive  only  of  results  that  are 
foreign  to  those  set  forth  in  the  Principles  of  The  State  Polity. 

Numbers  vs.  Ideas.  The  American  Commonwealths  started 
political  administration  with  the  idea  that  Individual  Political 
Will  should  have  free  play  and  that  Political  Majorities  should  be 
Majorities  of  Administrative  Wills.     But  they  afterwards  adopted 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    345 

a  system  of  administrative  action  in  which  the  free  association  of 
individual  electors  was  greatly  restricted,  and  in  which  a  "  majority 
of  party  votes  "  was  to  serve  in  the  place  of  a  Political  Majority, 
whether  all  of  those  "  party  "  votes  carried  an  expression  of  indi- 
vidual administrative  will  or  not.  They  next  permitted  the 
partizan  parties  to  increase  their  respective  numbers  of  "  party  " 
votes  by  fraudulent  manipulation  of  the  processes  of  Naturaliza- 
tion, Registration,  Nomination,  and  Election,  and  to  mechanically 
manufacture  district  majorities  of  votes  long  in  advance  of  the 
election  by  the  use  of  The  GerrjTnander,  all  of  which  action  has 
the  effect  of  giving  to  the  largest  number  of  indimduals  the  force 
that  it  was  originally  intended  should  be  possessed  only  by  a  freely 
ascertained  IVIajority  of  Administrative  Wills.  Administrative 
Will  is  eliminated  as  the  Administrative  Force  and  partizan  parties 
are  allowed  to  express  their  Will  by  fraudulently  and  mechanically 
manufactured  majorities  of  voters,  thus  in  effect  substituting 
numbers  in  the  place  of  ideas  as  the  subject  of  Representation. 
Lord  Cairns  says  in  a  report  to  the  British  Parliament :  "  There  is 
nothing  so  irksome  to  those  who  form  the  minority  in  one  of  the 
large  constituencies  as  finding  that  from  the  mere  force  of  numbers 
they  are  virtually  excluded  from  the  exercise  of  any  political  power  ; 
that  it  is  vain  to  attempt  to  take  part  in  public  affairs ;  that  the 
election  must  go  in  one  direction ;  and  that  they  have  no  political 
power  whatever.  On  the  one  hand,  the  result  is  great  dissatisfac- 
tion, and  on  the  other,  it  is  a  disinclination  on  the  part  of  those 
who  form  the  minority  to  take  any  part  in  affairs  in  which  it  is 
important  that  they  should  take  a  prominent  and  conspicuous 
part." 

The  right  to  freely  nominate,  the  right  to  freely  choose,  and 
the  right  to  freely  vote  as  his  conscience  directs,  and  to  have  that 
vote  made  effectual,  is  denied  to  the  average  elector  under  the 
present  Partizan  Partj^  System  combined  with  the  District  System 
of  Representation.  But  the  situation  is  not  without  one  redeeming 
feature,  for  with  his  political  rights  set  at  naught,  and  with  his 
political  influence  lessened  to  the  degree  set  forth,  it  can  not  be 
very  laborious  mental  work  for  a  thinking  man  to  ascertain  what 
his  political  capacity  amounts  to  at  present  and  how  he  has  come 
to  lose  it. 

Disfranchisement.  Under  our  present  administrative  system,  the 
ballot  is  given  to  the  elector  as  the  official  means  whereby  he  can 
authoritatively  express  his  preference  for  a  given  Administrative 
Policy  by  casting  it  for  a  Candidate ;   but  if  the  situation  be  as 


346  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

above  described  and  the  individual,  by  force  of  the  existing  law  and 
practises,  can  not  express  a  preference  by  electing  a  candidate  of  his 
own  choice,  he  is  just  as  much  disfranchised  as  though  he  had  no 
ballot  to  cast.  A  system  which  provides  a  vote  for  a  candidate  as 
the  method  of  expressing  a  sentiment,  and  then  precludes  a  free 
expression  of  sentiment  by  forcing  an  elector  to  vote  for  a  candidate 
who  does  not  express  or  stand  for  his  sentiment,  has  either  digged 
its  own  grave  or  the  grave  of  Political  Freedom. 

The  Influence  of  Small  Factions.  Another  undesirable  result 
of  the  District  System  of  Representation  is  the  added  influence  it 
gives  to  small  factions  in  the  partizan  party  district  organizations. 
Whenever  two  partizan  party  organizations  in  a  district  have 
about  the  same  number  of  "  votes,"  an  opportunity  is  afforded  for 
any  unscrupulous  partizan  to  surround  himself  with  a  few  followers, 
the  votes  of  whom  are  indispensable  to  the  "  Success  "  of  one  or 
another  partizan  party  in  a  district.  Such  a  man,  holding  and 
controlling  these  votes  as  a  unit,  and  threatening  to  so  cast  them, 
actually  holds  the  "  Balance  of  Power  "  at  the  election  in  such  a 
district.  He  is  able  to  levy  political  blackmail  on  one  or  both 
partizan  parties  and  even  to  dictate  some  of  the  nominations. 
Mr.  Mill  says  in  the  work  previously  quoted  :  "  Any  section  whose 
support  is  necessary  to  success  possesses  a  veto  on  the  candidate. 
Any  section  which  holds  out  more  obstinately  than  the  rest  can 
compel  the  rest  to  adopt  its  nominee.  .  .  .  Speaking  generally,  the 
choice  of  the  majority  is  determined  by  that  portion  of  the  body 
who  are  the  most  timid,  the  most  narrow-minded  and  prejudiced, 
or  who  cling  most  tenaciously  to  the  exclusive  class  interest ;  and 
the  electoral  rights  of  the  minority,  while  useless  for  the  purpose 
for  which  votes  are  given,  serve  only  for  compelling  the  majority 
to  accept  the  candidates  of  the  weakest  or  worst  portions  of  them- 
selves." 

While  this  is  an  argument  against  giving  Representation  to 
"  Sections  "  or  to  "  Classes,"  it  is  nevertheless  applicable  in  this 
connection  as  illustrating  the  source  of  the  power  of  small  partizan 
party  factions  and  the  manner  in  which  it  can  be  safely  used  under 
the  District  System  of  Representation  to  destroy  the  intended 
character  of  District  Representation,  and  also  to  weaken  the 
political  capacity  of  the  individual  and  of  The  Commonwealth. 

The  Influence  of  Large  Factions.  On  the  other  hand,  and  in 
districts  where  a  partizan  party  has  an  overwhelming  majority,  the 
tendency  is  for  the  partizan  party  to  choose  men  to  be  elected  to 
public  office  whose  sole  claim  to  public  service  is  an  unswerving 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF  REPRESENTATION    347 

fidelity  to  the  interests  of  The  Partizan  Party,  thus  not  only 
ignoring  utterly  the  minority  of  the  district  constituency  in  the 
matter  of  Representation,  but  possibly  ignoring  also  the  minority 
of  the  membership  in  the  partizan  party  district  organization  — 
and  possibly  the  majority  as  well  —  in  making  such  nominations, 
which,  in  the  assumed  case,  is  equivalent  to  election.  Nominations 
by  a  partizan  party  in  such  districts  are  usually  made  by  The  Boss 
and  for  reasons  that  are  known  to  him  but  which  are  not  generally 
known  to  The  IMembership  of  the  organization  and  which  are 
never  known  by  the  electors  who  merely  vote  the  "  Party  Ticket  "  ; 
but  were  the  vote  of  The  Electorate  at  Large  taken,  the  overwhelm- 
ing district  majority  of  the  partizan  party  would  only  go  just  so 
far  in  swelling  "  The  Party  Vote  "  in  The  State,  and  would  not  go 
directh^  towards  establishing  a  "  Party  "  Majority  in  the  legislature 
that  is  composed  of  faithful  partizans.  Were  nominations  made 
freely  by  The  Electorate,  the  opportunity  would  be  afforded  to  the 
true  political  leaders  and  statesmen  to  get  freely  before  the  people 
both  as  advocates  and  as  candidates ;  and,  looking  at  the  political 
problem  from  a  material  standpoint,  what  better  course  could  The 
Commonwealth  take  than  to  constantly  keep  the  men  who  are 
fitted  by  nature  and  knowledge  busy  in  the  moral  work  of  The 
Electorate  and  of  The  Government  ?  Is  it  not  inviting  the  moral 
degradation  of  The  Commonwealth  and  the  possible  downfall  of 
the  governmental  regime  to  keep  self-seeking  and  politically  dis- 
honest men  in  charge  of  such  work  ? 

On  Leadership  and  "  Representative  Government."  The  true 
progress  of  a  Democracy  depends  to  a  very  large  degree  upon  the 
force  of  Political  Leadership,  but  the  use  of  the  District  System 
tends  either  to  weaken  or  to  destroy  that  force  altogether.  It 
offers  additional  opportunities  to  The  Partizan  Party  to  con- 
centrate its  "  votes,"  its  work,  and  its  money  a,ga,'mst  the  candidacy 
of  any  true  Leader  in  administrative  action,  whether  he  belongs 
to  any  Partizan  Party  Organization  or  not,  and  to  make  it  ex- 
tremely difficult,  if  not  actually  impossible,  for  a  true  political 
leader  or  a  public-spirited  statesman  to  obtain  either  nomination 
or  public  office.  These  nominations  and  offices  are  needed  by  a 
partizan  party  as  a  reward  for  past  and  future  partizan  fidelity, 
but  with  true  leaders  and  statesmen  kept  out  of  public  activity 
and  office,  the  people  are  "  practically  "  deprived  not  only  of 
"  Representative  Government  "  but  of  honest  administration  as  well. 

On  the  General  Character  of  Legislators.  The  effect  of  putting  the 
control  of  electorate  action  into  the  hands  of  the  partizan  parties 


348  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


and  of  permitting  them  to  manufacture  "  sure  majorities  "  in 
Representative  Districts  is  actually  to  assist  into  public  office  men 
of  the  character  of  the  "  Regular,"  the  "  Available,"  and  the 
"  Yellow-Dog  "  candidates  and  so  to  debase  the  general  character 
of  the  body  which  makes  the  Laws.  The  prevalence  of  Jobbery, 
Log-Roiling,  Graft,  Extravagance,  "  Strike  Legislation,"  "  Pro- 
tective Legislation,"  and  "  Favorable  Legislation  "  in  the  legis- 
latures is  for  the  present  sufficient  evidence  of  the  general  character 
of  the  legislators  who  are  elected  under  the  Partizan  Party  System 
with  the  partizan  parties  working  the  District  System  of  Repre- 
sentation in  their  own  interests. 

On  the  Quality  of  Legislation.  Through  affording  additional 
opportunities  for  excluding  true  political  leaders,  statesmen, 
public-spirited  and  well-educated  citizens  from  participating  in 
legislative  work,  the  District  System  tends  to  lower  the  level  or 
grade  of  such  work.  Aside  from  the  general  character  of  such  work, 
its  grade  of  proficiency  is  a  matter  too  well  appreciated  by  those 
who  will  read  this  book  to  need  more  than  a  passing  mention  here. 

On  Legislative  Methods  and  Rules.  Lending  itself  as  it  does  to 
the  filling  of  legislatures  with  partizans  of  a  divided  Responsibility, 
the  use  of  the  District  System  of  Representation  is  partly  account- 
able for  the  existence  in  the  legislature  of  the  present  undemocratic, 
hurtful,  and  partizan  methods  and  rules  by  which  the  work  of  that 
body  is  performed  and  regulated.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  look 
more  closely  into  the  effects  these  methods  and  rules  produce  on 
political  representation  when  we  reach  a  consideration  of  The 
Committee  System  in  The  Legislature  in  Chapter  XXL 

On  Responsibility  and  Irresponsible  Administration.  Again,  by 
affording  illogical  facilities  to  a  partizan  party  to  manufacture 
"  District  majorities,"  the  District  System  of  Representation  aids 
in  the  election  of  party  partizans  to  The  Government  who  are 
bound  beforehand  by  self-interest  and  promises  to  serve  their 
"  Party "  first.  The  sense  of  individual  responsibility  to  the 
people  or  to  The  Electorate  is  necessarily  weakened  by  the  realiza- 
tion that  the  office  comes  from  a  partizan  party,  and  not  from  The 
Electorate,  or  from  the  people ;  and  when  The  Majority  in  The 
Legislature  or  in  The  Government  is  composed  of  such  men,  it 
follows  as  a  matter  of  course  that  the  administrating  agency's 
sense  of  responsibility  is  weakened  also.  The  individual  legis- 
lators realize  their  partial  independence  from  Electorate  Control, 
and  their  divided  allegiance  tends  inevitably  towards  bringing 
about  an  irresponsible  administration  of  public  affairs. 


THE  DISTRICT  SYSTEM   OF   REPRESENTATION    349 

On  Impulse  and  Responsive  Administration.  By  affording  addi- 
tional facilities  for  fraudulently  manufacturing  a  fictitious  and 
counterfeit  "  Will  of  The  People,"  the  District  System  assists  in 
deprivmg  The  Government  of  its  true  and  natural  "  impulse  "  to 
action,  and  assists  in  imparting  to  the  administrating  agency  an 
unnatural,  illogical,  partizan,  and  perverting  impulse,  thus  aiding 
in  the  establishment  over  the  people  of  a  working  administrative 
agency  that  is  irresponsive  to  the  true  Will  of  The  People. 

Finally,  the  District  System  of  Representation  disintegrates 
the  Collective  Sovereign  and  weakens  its  political  capacity. 
Apparently,  the  lessons  taught  by  the  use  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress have  been  forgotten.  However  that  may  be,  the  fact 
remains  that  under  our  ordained  democratic  system  of  state  polity 
the  Collective  Sovereign  is  under  the  obligation  to  maintain  its 
own  integrity  unimpaired,  and  to  exert  its  administrative  power 
at  all  times  as  a  united  and  integral  body,  and  in  just  the  same  way 
as  The  Commonwealth  exerts  its  physical  power  in  times  of  war 
to  preserve  its  existence  as  a  State ;  but  the  Collective  Sovereign 
can  never  discharge  this  obligation  properly  until  it  has  provided 
itself  with  methods  that  enable  it  to  form  and  to  express  its  own 
Will  in  a  purely  Democratic  manner,  and  to  enforce  a  logical 
response  to  that  will  afterwards  from  those  of  its  own  units  who  are 
chosen  to  assist  it  in  the  promotion  of  the  ordained  General  Wel- 
fare. No  body  of  administrative  law,  however  perfect  in  itself, 
will,  of  itself,  produce  correct  representative  action,  but  a  body  of 
law  that  is  in  consonance  with  the  principles  of  the  state  polity 
which  relate  to  the  exercise  of  Political  Authority  and  its  control, 
will  afford  the  people  the  widest  possible  opportunity  and  the 
greatest  possible  chance  to  accomplish  properly  through  the  exer- 
cise of  Political  Authority  those  matters  which  population  and 
extended  domain  preclude  them  from  accomplishing  conveniently 
through  a  direct  exercise  of  Political  Power.  That  which  is  to  be 
considered  as  proper  action  is  to  be  determined  by  reference  to  the 
ordained  principles  of  action,  and  there  is  no  escape  from  the 
conclusion  that  principles  of  Democratic  action  require  a  Demo- 
cratic exercise  of  Political  Authority,  as  otherwise  a  democracy 
will  not  be  able  to  put  Democratic  Principles  into  operation  while 
acting  as  a  Republic. 


CHAPTER  XX 
POLITICAL  RESPONSIBILITY 

Considered  as  a  political  fundament  the  doctrine  of  Political 
Responsibility  presupposes  the  power  to  create  the  obligation, 
and  the  power  to  punish  any  infraction  thereof.  In  a  Repre- 
sentative Democracy  it  is  The  Collective  Sovereign  alone  who 
has,  and  who  can  exercise  these  powers  properly. 

Problem  of.  A  Collective  Sovereign  acts  through  its  units. 
The  problem  of  Political  Responsibility  is,  therefore,  How  to 
enable  The  Collective  Sovereign  to  obtain  that  which  shall  be 
considered  responsible  action  from  its  units.  Obviously,  an  or- 
dained definition  is  the  first  requisite.  The  next  requisite  is  an 
ordained  Code  of  Responsibility. 

Broadly  Defined.  Recalling  what  was  said  in  Chapter  H  let 
us  define  the  American  form  of  Political  Responsibility  as,  The 
self-imposed  obligatory  accountability  accompanying  the  exercise 
of  The  Supreme  Power. 

Obligation  of.  The  obligation  which  rests  upon  The  Sovereign 
is,  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  Spirit  and  Intent  of  the  ordained 
political  regime.  It  matters  not  whether  The  Sovereign  is  a 
single  unit  or  a  collective  unit ;  the  obligation  remains  the  same. 

In  a  Limited  Monarchy.  Political  Responsibility  in  a  limited 
monarchy  has  been  defined  as,  "  The  moral  obligation  The  King 
is  under  to  administer  public  affairs  in  the  interest  of  the  whole 
Body  Politic."  If  the  monarchy  is  hereditary,  The  King  is  born 
to  the  office  and  the  obligation ;  and  under  ordinary  circumstances 
he  can  neither  avoid  the  office  or  evade  the  obligation  safely. 

American  Idea  of.  The  American  Commonwealths  drop  the 
phrase  "  In  the  interest  of "  from  the  definition  and  declare 
Political  Responsibility  to  be  the  obligation  which  The  Collec- 
tive Sovereign  is  under  to  promote,  to  maintain,  and  to  transmit 
the  General  Welfare  as  ordained  to  the  future  generations  who 
compose  The  State. 

350 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  351 

How  Specialized.  All  of  the  Sovereign-units  exercise  Political 
Power  for  certain  stated  objects.  Some  of  them  exercise  Political 
Authority  for  other  certain  and  stated  purposes. 

Electoral  Resyonsihility .  Consequently  there  is  created  a 
specific  responsibility  of  The  Elector  for  the  proper  discharge  of 
all  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration. 

Official  Responsibility.  And  there  is  also  created  a  specific 
responsibility  of  The  Official  for  the  proper  exercise  of  all  The 
Delegated  Powers  of  Administration. 

Departmental  Responsibility.  Because  the  exercise  of  Political 
Authority  is  distributed  between  the  three  branches  of  The 
Government,  official  responsibility  is  separated  into  executive, 
legislative,  and  judicial  responsibility. 

Legislative  Responsibility.  Legislators  have  a  peculiar  re- 
sponsibility of  their  own.  Theoretically,  they  are  under  the 
obligation  to  assist  The  Sovereign  by  providing  Laws  —  stated 
rules  of  individual  action  —  which  the  people  desire ;  and  not 
laws  which  "  A  Party  "  or  "  The  Interests  "  desire.  Theoretically, 
they  are  under  the  obligation  to  promote  the  General  Welfare 
alone  ;  and  not  the  interests  of  any  association  of  electors  whatso- 
ever. In  some  matters  they  act  for  The  State ;  in  others  they 
act  for  their  representative  units.  In  some  matters  their  re- 
sponsibility lies  direct  to  The  Sovereign ;  in  others,  to  their 
constituencies.  Theoretically,  they  are  selected  to  serve  the 
people  because  of  their  pronounced  civic  virtue  and  sagacity; 
and  theoretically,  they  are  held  responsible  only  for  a  failure  to 
use  their  individual  power  generally  for  the  promotion  of  the 
General  Welfare  as  ordained. 

Moral  Character  of.  The  word  "  properly  "  is  emphasized 
because  our  political  regime,  being  founded  on  the  basis  of  Moral 
Right,  it  follows  that  the  political  responsibility  which  we  have 
created  is  fundamentally  moral  in  character.  Each  elector  is 
morally  bound  to  exercise  Political  Power  properly.  Each  official 
is  morally  bound  to  exercise  Political  Authority  properly.  And 
"  properly  "  means.  In  strict  accordance  with  the  original  Gov- 
ernmental Agreement  and  the  Principles  of  the  State  Polity. 

Accountability.  Whether  in  or  out  of  office  the  moral  responsi- 
bility of  the  elector  to  promote  the  General  Welfare  and  nothing 
else  remains  always  the  same.  So  also  does  his  liability  to  be 
held  accountable  for  any  failure  in  this  respect. 

Individual  Political  Responsibility.  The  General  Welfare  as 
ordained  is  maintained  and  perpetuated  by  the  exercise  of  The 


352  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Powers  of  Administration.  These  powers  are  to  be  exercised 
in  accordance  -with  certain  broadly  defined  Principles  of  Political 
Action. 

Presupposing  a  comprehensive  and  adequate  administrative 
system,  each  Sovereign-unit  is  under  the  obligation  to  use  these 
powers  for  the  ordained  objects  of  Government  and  in  the  or- 
dained manner ;  and  individual  political  responsibility  is  the 
assumed  individual  accountability  for  any  failure  to  use  these 
powers  in  the  ordained  way  and  for  the  ordained  objects,  and 
for  any  attempt  to  use  these  powers  for  any  other  purposes. 

Continuity  of.  Theoretically,  political  responsibility  must  be 
continuous.  There  must  be  neither  lapses,  nor  opportunity  for 
lapses  in  the  binding  force  of  the  assumed  accountability ;  for  if 
political  responsibility  is  not  continuous,  then  doubts  immediately 
arise  as  to  when  and  where  the  lapses  occurred,  and  to  what  degree 
it  should  be  enforced. 

Direct,  and  Undivided.  Finally,  the  accountability  for  ques- 
tionable action,  and  the  liability  for  improper  action  on  the  part 
of  a  Sovereign-unit,  or  on  the  part  of  an  administrative  agency, 
lies  directly  to  the  sovereign  who  creates  the  unit  and  the  agency ; 
for  if  the  sovereign  cannot  speedi'y  and  reasonably  enforce  re- 
sponsible action  from  its  units  and  from  its  assisting  agencies, 
then  it  faces  the  likelihood  of  perverted  or  of  ineflficient  adminis- 
trative action.  If  political  responsibility  is  not  direct,  then  it 
becomes  divided ;  and  doubts  are  raised  at  once  as  to  who  shall 
enforce  it,  and  how  it  can  and  shall  be  enforced  properly.  If 
political  responsibility  cannot  be  enforced  in  a  consistent  manner, 
doubts  are  cast  at  once  upon  the  propriety  of  imposing  any  penalties 
whatsoever  upon  individuals,  not  to  mention  the  practical  diffi- 
culties that  arise  by  the  score  in  the  absence  of  a  comprehensive 
and  adequate  system  of  enforcement. 

Insufficiency  of  Moral  Responsibility.  But  what  becomes  of 
the  force  of  the  obligation  in  the  absence  of  an  ordained  Code  of 
Responsibility?  Obviously,  all  that  remains  or  exists  is  a  mere 
moral  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  Sovereign-unit  to  honestly 
attempt  to  use  The  Powers  of  Administration  as  originally  in- 
tended ;  and  the  past  experience  of  every  Republic  has  shown 
that  the  force  of  a  mere  moral  obligation  is  utterly  insufficient 
to  produce  responsible  administrative  action  from  more  than  a. 
few  of  the  Sovereign-units. 

Legal  Responsibility  Necessary.  Concerning  the  moral  pur- 
poses and  intent  of  our  political  regime  there  is  nothing  left  to 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  353 

desire.  But  because  we  have  no  ordained  Body  of  Adminis- 
trative Law  which  will  serve  to  fix  the  status  of  political  responsi- 
bility and  will  convert  moral  responsibility  into  a  universally 
acknowledged  Legal  Responsibility  there  is  no  end  to  the  dispute 
concerning  what  is  right  and  what  is  wrong  administrative  action, 
the  dispute  and  the  lacking  definiteness  furnishing  abundant 
cover  for  the  safe  evasion  of  true  political  responsibility. 

Futile  Attempts  at  Enforcement.  Political  Responsibility  is  a 
concomitant  of  Political  Morality,  which,  considered  as  an  in- 
dividual attribute,  is  the  disposition  to  respond  to  the  ordained 
Spirit  and  Intent  of  the  people,  and  to  act  in  the  manner  decreed. 
The  obligation  to  respond  is  supposed  to  exist ;  but  it  cannot  be 
enforced  consistently  in  the  absence  of  an  ordained  and  adequate 
standard  of  administrative  morality,  which  we  of  the  American 
Commonwealths  have  not  vet  constructed.  It  is  true  that  we  do 
attempt  to  secure  responsible  administrative  action  by  declaring 
certain  actions  to  be  crimes  and  punishable  as  such ;  but  the 
actions  so  punishable  are  but  a  very  few  of  the  immoral  adminis- 
trative actions  that  are  actual  political  crimes.  For  instance : 
The  abdication  by  a  Sovereign-unit  of  the  direct  exercise  of  The 
Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  is  a  political  crime  of  the 
highest  degree ;  but  if  it  be  not  so  declared  and  be  rigorously 
punished,  how  can  the  people  prevent  such  abdication  by  in- 
dividuals who  are  predisposed  for  any  reasons  to  shirk  the  obliga- 
tions of  sovereignty? 

Political  responsibility  is  the  opposite  of  political  absolutism. 
In  Democracies,  political  absolutism  takes  on  the  form  of  party 
absolutism.  Party  absolutism  is  the  form  of  Tyranny  which 
invariably  disrupts  and  destroys  democratic  regimes.  Should  a 
Sovereign-unit  who  delegates  the  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers 
of  The  Sovereign  to  "  A  Party  "  be  allowed  to  remain  a  member 
of  the  Collective  Sovereign?  If  so,  what  becomes  of  our  re- 
sponsibility to  future  generations  for  the  maintenance  within 
The  State  of  the  ordained  conditions  of  human  existence,  and 
their  transmission  unimpaired?  A  Church  is  responsible  to  its 
communicants  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls.  Have  we  not  the 
same  reasons  and  grounds  for  expelling  from  The  Electorate  any 
individual  who  by  his  acts  either  wilfully  or  selfishly  impairs  the 
force  of,  or  who  obstructs  the  free  operation  of,  our  ordained 
principles  of  political  association,  as  a  sectarian  Church  has  for 
expelling  a  communicant  who  sets  at  naught  the  binding  obliga- 
tion of  its  creed? 


354  -  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

A  Logical  Administrative  System  Indispensable.  But  irre- 
sponsible and  irresponsive  administrative  acts  cannot  be  made 
criminal  acts  properly,  or  be  made  punishable  as  such,  unless 
The  Collective  Sovereign,  through  a  legitimate  and  direct 
exercise  of  its  legislative  power,  makes  them  such  and  imposes 
a  penalty. 

Now  although  such  action  would  constitute  the  one  adequate 
safeguard  to  the  continued  existence  of  individual  freedom, 
liberty,  equality,  and  justice  as  ordained,  nevertheless  we  hesi- 
tate to  take  it.  Consequently  our  administrative  action  is  full 
of  contradictions.  We  profess  to  attempt  to  eliminate  irre- 
sponsible official  action  by  keeping  known  irresponsibles  out  of 
office ;  but  nevertheless  we  use  thoroughly  irresponsible  partizan 
parties  as  the  principal  means  for  selecting  candidates  for  public 
office.  We  say  that  we  select  public  officials  for  their  known 
civic  virtue  and  sagacity;  but  nevertheless  we  permit  a  partizan 
party  to  select  venal  candidates  from  its  own  membership.  We 
acclaim  our  Sovereignty  but  at  the  same  time  we  allow  control 
over  its  exercise  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  a  non-political  partizan 
party  nor  do  we  in  any  effectual  way  attempt  to  fix  our  adminis- 
trative system  so  that  we  may  possess  even  a  moderate  degree  of 
control  over  the  action  of  a  partizan  party.  In  brief,  we  continue 
to  use  an  administrative  system  that  is  so  faulty  in  all  of  its  parts 
that  whatever  we  do  to  correct  administrative  action  in  one  re- 
spect can  be  offset  and  nullified  easily  by  action  that  is  permissible 
under  other  parts  of  the  system. 

Such  administrative  action  is  futile.  In  effect  it  condones  the 
evils  of  the  past,  and  it  does  not  provide  security  from  similar 
evils  in  the  future.  If  illogical  action  has  been  consummated  in 
the  legislature,  its  evil  effects  can  be  ameliorated  only  by  re- 
pealing the  objectionable  legislation  at  some  future  session  of  the 
legislature ;  that  is,  provided  the  people  can  get  a  legislature  that 
will  do  it;  for,  being  without  means  for  enforcing  responsible 
electoral  action,  the  people  will  always  experience  more  or  less 
difficulty  in  getting  a  legislature  that  is  composed  of  individuals, 
the  majority  of  whom  unhesitatingly  acknowdedge  the  obliga- 
tions of  true  political  responsibility. 

We  may  as  well  face  these  unequivocal  facts.  First,  That  the 
force  of  the  doctrine  of  Political  Responsibility  has  been  dissipated. 
Second,  That  the  results  hoped  for  from  its  operation  have  not 
been  realized.  Third,  That  the  outcome  is  due  to  no  inherent 
fault  of  the  doctrine ;   and  Fourth,  That  the  outcome  is  due  to 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  355 

our  failure  to  appreciate  the  indispensable  requisites  for  responsible 
administrative  action. 

As  to  "  Partizan  Party  Responsibility.'"  In  the  first  place  we 
failed  to  provide  electors  and  officials  with  a  system  of  methods 
of  administrative  action  that  would  fix  the  status  of  Political 
Responsibility  and  would  enable  any  individual  to  speedily  invoke 
an  exercise  of  Community  Power  in  the  enforcement  of  the  doc- 
trine upon  any  other  individual  or  class  of  individuals.  In  the 
absence  of  logical  methods  for  enforcing  political  responsibility 
from  electors  and  from  officials  we  have  not  only  permitted,  we 
have  actually  instructed  The  Partizan  Party  to  assume  the  re- 
sponsibility for  proper  political  administration ;  and  this  too  in 
face  of  the  fact  that  The  Partizan  Party  as  organized  is  an  un- 
constitutional, undemocratic,  self  created,  self  animated,  and  a 
wholly  improper  and  illogical  means  for  the  exercise  of  Democratic 
Political  Power,  or  for  the  control  of  its  exercise.  The  first  effect 
of  this  action  was  to  divide  the  political  responsibility  of  electors 
and  ofiicials  between  the  people  and  The  Partizan  Party.  The 
next  effect  was  to  take  The  Partizan  Party  into  partnership  for 
the  transaction  of  political  work  that  can  only  be  properly  per- 
formed by  the  people.  Having  taken  action  that  was  without 
the  warrant  of  the  governmental  agreement,  the  necessity  im- 
mediately arose,  provided  the  people  hoped  to  prevent  a  partizan 
party  from  usurping  the  exercise  of  their  vital  political  functions, 
for  providing  themselves  with  stated  methods  of  action  by  which 
to  enforce  responsible  political  action  from  the  partizan  party. 

But  did  the  people  do  this,  or  have  we  done  this  since?  Quite 
the  contrary.  Both  they  and  we  have  permitted  the  partizan 
party  to  organize  the  political  action  of  individual  electors  under 
its  o^^^l  rules  and  "  leadership  " ;  thus  substituting  in  the  place 
of  the  moral  obligations  of  sovereignty  and  duties  of  citizenship 
the  immoral  obligations  of  partizanship.  We  ha^'e  given  a  prac- 
tical monopoly  of  nominating  candidates  for  all  public  offices  both 
general  and  local  to  the  partizan  party,  and  we  permit  it  to  barter 
nominations  with  individuals  for  past,  present,  and  future  "  Party  " 
service  either  in  or  out  of  The  Government.  We  have  allowed  the 
partizan  party  to  so  manipulate  the  Parliamentary  Law  regulating 
the  political  action  of  representatives  in  the  legislatures  that  there 
is  no  longer  any  responsibility  that  the  people  can  enforce  either 
directly,  immediately,  or  effectually.  We  have  allowed  the  parti- 
zan party  to  use  comparatively  unimportant  and  ministerial  offices 
in  The  Government  for  the  express  purpose  of  building  up  a 


356  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

partizan  system  and  a  permanent  partizan  organization  of  in- 
dividuals for  the  exercise  of  partizan  party  "  Power  "  as  the 
controlling  force  over  individuals  in  The  Electorate  and  in  The 
Government,  thus  substituting  in  the  place  of  the  ordained  political 
responsibility  of  public  officials  the  kind  of  motives  which  actuate 
administrative  guerrillas. 

The  Breakdoicn  of  The  Doctrine.  The  present  irresponsibility  in 
public  officials,  and  the  irresponsibility  that  is  everywhere  notice- 
able in  individual  electors,  has  its  origin  in  the  irresponsible  action 
of  the  people  at  the  beginning  of  Political  Administration. 

"  We,  the  people,"  that  is,  we.  The  Electorate,  are  directly 
responsible  for  the  breakdown  of  the  Doctrine  of  Political  Re- 
sponsibility. In  the  first  place,  instead  of  properly  organizing 
The  Electorate  for  proper  Electoral  Action,  we  the  original  elec- 
torate drifted  along  without  a  Body  of  Administrative  Law  and 
finally  shifted  our  sovereign  responsibilities  in  most  respects  on 
to  the  shoulders  of  a  private  association  of  electors  that  was 
finally  organized  to  vote  mechanically  as  a  unit. 

In  the  second  place,  and  notwithstanding  its  known  composi- 
tion and  make  up ;  its  known  despotic  methods  of  internal  or- 
ganization and  management ;  and  its  known  non-political  objects 
of  action ;  we,  the  present  electorate,  are  pleased  to  confer  on 
such  "  Organizations  "  the  rights  and  duties  of  a  Political  Party. 

In  the  third  place,  we,  the  present  electorate,  —  theoretically 
discharging  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  —  passively  allow 
some  of  our  Sovereign-units  to  join  partizan  party  organizations 
and  to  virtually  promise  the  "  Constituted  Authorities  "  of  such 
organizations  that  they,  our  sovereign-units,  will,  while  they  are 
acting  either  in  an  electoral  or  in  an  official  capacity,  obey  the 
orders  of  the  "  Constituted  Authorities  "  of  such  organizations. 

In  the  fourth  place,  instead  of  compelling  The  Membership  of 
the  partizan  party  organizations  by  law  to  retain  and  continuously 
exercise  in  a  public  manner  its  own  rightful  Power  of  Control  over 
the  action  of  "  The  Organization  "  (and  especially  over  organiza- 
tional action  that  is  taken  in  administrative  matters)  we,  the 
present  electorate,  allow  The  Membership  of  the  partizan  party 
organizations  to  illogically  shift  theu*  control  over  "  Party  Action  " 
into  the  hands  of  The  Party  Committee  acting  as  the  executive 
body  of  "  The  Organization  " ;  and  we  further  permit  The  Party 
Committee  to  shift  its  responsibility  for  proper  "  Party  Control  " 
by  passing  the  exercise  of  that  control  along  into  the  hands  of  an 
Executive  Committee  of  The  Party  Committee,  but  which  Execu- 


POLITICAL  RESPONSIBILITY  357 

tive  Committee  avoids  its  responsibility  for  proper  "  Party  Con- 
trol "  by  either  passing  that  control  still  further  along  into  the 
hands  of  a  few  men  actively  working  all  of  the  time  as  The  Party 
Management,  or  directly  into  the  hands  of  one  man  who  is  tech- 
nically called  The  Chairman  of  The  Executive  Committee  but 
who  is  most  widely  known  as  The  Boss. 

By  permitting  the  partizan  party  "  Organizations  "  to  use  this 
most  undemocratic  form  of  organization,  we,  the  present  elec- 
torate, have  in  effect  permitted  either  The  Boss  alone  or  the 
collective  "  Party  Managers  "  to  become  possessed  not  only  of 
the  power  of  control  which  belongs  to  "  The  Organization,"  but 
also  of  the  right  to  control  the  performance  of  whatever  duties 
which  The  Electorate  have  imposed  upon  *'  The  Organization  " 
considered  as  an  administrative  agency. 

Possessed  of  the  power  of  control  through  the  use  of  this  form 
of  organization  either  The  Boss  alone  or  the  collective  Party 
Managers  (The  Ring,  The  Combine,  or  The  Machine),  as  the 
case  may  be,  make  the  "  Party  Rules  "  and  constitute  themselves 
as  the  "  Constituted  Authorities  "  whom  the  members  of  "  The 
Organization"  —  individual  Sovereign-units  —  must  obey  when 
acting  in  an  administrative  capacity. 

The  Party  Managers  control  the  action  of  the  Party  Organiza- 
tion through  controlling  the  action  of  the  individual  members  of 
the  organization ;  and  possessed  of  the  power  of  control  and  of 
the  executive  power  of  "  The  Organization,"  the  Party  Managers 
ruthlessly  apply  the  "  Party  Rules  "  to  any  individual  member 
who  shows  the  least  inclination  to  discharge  the  responsibility  of 
an  individual  Sovereign-unit. 

The  function  of  The  Electorate  considered  as  The  Collective 
Sovereign  is  that  of  an  ever  actively  working  Administrative  Body ; 
but  the  distorted  function  that  is  imposed  upon  the  Sovereign- 
units  who  compose  The  Membership  of  a  partizan  party  is  that 
of  passivity  and  inaction  in  matters  connected  with  the  formative 
and  constructive  work  of  Political  Administration,  and  of  passive 
"  Party  Obedience  "  in  the  transaction  of  the  rest  of  the  electoral 
and  official  work  of  Political  Administration,  but  especially  in 
that  of  voting. 

Finally,  Individual  Political  Responsibility  is  an  individual 
accountability  that  has  been  created  and  imposed  upon  individual 
electors  by  the  people.  But  we  have  supplanted  this  political 
fundament  with  the  idea  of  partizan  party  responsibility  for 
administrative  action,   and   furthermore,   we  have  allowed  The 


358  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


Partizan  Party  to  destroy  the  feeling  of  political  responsibility 
in  as  many  Sovereign-units  as  possible  and  to  put  in  its  place  the 
idea  of  "  Party  Regularity  "  ;  and,  as  a  consequence  of  this  action, 
The  Collective  Sovereign  can  not  now  either  speedily,  reasonably, 
consistently,  or  justly  enforce  true  political  responsibility  upon 
many  of  its  units,  and  in  the  remainder  of  its  units  the  idea  itself 
does  not  exist  as  an  active  force  in  political  administration  except 
in  the  minds  and  consciences  of  a  comparatively  few  individuals 
scattered  here  and  there  in  The  Commonwealth. 

The  Concentration  of  Partizan  Party  Power.  Theoretically, 
the  power  of  a  partizan  party  organization  is  seated  in  The  Mem- 
bership. We  are  told  that  it  is  exercised  by  The  Party  Com- 
mittee acting  as  the  representative  executive  of  The  Membership. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  it  is  exercised  by  The  Machine  or  The  Boss  who 
merely  use  The  Party  Committee  as  a  screen  behind  which  to  act. 

Why  is  the  exercise  of  this  power  so  concentrated  ?  To  enable 
The  Machine  or  The  Boss  —  working  through  Bi-Partizan  Boards 
and  Commissions,  Representative  District  Leaders,  Ward  Heelers, 
Election  District  Captains,  and  others  in  and  out  of  ofHce  —  to 
perpetuate  the  political  frauds  which  The  Partizan  Party  finds 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  its  existence  and  its  control  over 
administrative  action.  To  enable  The  Machine  or  The  Boss  — 
acting  through  such  partizan  agencies  or  agents  —  to  take  an 
immoral  advantage  of  every  human  frailty,  failing,  weakness, 
appetite,  and  desire  while  The  Partizan  Party  is  struggling  for 
what  it  calls  "  Party  Success."  To  enable  these  secretly  working 
"  Constituted  Authorities  "  to  employ  methods  and  means  of 
party  action  which  The  Party  Committee  in  its  professed  repre- 
sentative capacity  would  not  dare  to  use  out  in  the  open  for  fear 
of  consequences ;  and  which  methods  and  means  are  incompatible 
with,  repugnant  to,  and  destructive  of  administrative  action  as 
ordained. 

The  concentration  of  the  exercise  of  Partizan  Party  Power 
through  the  process  of  delegating  and  redelegating  its  exercise 
affords  the  opportunity  to  corruptly  minded  partizan  party 
members  —  who  are  Sovereign-units  as  well  —  to  escape  liability 
for  the  misuse  of  that  power  in  political  administration.  As  a 
rule,  individuals  shrink  from  corrupt  actions  because  they  are 
against  the  moral  nature,  but  more  particularly  in  this  instance 
because  they  involve  the  fear  of  detection  and  punishment. 
The  responsibility  of  individuals  working  together  on  committees 
is  divided,  let  us  say,  between  the  parent  organization  and  the 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  359 

committee.  Also,  committeemen  have  a  somewhat  lessened 
responsibility  because  majorities  decide  the  action  of  committees. 
But  the  responsibility  of  a  Sovereign-unit  is  not  lessened  enough 
to  afford  the  degree  of  protection  desired  against  possible  detec- 
tion and  punishment  of  immoral,  improper,  and  politically  dis- 
honest action.  However !  a  satisfactory  degree  of  safety  in 
corrupt  action  can  be  secured  provided  the  exercise  of  partizan 
party  power  in  political  matters  can  be  delegated  and  redelegated 
a  sufficient  number  of  times. 

But  under  such  procedure  who  is  individually  responsible  if 
the  methods  and  practises  employed  turn  out  to  be  illegitimate, 
illegal,  corrupt,  and  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  Democratic  Gov- 
ernment ?  Somebody  is,  of  course ;  but,  by  sufficiently  dividing 
responsibility,  it  can  be  shifted  around  among  so  many  individuals 
and  bodies  as  to  make  it  next  to  impossible  to  fix  it  upon  any  one 
individual ;  thus  making  it  possible  to  put  corrupt  methods  into 
practise  with  the  utmost  security  obtainable.  Hence  the  ne- 
cessity for  the  concentration  of  all  of  the  partizan  power  of  The 
Organization  in  the  hands  of  the  Partizan  Party  Machine  in  order 
to  enable  it  to  enforce  upon  the  people  the  use  of  whatever  methods 
of  "  Political  Action  "  it  sees  fit  to  employ. 

The  destruction  of  the  original  meaning  and  force  of  Political 
Responsibility  is  largely  due  to  the  passive  use  by  the  people  of 
partizan  party  methods  in  political  administration.  The  people 
placed  the  responsibility  for  "  Good  Administration  "  upon  the 
partizan  party  Organization.  This  body  shifted  its  obligation 
into  the  hands  of  its  committees ;  which  committees,  by  reason 
of  their  own  so-called  "  Constitution  and  By-Laws,"  were  obliged 
to  relinquish  their  right  to  act  into  the  hands  of  The  Party  Man- 
agements ;  and  so  by  the  practise  of  this  time-worn  Hocus-Pocus 
the  Party  Managements  succeeded  in  occupying  the  position  of 
responsibility  originally  intended  to  be  held  by  "  The  Organiza- 
tion," and  with  all  possibility  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  effec- 
tively enforce  that  responsibility  eliminated  from  the  situation. 
In  the  absence  of  legal  provisions,  and  through  permitting  "  The 
Organization  "  to  delegate  and  redelegate  the  exercise  of  its  own 
Power,  the  choice  of  methods  by  which  the  people  are  to  act  in 
administrative  matters,  and  which  .belongs  to  them,  becomes 
very  largely  discretionary  on  the  part  of  The  Partizan  Party 
Managements.  Ostensibly,  The  Partizan  Party  aims  at  "  Good 
Administration  " ;  but  actually,  it  aims  at  "  Party  Success  "  — 
at  the  elections.     But  Party  Success  that  is  obtained  at  the  price 


360  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

of  the  destruction  of  Political  Responsibility,  or  at  the  price  of 
individual  corruption,  is  not  good  administrative  work,  and  does 
not  tend  to  promote  the  General  Welfare.  A  "  Party  Organiza- 
tion "  that  is  maintained  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  "  Party 
Management  "  to  periodically  acquire  the  control  of  the  exercise 
of  Political  Power  can  not  maintain  the  exercise  of  that  power  in 
the  hands  of  The  Electorate,  Neither  can  a  Partizan  Party 
Machine  impart  a  moral  Impulse  to  The  Government. 

Official  Responsibility.  Let  us  call  to  mind  some  of  the  ideas 
which  the  people  held  originally  regarding  official  administrative 
action.  In  order  to  get  the  best  possible  administrative  action 
the  people  delegate  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  to  a 
few  of  their  number,  at  the  same  time  reserving  sufficient  power 
to  control  the  acts  and  action  of  their  public  servants.  Theo- 
retically, these  few  are  selected  because  of  their  superior  sagacity, 
civic-virtue,  and  known  ability.  The  people  are  conceded  to  have 
The  Right  and  The  Power  to  command  the  services  of  the  few 
which  they  select.  These  few  are  supposed  to  sacrifice  their  pri- 
vate interests  temporarily  to  the  General  Welfare.  This  sacrifice, 
which  the  people  command  through  the  processes  of  nomina- 
tion and  election,  entitles  those  making  it  to  prefix  the  word 
"  Honorable  "  to  their  names.  This  select  body  of  "  Honor- 
ables,"  when  convened  and  acting  together  properly  as  an  ad- 
ministrative agency,  is  supposed  to  be  continuously  under  the 
direction  and  control  of  The  Collective  Sovereign,  and  to  act 
solely  for  the  welfare  of  The  State  and  of  the  individual  and  for 
nothing  else. 

"  Party-made  Public  Ojnnion."  We  endeavor  to  direct  official 
action  through  an  expression  of  Public  Opinion.  Here  a  difficulty 
arises.  A  Monarch  can  ascertain  and  express  his  will  at  any 
moment ;  but  it  takes  time  to  obtain  a  Union  of  Wills  in  a  Re- 
public. We  profess  our  intent  to  keep  Public  Opinion  sufficiently 
continuous  and  clear  by  meeting  together  freely  and  frequently 
as  electors  at  the  elections  to  ascertain  and  express  Our  Will  as 
to  Official  Action  during  the  incoming  period  of  administration. 

Now  because  Public  Opinion  can  be  ascertained  properly  only 
through  a  Union  of  Wills,  nothing  but  the  dictates  of  Reason  and 
Conscience  should  govern  its  ascertainment.  The  question  for 
the  people  to  decide  at  elections  should  be  "  Shall  this  or  that 
Policy  be  pursued  ?  "  All  the  arguments  addressed  to  the  under- 
standing of  individuals  should  bear  directly  on  that  question; 
and  at  the  election  each  elector  should  have  the  opportunity  to 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  361 

cast  a  ballot  on  this  question  separate,  apart  from,  and  irrespec- 
tive of  the  vote  for  candidates,  and  should  be  required  to  do  so. 

The  necessity  for  such  a  requirement  was  not  appreciated  at 
the  beginning  of  our  political  independence.  A  majority  of  the 
people  were  united  in  wills  on  the  question  of  Independence  and 
were  practically  unanimous  in  the  selection  of  their  public  servants. 
So  long  as  the  people  retained  the  exercise  of  their  power  to  select 
their  candidates,  and  selected  those  only  who  were  public  spirited, 
capable,  and  truly  representative  of  their  Will,  they  were  still  able 
to  enforce  political  responsibility  and  to  direct  Official  Action. 
But  this  condition  did  not  last  long.  In  the  absence  of  an  or- 
dained Code  of  Responsibility  the  situation  was  taken  advantage 
of  by  their  so-called  "  Political  Leaders  "  who,  combining  to- 
gether into  "  The  Party,"  gradually  led  the  people  to  adopt  the 
idea  that  the  partizan  party  was  the  proper  body  to  formulate 
and  shape  Administrative  Policy,  and  that  the  acceptance  or 
rejection  of  a  Party-made  Policy  should  depend  upon  the  election 
of  Party-made  Candidates. 

With  the  electors  deprived  of  the  opportunity  to  reach  an 
agreement  of  wills  as  to  Policy  freely,  directly,  and  unitedly; 
with  the  exercise  of  their  right  to  choose  candidates  surrendered 
to  their  new  Political  Agency ;  with  the  partizan  party  taking 
precedence  in  every  process  of  administration ;  and  under  this 
doubly  indirect  way  of  determining  Administrative  Policy,  all 
semblance  of  direct  and  continuous  responsibility  of  public  officials 
to  The  Collective  Sovereign  faded  from  the  scheme  of  adminis- 
trative action,  and  The  Sovereign  lost  its  ability  to  enforce  direct, 
continuous,  and  true  responsibility  upon  its  units  in  and  out  of 
office. 

Partizan  Party  Irresponsibility.  Simultaneously  with  the  de- 
velopment of  the  idea  just  described  The  Partizan  Party  secured 
the  acceptance  of  another  idea ;  namely,  that  by  reason  of  its 
"  Organized  Strength  "  it  was  best  capable  of  controllhig  Official 
Action  and  therefore  should  be  held  responsible  to  the  people  for 
proper  administration  of  public  affairs. 

The  people  regarded  this  as  a  happy  inspiration  but  events 
do  not  seem  to  have  justified  their  conclusion ;  for  although  the 
partizan  party  considered  as  a  political  agency  assumed  the 
responsibility  for  proper  official  administration  it  has  never  been 
able  to  discharge  this  obligation  continuously.  It  often  happens 
that  The  Executive  and  the  majority  in  the  legislative  branch  of 
The  Government  are  elected  by  different  partizan  parties.     When 


362  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

this  happens  in  ordinary  times  it  becomes  impossible  for  The 
Partizan  Party  to  enforce  the  carrying  out  of  its  own  promises. 
There  is  no  "  Party  of  The  Majority  ";  there  is  merely  a  dis- 
reputable dispute  as  to  which  is  the  party  of  the  majority.  The 
political  agency  of  The  Sovereign  having  lost  control  of  The  Gov- 
ernment its  responsibility  lapses  meanwhile;  and  the  reader 
may  remember  the  helpless  attitude  of  the  sovereign  people  when 
Jackson,  Tyler,  Johnson,  and  Cleveland  were  either  struggling  to 
coerce  Congress ;  or  resisting  the  coercion  of  Congress ;  or  trying 
to  "  Unite  The  Party  "  in  Congress. 

Nor  has  The  Partizan  Party  at  any  time  attempted  to  discharge 
its  obligation  in  a  manner  consistent  with  democratic  principles 
of  administrative  action.  At  all  times  it  has  deliberately  em- 
ployed means  that  are  calculated  to  weaken  the  sense  of  Political 
Responsibility  in  public  officials,  and  which  actually  hinder  the 
application  of  the  doctrine  in  administrative  action.  Through 
its  practise  of  manipulating  political  issues  so  as  to  fuse  its  own 
interests  with  that  of  a  local  majority  it  succeeds  in  rendering  a 
Union  of  Administrative  Wills  between  the  electors  throughout 
the  state  next  to  impossible  except  in  times  of  great  political 
excitement  when  the  people  insist  on  having  some  one  question 
settled.  If  at  times  it  cannot  manipulate  issues  successfully, 
nevertheless  it  still  can  and  does  manipulate  "  Majorities  of 
votes  "  in  The  Electorate  with  the  effect  that  The  Majority  Vote 
more  often  than  otherwise  expresses  no  truly  collective  sentiment 
of  the  people,  and  as  a  consequence  becomes  an  improper,  because 
uncertain,  basis  upon  which  to  enforce  Responsibility.  More- 
over, through  its  manipulation  of  candidates  The  Partizan  Party 
denies  access  to  public  office  to  any  but  its  own  adherents  while 
at  the  same  time  making  the  decision  of  Public  Policy  dependent 
upon  their  election.  Having  the  monopoly  of  nominations  it 
does  not  hesitate  to  sell  them  for  cash  to  such  moral  delinquents 
as  will  buy  them,  well  knowing  that  the  mere  buying  of  a  nomina- 
tion destroys  the  sense  of  Responsibility  to  the  people.  Even 
if  the  nomination  is  not  bought  for  cash,  the  fact  that  it  can  not 
be  had  except  at  the  price  of  "  faithful  "  party  work  produces 
the  same  result.  One  who  buys  a  nomination  from  a  "  Party  " 
(which  is  equivalent  to  buying  an  election,  for  the  nomination 
has  no  value  unless  "  The  Party  "  can  elect)  feels  only  a  certain 
responsibility  to  "  The  Party  "  to  so  conduct  himself  as  not  to 
bring  reproach  upon  "  The  Organization  " ;  but  feels  no  direct 
responsibility  to  the  people,  who,  under  passive  acquiescence,  are 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  363 

powerless  to  enforce  the  penalty.  On  the  contrary,  a  feeling  of 
complete  dependence  upon  "  The  Party  "  is  created  in  such  a 
man  and  he  belongs  to  it  body  and  soul,  but  responsible  to  it 
only  according  to  the  terms  of  his  contract  of  purchase ;  and  it  is 
through  the  use  of  such  methods  that  the  American  People  pro- 
claim the  absurd  dogma  that  The  Government  of  a  Representative 
Democracy  is  responsible  to  a  portion  only  of  The  Electorate  known 
as  "  The  Party,"  which  body  because  of  its  character  and  composi- 
tion is  not  a  legitimate  part  of  the  political  structure  erected  by  the 
people. 

But  the  complete  folly  of  the  situation  becomes  plainer  when 
we  consider  that  although  the  individuals  composing  The  Govern- 
ment may  feel  a  certain  responsibility  to  "  The  Party,"  at  the 
same  time  "  The  Party  "  itself  feels  no  responsibility  either  to 
The  Government  or  to  the  people.  This  is  so  because  "  The 
Party  "  no  longer  derives  its  force  from  spontaneous  action  by 
the  people  or  The  Government.  On  the  contrary  it  is  constantly 
forced  to  most  strenuous  efforts  both  in  and  out  of  The  Govern- 
ment to  maintain  its  own  position  as  a  Political  Agency.  Relying 
entirely  upon  its  own  efforts  for  its  existence  it  can  feel  no  true 
sense  of  responsibility  to  those  from  whom  it  has  to  force  support. 
But,  nevertheless,  it  has  to  profess  a  sense  of  responsibility  because 
it  occupies  the  position  of  a  Political  Agency;  and  so  it  comes 
about  that  while  "  The  Party  "  occupies  the  position  of  the 
leader  in  the  formation  of  Public  Opinion,  on  the  other  hand  it 
continually  asserts  that  it  is  only  the  "  Official  mouthpiece  "  of 
Public  Opinion ;  that  it  constantly  "  listens  "  to  its  voice  and  is 
always  "  feeling  its  pulse."  All  this  is  true  in  a  sense,  not  how- 
ever because  there  is  anything  resembling  a  live  and  spontaneous 
Public  Opinion  existent  anywhere,  but  because  "  The  Party  "  is 
constantly  watching  the  effects  of  the  poisonous  doses  which  it 
has  administered  to  political  action. 

In  its  "  Platforms  "  it  makes  broad,  loose,  vague,  ambiguous, 
and  glittering  statements  of  what  it  has  "  heard  "  and  "  felt." 
Then  it  fills  the  majority  of  The  Government  with  men  who  must 
do  as  it  says  or  make  way  for  others  who  will.  Then  it  proceeds 
to  attach  its  own  meanings  to  the  generalizations  of  the  platform 
and  to  pass  out  legislation  to  those  who  either  have  in  the  past 
or  will  in  the  future  support  "  The  Party  "  Ticket  with  money 
or  influence.  Should  any  of  my  readers  think  this  an  unwarranted 
statement  he  has  but  to  read  the  reports  of  the  Tariff  Hearings 
before  The  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  of  The  House  for 


364  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

the  last  twenty  years ;  the  Archbold  letters  published  during  the 
political  Campaign  of  1908;  and  the  comments  of  The  Press 
during  this  period.  Such  support  to  a  "Party"  Ticket  means 
the  return  by  "  The  Party  "  to  the  legislature  in  the  future  of 
men  who  can  be  made  to  supply  more  "  favorable  "  legislation 
to  those  who  are  in  the  market  for  it ;  but  the  point  to  be  em- 
phasized here  is,  that  in  all  this  work  "  The  Party  "  is  working 
for  itself.  It  acts  as  Jay  Gould  said  he  acted  when  building  the 
Erie  Railroad  ;  namely,  for  himself.  In  some  of  the  communities 
through  which  the  railroad  passed  the  Republicans  were  "  in 
Power  " ;  that  is,  the  local  administrative  offices  were  mainly 
filled  by  Republicans  whom  "  The  Party  "  had  caused  to  be 
elected,  while  in  others  the  Democrats  were  "  in  Power."  But 
no  matter  what  the  political  complexion  of  the  communities  was, 
"  The  Party  "  was  managing  its  affairs  and  had  to  be  "  seen  " 
before  Mr.  Gould  could  get  what  he  wanted  from  the  community  ; 
(another  illustration  of  the  fact  that  "  The  Party  "  has  no  political 
principles  whatever ;  that  it  simply  mixes  and  fuses  its  "  interests  " 
with  the  interests  of  those  who  are  in  the  majority ;  that  its  so- 
called  principles  are  those  of  self-interest,  and  that  it  works  on 
this  principle  as  easily  and  as  effectually  in  a  Republican  Com- 
munity like  the  City  of  Philadelphia  as  it  does  in  a  Democratic 
Community  like  the  City  of  New  York).  But  to  return  to  the 
narrative.  In  answer  to  questions  put  to  Mr.  Gould  at  an  in- 
vestigation of  transactions  connected  with  the  construction  of 
the  Erie  Railroad  he  said  in  substance,  "  When  I  am  in  a  Demo- 
cratic Community  I  am  a  Democrat  and  act  as  one  and  contribute 
to  the  support  of  '  The  Party.'  When  I  am  in  a  Republican 
Community  I  am  a  Republican  and  act  as  one  and  contribute  to 
the  support  of  '  The  Party.'  But  at  all  times  I  am  an  Erie  Rail- 
road man  and  always  act  as  one."  The  quotation  marks  within 
the  quotation  are  mine ;  but  their  use  is  necessary  to  bring  out 
the  true  meaning  of  Mr.  Gould's  testimony  in  this  respect. 

Now  The  Partizan  Party  acts  in  the  legislature  through  and  by 
means  of  "  The  Party  in  The  Legislature  "  ;  and  while  it  pretends 
to  hold  its  elected  adherents  in  that  last-named  body  responsible 
in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  as  a  matter  of  fact  it  only  exercises 
a  direct  supervision  over  them  regarding  that  part  of  their  public 
work  which  affects  "  Party  "  interests.  In  every  other  matter 
the  legislator  can  do  as  he  pleases,  with  nothing  to  deter  him 
but  the  fear  of  detection.  If  detected,  "  The  Party  "  claims 
that  the  offense  is  a  matter  of  individual  or  personal  delinquency 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  365 

and  not  of  "  Party  "  immorality,  leaving  the  people  to  settle  this 
question  as  best  they  may;  and  while  they  are  trying  to  settle 
it  The  Partizan  Party  carries  another  election. 

How  much  more  experience  with  such  agencies,  means,  and 
methods  of  political  administration  do  we  need  to  make  it  clear 
that  under  a  system  of  administrative  action  where  "  Parties  " 
are  allowed  to  control  electoral  and  official  action  there  can  not 
be  a  direct  or  a  continuous  individual  responsibility  to  the  people 
on  the  part  of  an  official  elected  by  a  partizan  party,  and  that 
consequently,  there  cannot  be  responsibility  as  originally  decreed 
on  the  part  of  The  Government  ? 

Of  Appointed  Officials.  There  is  no  need  to  mention  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  appointed  officials  because  The  Spoils  System 
has  settled  that  matter  definitely. 

Of  Municipal  Executives.  Wherever,  as  is  now  often  the  case, 
the  exercise  of  municipal  authority  is  largely  "  centralized  "  in 
The  Mayor,  the  practise  has  the  actual  effect  of  weakening  the 
sense  of  political  responsibility  in  that  official,  because  he  —  being 
elected  by  a  Party  Machine  —  is  bound  beforehand  by  party 
promises  to  do  what  The  Machine  directs  in  every  respect ;  the 
ultimate  effect  of  which  is  to  promote  partizan  party  interests 
rather  than  to  produce  truly  responsible  administration. 

Committee  Legislation.  But  w^hile  The  Partizan  Party  has 
been  actively  engaged  in  demolishing  the  Doctrine  of  Responsi- 
bility, the  reader  must  not  forget  that  the  people  are  directly 
accountable  also  in  part  for  its  failure.  Without  their  acquies- 
cence these  things  could  not  be.  One  of  the  causes  for  the  break- 
down of  responsibility  is  "  The  Committee  System  of  Legislation." 
The  responsibility  of  the  legislature  for  proper  work  becomes 
divided  when  the  work  is  divided  between  Standing  Committees. 
The  responsibility  of  the  individual  legislator  is  divided  between 
the  legislature  and  the  committee.  This  double  and  treble 
division  of  responsibility  under  The  Partizan  Party  System  re- 
moves its  force  almost  to  the  vanishing  point.  The  Collective 
Legislature  can  not  be  held  directly  responsible  because  it  passes 
a  bill  favorably  reported  to  it  by  a  committee  which  was  in  theory 
appointed  because  of  the  superior  ability  and  expert  capacity  of 
its  members  in  reference  to  the  special  subject  considered.  Nor 
can  "  The  Committee  "  be  held  directly  responsible,  because  it 
obeyed  the  orders  of  a  "  Party  "  Caucus,  itself  composed  of 
alleged  "  Representatives  of  The  People."  On  the  other  hand  : 
supposing  The  Committee  disobeyed  The  Caucus  Order;    then 


366  SAFE   AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

"  The  Party  "  can  not  be  held  responsible,  because  the  individual 
legislators  take  refuge  behind  their  oath  to  serve  the  people.  In 
fact,  the  Committee  System  as  a  part  of  "  The  Party  "  System 
is  much  too  "  complicated  "  to  work  advantageously  to  the 
people.  It  is  not  intended  to  work  advantageously  to  the  people. 
It  is  that  part  of  "  The  Game  "  in  which  Responsibility  for  ad- 
ministrative action  is  lost  in  the  shuffle.  The  people  find  it  im- 
possible to  keep  an  eye  on  the  various  acts  of  a  representative 
performed  in  the  various  committees ;  and  often  his  acts  are  not 
known  at  all  until  the  bad  effects  of  a  Statute  are  felt  in  the  com- 
munity. 

But  this  is  not  the  worst  of  all,  for  if  the  people  wish  to  fix 
responsibility  upon  an  offender  and  to  punish  him  for  the  offense, 
they  nevertheless  are  obliged  to  work  through  "  The  Party  " 
for  this  end.  The  offender  is  usually  a  valued  member  of  "  The 
Party  "  and  it  is  almost  always  strong  enough  to  checkmate  or 
to  side-track  the  efforts  of  the  people  and  to  shield  the  offender 
from  the  immediate  consequences  of  their  displeasure.  For  the 
sake  of  convenience  we  have  adopted  The  Committee  System  of 
Legislation  and  we  must  accept  the  consequences. 

With  the  true  Doctrine  of  Responsibility  shelved,  our  plan  of 
administration  by  "  The  Party  "  resolves  itself  into  an  organized 
effort  by  "  The  Party  "  to  use  The  Government  in  the  interests 
of  a  few  and  at  the  expense  of  the  public.  This  in  turn  often 
results  in  the  complete  degradation  of  the  public  service,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  so-called  Boodle  Aldermen  in  New  York  City, 
who  formed  a  "  Combine  "  among  themselves  for  the  disposal  of 
franchises  and  divided  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  between  the  mem- 
bers of  The  Combine. 

Political  Graft.  Then  again,  and  relying  upon  the  inability  of 
the  people  to  immediately  and  efficaciously  enforce  Political 
Responsibility,  many  improperly  elected  and  unfit  public  officials 
do  not  hesitate  to  "  make  "  private  money  out  of  public  office. 
The  process  by  which  such  money  is  "  made  "  is  now  called  "  Graft- 
ing." The  term  is  most  felicitous  inasmuch  as  it  indicates  an 
illogical  process  which  produces  unnatural,  dishonest,  and  private 
financial  gain  from  a  stock  that  was  originally  intended  to  produce 
only  lawful  emoluments  in  the  way  of  salary  or  compensation. 
The  gain  so  made  is  called  "  Graft."  Briefly  defined,  Graft  is 
any  illegitimate  private  profit  that  is  obtained  by  a  public  official 
from  a  legitimate  public  transaction.  More  particularly  de- 
scribed, Graft  is  any  unlawful,  illegitimate,  or  dishonest  financial 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  367 

profit  or  advantage  that  is  made  by  a  lawful  incumbent  of  a  public 
ofiice  or  position  while  in  the  discharge  of  the  function  or  duties 
of  such  an  office  or  position. 

Almost  any  public  office  or  position  can  be  turned  to  some 
private  advantage  if  its  incumbent  is  so  minded ;  and  the  forms 
of  gross  and  petty  grafting  are  almost  as  numerous  as  the  ofiices 
and  positions.  One  single  form  will  sufiice  by  way  of  illustration. 
Notwithstanding  the  prohibitive  Statutes  —  moral  obligations 
having  no  force  with  a  "  Practical  "  office  holder  —  public  officials 
of  this  stamp  do  not  hesitate  to  enter  into  a  collusive  compact  with 
outside  individuals,  firms,  or  corporations,  out  of  which  compact 
the  officeholder  will  be  able  to  "  make  money."  Collusive 
conditions  are  inserted  by  public  officials  in  public  contracts  and 
specifications  that  make  it  physically  impossible  for  others  than 
the  one  "  favored  "  individual,  firm,  or  corporation  to  transact 
the  necessary  public  work,  or  to  get  the  contract  to  furnish  supplies 
to  the  public,  like  bridge  and  culvert  materials,  asphalt  and  paving 
materials,  fire-hose,  fire-engines,  street-sweepers,  and  the  like. 

These  collusive  conditions  virtually  create  illegal  monopolies. 
They  also  destroy  the  competition  that  might  otherwise  exist 
between  a  number  of  other  bidders  for  public  work ;  thus  depriv- 
ing the  public  of  the  benefits  which  would  otherwise  accrue  to 
it  by  reason  of  free  competition  in  the  ordinary  course  of  business. 
From  the  illegitimate  profit  that  accrues  to  the  "  favored  "  party 
by  reason  of  this  collusive  action  the  grafting  officeholder  receives 
a  return  either  in  a  lump  sum,  or  a  stipend,  or  a  block  of  corporate 
stock,  or  a  Wall  Street  tip,  or  in  various  other  forms.  If  the  return 
is  in  cash,  then  it  usually  becomes  liable  to  a  partizan  party 
"  Assessment,"  the  amount  of  which  assessment  goes  to  swell  the 
partizan  party  revenues.  If  the  return  is  small,  it  usually  stays 
in  the  pocket  of  the  official  in  the  form  of  petty  graft.  Petty 
political  graft,  following  the  Persian  idea,  is  commonly  considered 
permissible  in  certain  quarters  provided  it  is  not  found  out  to  the 
reproach  of  "  The  Party  in  Power."  If  found  out,  then  "  The 
Party  "  repudiates  the  act,  sacrifices  the  "  offender,"  and  dis- 
claims any  connection  with  the  transaction  in  question. 

In  passing  from  this  topic  there  are  one  or  two  points  to  notice. 
In  the  first  place.  The  People  pay  in  taxes  for  every  cent  of  political 
graft  that  is  "  made,"  not  to  mention  the  likelihood  of  receiving 
indifferent  service  or  materials.  In  the  second  place,  grafting 
necessarily  undermines  both  private  and  public  morals.  And  in 
the  next  place,  although  grafting  is  in  the  main  a  partizan  party 


368  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

practise,  so  far  the  people  have  been  unable  to  trace  the  connec- 
tion between  big  grafting  and  Partizan  Party  Managements  — 
those  indefinite  "  Higher  Ups  "  —  who  always  remain  beyond 
the  reach  of  a  people  that  are  using  a  broken-down  Responsibility, 
a  broken-backed  Administrative  System,  and  a  Partizan  Party 
Agency  as  the  means  of  reaching  them. 

Tested  by  reason  —  if  not  yet  suflBciently  by  experience  —  The 
Partizan  Party  as  at  present  constructed,  organized,  and  working, 
is  not  only  an  illogical  and  an  inherently  weak  administrative 
agency,  but  a  positive  menace  to  any  form  of  Representative 
Democracy.  Not  only  does  it  fail  of  the  logical  purposes  for 
which  true  political  parties  exist,  but  its  continued  use  places 
the  American  Commonwealths  in  the  absurd  position  of  attempt- 
ing to  secure  democratic  political  administration  by  means  of  an 
administrative  agency  that  is  constructed  upon  despotic  and 
autocratic  principles  of  action.  Some  of  its  apologists  seek  com- 
fort from  the  fact  that  the  means  and  methods  employed  by  the 
way-back  rural  partizan  party  organizations  are  much  less  ob- 
jectionable than  the  means  and  methods  employed  by  similar 
urban  organizations  ;  and  they  urge  in  mitigation  of  condemnation 
that  what  is  true  of  a  part  of  a  State  Party  Organization  may  not 
be  true  of  the  whole  state  organization. 

But  on  the  other  hand  the  whole  state  organization  is  built  up 
out  of  its  parts.  In  every  City  there  is  a  partizan  party  "  Ma- 
chine "  at  the  head  of  every  partizan  party  organization  in  the 
city,  which  machine  is  using  either  corrupt  or  corrupting  means 
and  methods  to  obtain  "  party  votes  "  and  to  maintain  its  local 
ascendency;  and  while,  as  a  rule,  rural  "party  politics"  shine 
in  comparison  wath  urban  "  party  politics,"  nevertheless  the 
"  purity  "  of  country  party  politics  is  utterly  insufficient  to  main- 
tain the  purity  of  State  party  politics  whenever  the  rural  delegates 
meet  the  city  delegates  and  Bosses  in  the  partizan  party  State 
Nominating  Conventions ;  experience  having  demonstrated  the 
fact  over  and  over  again  that  a  powerful  partizan  party  machine 
working  anyw^here  in  a  State  will  gradually  impart  its  character 
to  the  w^ork  of  the  State  partizan  party  organization.  By  the 
grace  of  the  partizan  party  system  of  administration  it  can  not  do 
otherwise  than  break  down  the  sense  of  individual  political  re- 
sponsibility everyw'here  throughout  The  State. 

Finally,  political  responsibility  attaches  to  four  classes  of  in- 
dividuals ;  namely,  electors,  elective  officials,  legislative  repre- 
sentatives, and  appointive  officials.     Each  member  in  each  class 


POLITICAL   RESPONSIBILITY  369 

is  under  the  moral  obligation  to  transact  his  part  of  the  adminis- 
trative work  properly.  Unsupported  by  law  the  inherent  force 
of  the  obligation  proceeds  merely  from  Approbation  —  of  con- 
science, and  of  The  Community ;  but  with  human  nature  at  its 
present  stage  of  development  this  force  needs  enforcement  in 
order  to  make  the  obligation  effective.  The  power  to  enforce 
political  responsibility  is  seated  rightfully  in  the  Collective  Sover- 
eign ;  and,  unfortunately  for  all  Democratic  ideals,  it  will  remain 
seated  there,  and  inoperative,  until  such  time  as  the  Collective 
Sovereign  itself  perceives  the  necessity  for  acting  in  a  responsible 
manner  and  provides  itself  and  its  units  with  an  ordained  code  of 
responsible  political  action  that  leaves  no  question  open  regarding 
the  meanings  of  the  doctrine  of  political  responsibility  as  they 
apply  to  sovereign  action,  to  electoral  action,  and  to  official  action. 


CHAPTER  XXI 
POLITICAL   CONTROL 

The  Power  to  Govern  is  the  highest  form  of  human  power.  It 
is  the  power  to  command  and  to  enforce  the  obedience  of  indi- 
viduals. Theoretically  it  is  exercised  for  the  purpose  of  promoting 
the  welfare  of  the  individual  and  of  The  State. 

The  Supreme  Power  is  exercised  by  men.  The  chief  difficulty 
connected  with  a  proper  exercise  of  The  Supreme  Power  lies  in 
making  men  exercise  either  political  power  or  political  authority 
properly ;  that  is,  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  and  intent  of  the 
State  Polity. 

The  experience  of  past  republics  has  shown  that  the  opportunity 
to  exercise  either  power  or  authority  is  sought  after  secretly  or 
openly,  if  not  by  all,  then  by  nearly  all  of  those  who  are  entitled 
to  the  exercise  of  either.  It  has  also  shown  that  the  exercise  of 
this  power  and  authority  —  like  every  other  object  of  human  desire 
—  will,  if  unchecked,  be  acquired  ultimately  by  those  who  are 
the  strongest ;  that  is,  by  those  who  in  a  superior  degree  combine 
within  themselves  the  various  elements  of  individual  power 
mentioned  in  Chapter  III.  Experience  has  shown  also  that  moral 
fitness  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  ability  of  an  individual  to  exercise 
political  power  or  political  authority ;  and  that  immoral  but  able 
'men  will  seek  this  exercise  as  the  means  for  promoting  their  private 
aims  at  the  expense  of  the  other  individuals  in  the  community, 
and  of  The  Community  itself.  And  finally,  every  attempt  at 
Self  Government  has  shown  that  the  ordained  welfare  of  the 
individual  requires  the  exercise  of  The  Supreme  Power  to  be 
controlled  somehow  so  that  it  shall  not  be  had  for  any  purposes 
that  are  not  ordained. 

How  Obtained.  Control  over  the  action  of  The  Sovereign  — 
whether  it  be  a  Monarch  or  an  Electorate  —  is  obtained  in  the 
same  way  as  control  is  obtained  over  the  action  of  an  individual ; 
namely,  through  an  imposed  and  enforced  restraint. 

370 


POLITICAL   CONTROL  371 

Who  or  what  is  it  that  can  impose  and  enforce  restraint  upon 
the  exercise  of  pohtical  power  by  the  Collective  Sovereign  of 
a  Republic?  Obviously  no  one  but  the  Collective  Sovereign 
itself.     The  restraint  must  be  a  self-imposed  restraint. 

Objects  of.  The  principal  objects  sought  by  imposing  restraint 
upon  the  action  of  a  Collective  Sovereign  are,  to  help  the  Sovereign- 
units  to  remain  their  o^^^l  political  masters ;  to  keep  the  Collective 
Sovereign  from  wilfully  or  unwittingly  impairing  or  destroying  the 
political  capacity  of  its  units ;  and  to  keep  the  activities  of  the 
Collective  Sovereign  confined  to  maintaining  and  perpetuating  the 
ordained  political  regime. 

\Miat  have  we,  the  people,  done  towards  controlling  the  exercise 
of  The  Supreme  Power?  Bearing  in  mind  all  that  has  been  said 
on  this  subject  in  Chapters  III,  VII,  and  IX,  we  have  decentralized 
the  exercise  of  political  power  in  order  to  make  the  control  of  its 
exercise  easier.  We  have  created  two  main  agencies  for  its  exercise. 
We  have  in  effect  divided  The  Supreme  Power  into  "  Power  " 
and  "  Authority."  We  have  vested  The  Electorate  with  the  direct 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  for  certain  objects  ;  and  we  have 
distributed  this  exercise  between  certain  administrative  processes 
that  are  capable  of  easy  control.  We  have  delegated  the  exercise 
of  Authority  for  certain  other  purposes  to  The  Government ;  and 
in  the  endeavor  to  put  a  check  upon  undue  exercise  thereof  we  have 
distributed  its  exercise  between  the  three  departments  of  The 
Government.  Finally,  and  as  a  means  for  placing  and  enforcing 
control  over  the  exercise  of  The  Supreme  Power,  we  have  con- 
structed written  Constitutions  containing  ordained  restrictions 
and  limitations  upon  the  use  of  Political  Power  and  Authority 
which  both  the  Sovereign  and  its  units  are  bound  to  observe  and 
enforce.  The  sufficiency  of  our  action  in  this  last-named  respect 
will  be  considered  in  Chapter  XXIII. 

Direct  Exercise  of.  In  a  Republic  the  Right  to  Govern  is  the 
Right  of  The  People  to  command  and  to  enforce  obedience  to 
The  Will  of  The  People.  The  ability  of  a  Collective  Sovereign 
depends  upon  proper  action  by  its  units.  Consequently,  what 
happens  when  if  in  the  absence  of  a  comprehensive  and  adequate 
administrative  system  a  Sovereign-unit  delegates  the  discharge  of 
his  moral  obligations  and  duties  to  another  individual  or  to  an 
association  of  individuals?  Just  This!  The  Sovereign-unit 
weakens  the  ability  of  the  Collective  Sovereign  to  enforce  obedience 
from  all  its  units.  His  own  power  to  control  the  action  of  other 
units  is  impaired  or  lost,  as  the  case  may  be.     He  is  no  longer  the 


372  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

equal  of  other  Sovereign-units  in  influence  for  he  has  increased 
the  influence  of  other  Sovereign-units  improperly.  He  has 
destroyed  the  ordained  political  equality  between  Sovereign-units. 
He  has  deprived  the  Collective  Sovereign  of  the  moral  support 
which  it  has  a  right  to  expect  from  him  even  in  the  absence  of  a 
specific  rule  of  action  ;  and  he  has  destroyed  the  force  of  the  Right 
of  Cooperative  Control  mentioned  in  Chapter  HI. 

Moreover,  the  free  and  direct  exercise  of  political  power  was 
assumed  originally  by  The  Collective  Sovereign  as  a  solemn  trust  to 
be  executed  for  the  benefit  of  the  succeeding  generations  which 
compose  The  Commonwealth.  The  exercise  of  individual  discre- 
tion is  involved.  Following  out  the  idea  governing  all  trust  pro- 
cedure it  was  never  intended  that  the  exercise  of  any  political 
power  or  authority  specially  conferred  upon  an  individual  should 
be  delegated  by  him.  Experience,  reason,  prudence,  and  safety 
declare  against  the  practise;  for  if  discretionary  exercise  can  be 
delegated  by  one  elector,  it  can  be  by  others ;  and  should  it  be 
delegated  by  a  large  number  of  electors  then  the  ability  of  The 
Commonwealth  to  maintain  Justice  between  individuals  may 
become  seriously  diminished  in  force  or  lost  altogether. 

Problem  of.  In  the  exercise  of  political  power  and  of  political 
authority  The  Collective  Sovereign  acts  through  its  units.  Under 
our  distinctive  plan  of  political  procedure  our  inclusive  problem 
of  political  control  is.  How  to  obtain  such  a  use  of  The  Reserved 
Powers  as  will  enable  the  Collective  Sovereign  to  control  the 
exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  properly.  Analyzing  the 
problem  we  find  it  to  be  composed  of  two  distinct  problems; 
namely,  The  problem  of  Electoral  Control,  and  the  problem  of 
Official  Control.  In  either  case  it  is  a  matter  of  enforced 
obedience. 

Electoral  Control :  How  can  The  Collective  Sovereign  confer 
upon  itself  the  ability  to  enforce  political  obedience  from  its  units 
reasonably  and  justly  ? 

Political  obedience  is  compliance  with  a  political  command. 
Manifestly,  that  which  shall  be  considered  political  obedience 
can  be  determined  in  no  other  way  than  by  defining  rights,  obliga- 
tions, duties,  and  methods  of  electoral  action  in  clear  and  distinct 
terms.  The  command  must  be  explicit.  The  Sovereign-unit 
must  know  what  is  commanded  of  him,  and  he  must  have  agreed 
beforehand  to  obey  the  command.  The  moral  force  of  Adminis- 
trative Law  depends  almost  entirely  upon  distinctness ;  and  in  a 
Republic  morality  in  administrative  action  is  very  largely  a  matter 


POLITICAL   CONTROL  373 

of  clear,  distinct,  and  agreed-upon  Law.  We  all  know  how  The 
Law,  of  itself  alone,  fortifies  individual  impulse  to  moral  action, 
and  acts  also  as  a  check  upon  immoral  impulse.  But  unless  the 
administrative  law  is  clear,  distinct,  and  self-enacted,  the  Collective 
Sovereign  can  not  reasonably  and  justly  enforce  it,  and  therefore 
can  not  control  the  actions  of  its  units  effectively.  In  order  to 
maintain  the  Political  Regime  as  ordained  logical,  prompt,  and 
decisive  action  is  required  of  The  Collective  Sovereign.  It  must 
rule,  and  rule  rightly.  It  must  maintain  its  ability  to  rule.  It 
must  maintain  its  own  sovereignty  through  maintaining  the 
sovereign  capacity  of  its  own  units,  and  it  must  prevent  the  absorp- 
tion of  the  exercise  of  their  political  power  by  majorities  and 
parties.  Consequently,  in  order  to  enable  the  Collective  Sovereign 
to  control  its  own  action  properly,  it  must,  through  an  exercise  of 
its  own  sovereignty,  declare  what  shall  be  a  proper  performance 
by  its  units  of  every  administrative  move,  step,  stage,  and  process 
in  which  they  participate. 

Official  Control :  In  Chapter  VII  the  establishment  of  Political 
Control  was  considered  as  one  of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty. 
In  Chapter  IX  the  necessity  for  control  over  the  action  of  The 
Government  was  touched  upon.  But  there  is  still  more  to  say 
regarding  the  necessity  for  Political  Control,  and  regarding  the 
practical  way  of  getting  it. 

"  Political  Reward."  We  say  that  we  "  Reward  "  public-spirited 
action  in  individuals  by  "  elevating  "  them  to  posts  of  honor  and 
emolument  in  the  public  service.  But  this  "  rewarding  action  " 
on  the  part  of  the  people  is  by  no  means  of  a  purely  benevolent  or 
disinterested  nature.  Theoretically  we  select  public-spirited  men 
for  office  because  they  are  disposed  to  take  right  administrative 
action  as  the  same  is  indicated  by  the  Principles  of  The  State 
Polity.  Such  men  do  not  require  watching  and  control  in  this 
respect.  Consequently  administrative  action  is  made  easier  for 
The  Collective  Sovereign  by  their  selection,  the  political  effort 
of  its  units  being  reduced  somewhat  by  such  action.  While  the 
moral  character  of  a  public  servant  is  a  determining  factor  in  his 
selection  it  is  not  the  only  one.  Superior  individual  ability  to 
discriminate  between  advantageous  and  disadvantageous  admin- 
istrative action  is  also  required.  The  people  want  their  most 
capable  and  public-spirited  men  in  charge  of  the  detail  work  of 
administration  so  that  the  community  and  all  its  individuals  shall 
receive  the  greatest  possible  moral  and  material  advantage  from 
administrative  action.     But  capability  and  civic  virtue  are  seldom 


374  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

blended  equally  in  the  individual.  Consequently  the  people  can 
not  with  safety  rely  ivholly  upon  the  binding  force  of  morality  to 
keep  their  public  servants  in  the  path  of  duty. 

Official  Discretion  and  Responsibility.  Something  more  definite 
is  necessary ;  for  when  the  exercise  of  political  power  is  delegated, 
then  a  certain  degree  of  control  over  its  exercise  is  lost  because  the 
judgment  of  the  representative  or  official  is  to  some  extent  sub- 
stituted for  that  of  his  principal.  While  a  sovereign-unit  is  in 
office  in  any  department  of  The  Government  he  is  subject  to  in- 
fluences that  are  peculiar  to  his  position  ;  influences  which  do  not 
emanate  directly  from  the  will  of  his  constituency  or  from  the 
will  of  the  people ;  and  naturally  his  action  will  be  affected  more 
or  less  thereby.  Whatever  he  does  will  affect  the  General  Wel- 
fare and  also  the  ability  of  The  State ;  but  the  people,  having 
given  their  sanction  beforehand  to  what  he  does,  should  in  reason 
also  possess  some  effective  means  for  controlling  his  action. 

Manifestly,  the  situation  calls  for  an  ordained  Rule  of  Official 
Action  which  is  specially  applicable  to  every  public  official,  and 
which  is  designed  for  the  express  purpose  of  enabling  the  people  to 
control  the  substituted  exercise  of  discretion  by  the  public  official. 
In  its  absence  how  can  the  people  determine  what  is  or  what  is  not 
responsible  or  responsive  action?  Here,  as  in  every  question 
concerning  the  propriety  of  this,  that,  or  the  other  specific  admin- 
istrative act,  the  just  and  the  speedy  determination  of  the  question 
hinges  upon  the  sufficiency  of  the  Administrative  System.  Unless 
that  system  contains  a  declaration  of  the  function  of  each  public 
office ;  a  statement  of  the  one  official  who  is  to  discharge  the  dis- 
tinctive function  of  the  office ;  and  also  sets  forth  the  manner  in 
which  that  function  is  to  be  discharged,  then  it  leaves  either  such  a 
wide  opportunity  open,  or  so  many  specific  opportunities  open  for 
"  discretionary  "  official  action  as  to  render  it  almost  impossible 
for  the  people  to  enforce  effectually  what  they  have  but  vaguely 
defined  as  responsible  administrative  action. 

An  ordained  official  function  acts  as  a  desirable  limitation  upon 
the  exercise  of  political  authority ;  desirable  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  official  in  that  it  protects  him  in  the  proper  discharge  of 
official  function  ;  and  desirable  from  the  standpoint  of  the  people 
in  that  it  affords  The  Collective  Sovereign  an  opportunity  to  force 
speedily  its  proper  discharge  from  the  official. 

Also,  an  ordained  official  method  is  a  Published  Rule  of  Official 
Action.  On  the  one  hand  it  gives  notice  to  the  official  beforehand 
exactly  what  is  expected  of  him,  while  on  the  other  hand  it  informs 


POLITICAL  CONTROL  375 

the  successive  generations  that  compose  The  State  exactly  what 
kind  of  service  they  have  the  right  to  receive  from  the  public 
servants. 

Departmental  Authority.  Through  distributing  the  exercise  of 
authority  between  the  three  branches  of  The  Government  we  have 
as  it  were  created  a  Departmental  Authority  which  is,  of  course, 
exercised  by  the  individuals  who  fill  the  offices  in  each  branch. 
Hence  the  necessity  for  a  preordained  function  and  method  for  each 
departmental  office  in  order  to  enable  the  Common  Superior  to 
easily  prevent  an  official  from  usurping  the  discharge  of  the  func- 
tions of  another  office,  and  also  to  prevent  the  engrafting  upon  any 
office  of  functions  that  are  foreign  to  its  original  purpose. 

Proper  Official  Control.  Proper  official  control  must  also  be  a 
just  exercise  of  force  by  The  Sovereign  over  the  official.  Ordained 
and  comprehensive  law  is  an  indispensable  requisite  for  the  deter- 
mination of  that  which  is  just  to  the  official  and  just  on  the  part  of 
The  Sovereign.  We  have  attempted  to  instruct  individuals 
explicitly  as  to  what  they  shall  and  shall  not  do  in  society.  A 
comprehensive  body  of  rules  exist  in  the  judiciary  department  of 
The  Government  which  regulate  the  proper  discharge  of  detail 
judicial  work.  But  we  have  never  furnished  individuals  who  hold 
office  in  the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of  The  Government 
with  sets  of  instructions  by  means  of  which  either  they  or  the 
community  are  bound  effectively  to  a  proper  discharge  of  mutual 
obligations.  The  original  electorates  acquired  the  full  exercise 
of  political  power  before  they  were  equipped  fully  for  its  exercise. 
They  were  forced  by  the  push  of  events  to  begin  administrative 
action  without  the  requisite  means  and  methods  for  adequate 
control  over  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  by  their  agencies 
and  servants. 

Punishment  as  a  Means.  In  this  situation  they  resorted  to 
political  punishment  as  a  means  for  enforcing  political  control ; 
that  is,  they  held  the  fear  of  the  loss  of  office  over  any  official  who 
was  openly  guilty  of  detail  maladministration. 

Political  Control  Defined.  Political  Control,  however,  means  the 
prevention  (not  the  punishment)  of  any  administrative  offense 
which  alters  or  impairs  the  ordained  status  of  individuals  whether 
in  or  out  of  office.  To  punish  the  officeholder  after  the  offense 
has  been  committed  by  withholding  political  preferment  in  the 
future  is  not  political  control  in  the  sense  intended.  It  is  merely 
punishment,  which  of  itself  is  complete  evidence  of  inefficient 
control.     Punishment    does    not    remove    the    opportunities    for 


376  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

similar  offenses  in  the  future,  and,  because  of  human  nature, 
effective  poUtical  control  can  never  exist  so  long  as  abundant 
opportunities  offer  for  its  avoidance.  If,  under  such  circumstances, 
the  Collective  Sovereign  does  resort  to  punishment,  then  the  law 
regulating  official  action  must  be  distinct,  known,  and  unquestion- 
able ;  for  these  three  elements  in  the  law  form  the  only  just  basis 
for  penalty  and  punishment. 

But  punishment  would  seldom  be  required  had  the  people  in  the 
beginning,  or  at  any  time  afterwards,  declared  the  function  and 
duties  of  all  offices  and  so  have  provided  public  officials  with 
concise  and  explicit  rules  for  the  proper  discharge  of  the  detail  work 
of  each  office.  Such  action  would  have  made  it  extremely  difficult 
for  any  official  to  openly  surrender  the  exercise  of  his  particular 
authority  to  another  as  is  done  now;  or  for  one  public  official 
to  openly  usurp  the  exercise  of  authority  properly  belonging  to 
another  office  as  is  done  now ;  or  for  any  public  official  to  continue 
to  openly  violate  the  plain  intent  of  the  original  governmental 
agreement  as  is  done  now,  and  to  the  constant  impairment  of  the 
General  Welfare. 

The  Breakdown  of  Political  Control.  In  previous  chapters  I  have 
endeavored  to  show  that  the  final  loss  of  political  control  by  the 
Collective  Sovereign  was  coincident  with  its  improper  delegation 
of  the  exercise  of  the  power  to  control  to  The  Partizan  Party  ;  and 
that  this  improper  delegation  was  due  to  an  unpremeditated  failure 
on  its  part  to  discharge  its  sovereign  obligation  to  construct  a  logical 
and  comprehensive  system  of  administrative  action. 

In  the  beginning  of  administrative  action  each  American  Com- 
monwealth was  more  or  less  handicapped  in  its  ability  to  control 
official  action  by  the  defects  of  the  Fundamental  Law  in  this 
respect.  Admitting  their  difficulties !  But  nevertheless,  when 
The  Electorates  delegated  the  exercise  of  the  Power  to  Control 
they  shirked  their  political  obligations  in  an  undemocratic  and  in  a 
foolish  manner ;  undemocratic,  because  they  bestowed  the  exercise 
of  a  political  power  upon  a  party ;  and  foolish,  because  they  took 
it  for  granted  that  what  appears  to  have  been  a  party  composed 
largely  of  self-seekers  would  exercise  this  control  properly.  The 
folly  of  their  action  has  been  demonstrated  amply.  The  Partizan 
Party  has  never  made  any  honest  attempt  to  exercise  political 
control  properly  because  the  unsafeguarded  situation  was  exactly 
suited  to  its  own  politically  immoral  purposes.  Being  vested  with 
the  control  of  the  Processes  of  Administration  it  has  been  com- 
paratively easy  for  The  Partizan  Party  to  fill  The  Government,  or 


POLITICAL  CONTROL  377 

at  least  the  great  majority  of  administrative  offices  and  positions, 
with  individuals  who  have  bound  themselves  beforehand  to  do 
what  "  The  Party  "  requires  of  them  while  they  are  in  public 
office. 

Mixed  Authority.  The  Partizan  Party  has  been  allowed  to 
build  up  a  Power  of  its  owti,  and  to  exercise  it  effectively  within 
The  Government.  This  it  does  through  bestowing  the  exercise 
of  Party  Authority  upon  some  of  the  more  important  public 
oflBcials  who  owe  the  office  to  "  Party  "  exertions,  and  through  en- 
joining upon  the  remainder  of  its  members  in  office  strict  obedience 
to  those  who  exercise  its  "  Authority  "  within  The  Government. 

But  this  bestow^al  of  the  exercise  of  "  Party  Authority  "  upon  a 
public  official  creates  a  mixed  or  double  authority  which  can  pro- 
duce nothing  but  a  mixed  or  double  administrative  action ;  part 
of  which  may  be  directed  to  the  accomplishment  of  true  adminis- 
trational  results,  but  part  of  which  may  be  directed  towards  the 
accomplishment  of  results  w'hich  are  neither  administrational  or 
political  m  nature. 

Fusion  of  Political  and  "  Party  Authority."  This  fusion  of 
Political  and  "  Party  Authority  "  produces  two  effects.  It 
destroys  not  only  the  character  of  the  ordained  authority  but  the 
character  of  the  ordained  office  as  well.  It  is  a  means  for  the 
exercise  of  "  Party  Control  "  over  official  action ;  for  when  a 
public  office  is  occupied  by  an  individual  who  can  not  be  prevented 
from  using  the  position  for  the  benefit  of  a  partizan  party  —  be- 
cause The  Sovereign  has  no  adequate  legal  provisions  relative  to 
the  specific  use  of  the  office  which  it  can  apply  to  the  official  — 
then,  through  this  fusion  of  authority  it  is  possible  to  change  the 
whole  character  of  the  office  from  its  original  meanings  and  to  use 
the  office  for  purposes  never  originally  intended.  In  other  words, 
the  office  can  be  used  for  partizan  party  purposes  as  well  as  for  its 
administrational  purposes. 

This  permitted  fusion  of  authority  is  a  political  blunder  amount- 
ing to  a  disaster.  While  in  office  a  Sovereign-unit  can  not  exercise 
"  Power  "  of  any  kind  logically.  All  he  can  do  rightfully  is  to 
exercise  the  authority  with  which  the  ofice  was  originally  invested. 
Therefore,  if  while  in  office  he  exercises  "  Power  "  of  anv  kind 
except  his  own,  it  must  be  some  kind  of  "  Power  "  that  docs  not 
proceed  directly  from  The  People.  Under  our  present  procedure 
we  delegate  the  exercise  of  political  control  to  The  Partizan  Party ; 
we  permit  the  fusion  of  Political  Authority  and  Partizan  Party 
Authority  ;  we  allow  The  Partizan  Party  to  exercise  its  own  power 


378  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

in  Official  Action  by  means  of  individuals  whom  it  has  selected 
for  that  express  purpose ;  and  consequently  "  Government  For 
The  People,"  that  is,  administration  for  the  General  Welfare, 
perishes  through  being  transmuted  into  "  Government  for  The 
Partizan  Party  "  as  well. 

The  Speaker's  Office.  The  change  in  the  character  and  object  of 
the  office  of  The  Speaker  of  The  House  is  a  startling  illustration 
of  what  may  happen  when  a  Collective  Sovereign  forsakes  logical 
action.  Space  forbids  us  to  trace  this  change  out  step  by  step. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  we  have  permitted  The  Partizan  Party  to 
make  this  ofiice  the  seat  of  the  exercise  of  the  highest  degree  of 
partizan  party  power.  We  have  permitted  The  Partizan  Party 
to  invest  whomever  it  elects  to  the  ofiice  with  a  discretionary 
exercise  of  its  own  Power ;  the  power  to  be  used  for  Partizan  Party 
Success  both  in  and  out  of  The  Government.  We  let  The  Partizan 
Party  make  The  Speaker  its  "  Constituted  Authority  "  in  The 
House.  The  Partizan  Party  holds  The  Speaker  "  Responsible  " 
for  its  success  in  the  legislature.  The  Speaker  insures  "  Party 
Success  "  through  enforcing  the  dogma  of  "  Party  Regularity  " 
rigidly  upon  every  other  member  of  his  partizan  party  in  The 
House ;  that  is,  he  enforces  upon  such  members  their  previously 
given  promises  to  obey  the  Constituted  Authorities  of  their 
"  Party." 

Now  supposing  that  the  lower  chamber  of  the  legislature  was 
designated  by  The  Fathers  to  be  a  popular  body  responsive  to  the 
Public  Will.  What  does  that  amount  to  now?  Has  not  The 
Partizan  Party  been  given  the  right  to  transmute  Public  Opinion 
into  Partizan  Party  Will  through  the  manufacture  of  majorities 
of  voters,  or  of  fraudulently  acquired  votes?  If  The  Partizan 
Party  has  the  right  to  "  Manufacture  "  Public  Opinion,  why  should 
it  not  have  the  right  to  enforce  that  manufactured  Public  Opinion 
in  The  Government  ?  And,  if  it  is  necessary  for  the  enforcement 
of  Party  Will  that  the  power  of  the  speaker  should  be  felt  upon  the 
floor  of  The  House  and  in  its  committee  rooms,  what  reasonable 
objection  can  there  be  to  the  exercise  of  such  "  Power  "  by  him 
unless  it  comes  from  one  crying  in  the  wilderness  that  it  never  was 
the  intention  to  clothe  a  purely  ministerial  office  with  functions 
that  bestow  upon  its  occupant  the  exercise  of  Despotic  Power ;  and 
that  it  never  was  the  intention  that  public  oflBcials  should  be  driven 
by  party  power  while  engaged  in  producing  appropriate  statutory 
law,  that  is,  law  for  the  promotion  of  the  general  welfare. 

The  intention !    Of  what  avail  is  the  intention  without  The  Will 


POLITICAL   CONTROL  379 

to  enforce  it  ?  And  of  what  avail  is  The  Will  without  the  means 
to  make  it  effective  ? 

Resumption  of.  The  indispensable  prerequisite  to  the  proper 
exercise  of  Political  Control  over  Official  Action  is  a  logical  and 
comprehensive  Administrative  System.  Now  a  public  officer  is 
merely  a  Sovereign-unit  upon  whom  has  been  bestowed  a  tem- 
porary exercise  of  the  Political  Authority  that  has  been  vested  in  a 
public  office.  There  is  no  difference  whatever  between  the  way  in 
which  a  Collective  Sovereign  obtains  control  over  the  action  of  its 
units,  and  the  way  in  which  it  obtains  control  over  the  action 
of  its  units  in  office.  There  is  merely  a  difference  in  what  it  has 
to  do.  In  the  first  instance  it  ordains  that  which  shall  be  con- 
sidered proper  Electoral  Action  and  the  punishment  of  its  infrac- 
tion ;  and  in  the  second  instance  it  must  ordain  that  which  shall 
be  considered  proper  Official  Action  and  the  punishment  of  its 
infraction ;  but  this  it  can  do  properly  only  by  declaring  the  func- 
tion of  every  public  office ;  by  declaring  the  official  who  shall  dis- 
charge such  function  ;  by  declaring  the  manner  in  which  the  func- 
tions and  duties  of  each  office  or  class  of  offices  shall  be  discharged ; 
and  by  obtaining  the  sanction  of  Public  Approval  to  its  acts. 

We,  The  Electorate,  are  The  Sovereign.  We  are  under  the 
obligation  to  rule  righteously;  that  is,  to  make  our  originally 
expressed  intention  fully  operative.  But  until  we  discharge  this 
obligation  through  constructing  a  logical  and  comprehensive 
System  of  Administration  we  shall  never  be  able  to  use  our  Re- 
served Powers  so  as  to  control  properly  the  exercise  of  any  Dele- 
gated Power  by  the  most  insignificant  functionary  in  office. 


CHAPTER  XXII 
POLITICAL  EDUCATION 

As  said  in  Chapter  IV,  the  broad  administrative  problem  of 
each  American  State  is,  how  to  continuously  maintain  unimpaired 
the  ordained  conditions  of  human  existence,  and  how  to  continu- 
ously transmit  them  unimpaired  to  the  succeeding  generations 
who  compose  The  State. 

In  a  pure  Democracy  the  proper  solution  of  this  problem  calls 
for  the  continuous,  free,  and  direct  exercise  of  political  power  by 
the  individuals  who  compose  the  Collective  Sovereign. 

But  in  a  Representative  Democracy  the  exercise  of  parts  of  the 
supreme  power  for  some  specific  objects  is  delegated  to  represen- 
tatives of  The  Sovereign, 

This  plan  of  representative  action  injects  a  new  element  into 
the  administrative  problem ;  namely  that  of  political  authority. 
It  becomes  incumbent  upon  the  Collective  Sovereign  not  merely 
to  impart  direction  to  the  exercise  of  political  authority,  but  to 
continuously  control  the  action  of  each  sovereign-unit  who  has 
been  vested  with  its  exercise ;  and  the  problem  now  becomes, 
how  to  secure  from  a  majority  of  the  electors  a  continuous,  free, 
and  direct  exercise  of  all  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administra- 
tion, and  how  to  enable  The  Electorate  to  secure  a  logical  exercise 
by  some  of  its  members  of  The  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration. 

On  its  face  the  stated  problem  seems  capable  of  easy  and  correct 
solution,  provided  only  that  The  Electorate  uses  logical  means 
and  methods  of  administrative  action.  But  the  correct  solution 
appears  less  easy  when  it  appears  further  that  the  main  factor 
in  the  problem.  The  Electorate,  is  unstable  in  point  of  number, 
character,  and  capacity ;  losing  members  every  year  by  death, 
removal  from  the  State,  etc.,  and  every  year  gaining  new  mem- 
bers by  removal  into  the  State,  through  naturalization,  and  by  the 
incorporation  of  the  youth  of  the  people  who  have  reached  the 
voting  age. 

380 


POLITICAL  EDUCATION"  381 

The  instability  of  the  acting  sovereign  injects  another  problem 
into  the  situation,  and  one  that  must  be  correctly  solved  before 
it  is  possible  to  solve  the  main  problem  of  the  people  correctly. 
This  problem  is,  how  to  maintain  the  character  and  capacity  of  a 
constantly  changing  acting  sovereign  up  to  the  standard  of  intelli- 
gence that  is  requisite  to  successful  administrative  action. 

The  transmission  of  the  benefits  of  self-government  does  not 
occur  once  every  thirty-three  and  one-third  years,  and  so  on 
throughout  the  future.  It  occurs  from  day  to  day ;  for  the 
generation  of  to-day  transmits  its  living  conditions,  its  means 
and  its  methods  of  action  to  the  generation  of  to-morrow,  and  so 
on  throughout  the  future.  Because  of  the  natural  forces  at  work 
upon  the  composition,  character,  and  capacity  of  the  acting 
sovereign  The  State  stands  in  instant  need  at  all  times  of  some 
means  whereby,  for  instance,  the  newly  naturalized  members 
of  the  electorate  can  be  assimilated  as  quickly  as  possible,  and 
whereby  the  youth  of  the  people  can  be  fitted  beforehand  for  the 
proper  discharge  of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  and  of  the 
Duties  of  Citizenship. 

This  necessity  was  appreciated  by  the  New  England  colonists. 
They  selected  Education  as  the  means  through  which  to  produce 
administrative  intelligence  in  the  community,  and  as  the  means 
by  which  to  continually  secure  a  widespread  appreciation  of 
what  was  meant  by,  and  involved  in,  the  exercise  of  Political 
Prerogative  by  the  individuals  of  their  communities.  Schools 
were  established ;  and  in  1647  Massachusetts  put  the  support  of 
the  schools  upon  the  public  and  made  education  compulsory  and 
free.  By  the  time  independence  was  achieved  the  great  majority 
of  the  people  of  each  New  England  State  held  that  education  was 
a  political  necessity ;  that  is,  they  held  it  as  "  indispensable  to 
the  continuance  of  a  republican  government."  They  regarded 
it  as  a  Community  Right  because  it  was  "  of  supreme  utility  to 
The  State."  They  held  it  to  be  an  Individual  Right ;  that  is,  a 
right  of  every  individual  who  is  given  the  exercise  of  political 
power  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  welfare  of  The  State 
and  of  the  individual.  They  argued  for  it  on  the  grounds  of 
public  economy  and  of  public  morality.  They  considered  it  as 
a  factor  in  the  ordained  Equality;  and  they  contended  that  the 
minimum  of  education  under  a  representative  form  of  govern- 
ment should  never  be  less  than  the  amount  which  would 
qualify  each  sovereign-unit  to  properly  discharge  not  only  his 
social  duties  but  the  obligations  and  duties  that  are  transmitted 


382       >      SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

to  every  one  who  participates  in  the  exercise  of  the  Sovereignty 
of  The  State. 

An  Auxiliary  Aid  to  Administration.  From  the  foregoing 
statement  it  is  plain  that  the  pioneers  in  American  education 
reahzed  their  duties  to  posterity  and  appreciated  the  fact  that 
the  supreme  capacity  of  the  individual  was  his  political  capacity. 
Education,  therefore,  was  to  be  Political  Education  as  well  as 
social  and  economic  education.  With  surprising  insight  they 
realized  that  the  full  nature  of  and  the  full  measure  of  the  benefits 
possible  under  logical  administrative  action  could  not  in  the 
natural  order  of  events  continue  to  be  widely  understood  in  a 
Commonwealth  that  was  rapidly  becoming  heterogeneous  in 
composition.  To  a  limited  extent  they  anticipated  the  advance 
that  the  material  prosperity  of  individuals  would  make  when 
men  were  free  and  at  liberty  to  bend  their  energies  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  natural  opportunities  that  lay  scattered  over  the 
state  domain.  Their  brief  experience  in  self-government  already 
enabled  them  to  perceive  that  this  material  advance  would  bring 
in  its  train  ever  widening  and  more  and  more  complex  problems 
of  pure  and  righteous  political  administration ;  and  it  is  not 
overstating  the  case  to  say  that  their  leaders  in  thought  perceived 
that  unless  the  instruction  given  as  to  political  action  was  as 
correct  and  as  comprehensive  as  that  given  to  social  and  economic 
action  it  might  result  in  finally  leaving  the  sovereign-unit  without 
information  suflScient  to  enable  him  to  determine  for  himself 
w^hat  was  or  what  was  not  righteous  daily  administrative  action ; 
and  that  if  this  state  of  affairs  came  to  pass,  then  the  material 
development  of  society  would  far  outstrip  its  moral  development. 

During  their  whole  lives  the  New  England  settlers  had  suffered 
under  oppressive  administrative  action.  Resistance  to  oppression 
was  an  ingrained  part  of  their  nature.  Experience  had  made 
them  well  acquainted  with  the  frailties  of  human  nature  and 
with  the  subtle  temptations  to  wrongdoing  that  beset  men  in 
their  struggle  for  material  advancement.  By  the  mere  process 
of  emigrating  to  a  new  land  they  had  possessed  themselves  of 
local  political  freedom,  economic  liberty,  individual  equality  of 
a  sort,  and  the  opportunity  to  promote  Justice  as  they  perceived 
it;  and,  as  the  means  for  continually  raising  the  intelligence  of 
the  constantly  succeeding  generations  up  to  a  comprehensive 
appreciation  of  what  their  form  of  civil  government  when  rightly 
filled,  directed,  and  controlled  could  confer  in  human  happiness, 
in  individual  welfare,  and  in  moral  advance,  they  devised  the 


POLITICAL   EDUCATION  383 

Common  School  System  of  Education  as  an  auxiliary  aid  to 
Political  Administration.  The  State  was  to  educate  its  future 
citizens  in  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty,  the  Duties  of  Citizen- 
ship, and  the  preservation  of  Individual  Freedom ;  and  they,  in 
the  course  of  time,  were  to  do  the  same  for  futiire  generations. 
The  people  were  to  maintain  an  educational  system,  and  that 
system  was  to  help  the  people  to  forever  maintain  its  chosen 
form  of  Government,  and  to  enjoy  and  transmit  the  enjoyment 
of  its  benefits  to  their  posterity.  Each  system  was  to  supple- 
ment the  other  in  the  common  endeavor  to  preserve  and  to  per- 
petuate the  conditions  of  individual  existence  originally  ordained. 
The  prime  function  or  specific  work  of  the  educational  system 
as  originally  conceived  was  to  maintain  the  level  of  intelligence 
in  the  Collective  Sovereign  and  to  "  nourture  "  the  original  Spirit 
and  Intent  of  The  Commonwealth.  The  Church  was  entirely 
separated  from  The  State.  The  people  claimed  and  assumed 
the  exercise  of  the  right  to  decide  for  themselves  what  was  right 
or  wrong  political  and  administrative  action ;  and  individuals 
were  to  receive  active  and  compulsory  moral  guidance  from  The 
State.  Each  question  of  right  or  wrong  exercise  of  individual 
power  along  social  or  economic  lines  was  to  be  finally  decided 
through  an  exercise  by  sovereign-units  of  their  political  power. 
New  sovereign-units  were  constantly  uniting  with  the  existing 
Collective  Sovereign  and  it  was  made  the  special  function  of  the 
Common  Schools  of  The  State  to  educate  the  new  and  the  future 
sovereign  units  in  the  knowledge  of  true  American  political  action 
so  that  when  their  period  of  sovereignty  arrived  they  could  strive 
steadfastly  and  intelligently  for  the  general  welfare  by  applying 
in  public  and  in  private  life  the  agreed-upon  Principles  of  the 
State  Polity.  This  point  stands  forth  clearly.  The  system  was 
not  originally  devised  solely  as  a  means  whereby  individuals 
were  to  be  made  materially  prosperous.  The  mental  powers  of 
the  oncoming  sovereign-units  were  to  be  developed  by  the  educa- 
tional system  in  order  to  make  them  better  fitted  to  succeed  in 
the  constantly  narrowing  economic  struggle.  But  the  moral 
perception  of  the  oncoming  sovereign-units  was  to  be  widened 
into  a  true  appreciation  of  the  established  rights  of  each  with  the 
idea  of  making  them  more  considerate  of  and  helpful  to  each 
other ;  and  finally  their  political  knowledge  was  to  be  developed 
in  order  to  enable  each  to  perceive  how  each  could  act  the  part 
of  a  just  sovereign  under  the  ordained  plan  of  administrative 
action.     In  a  heterogeneous  Democracy,  the  larger  part  of  which 


384  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

necessarily  possess  but  a  smattering  of  statecraft,  the  chief  diffi- 
culty in  obtaining  a  wise  choice  between  alternative  courses  of 
State-action  springs  from  a  combined  lack  of  administrative 
sagacity  and  unsettled  convictions  concerning  the  ordained  Prin- 
ciples of  Action  on  the  part  of  many,  if  not  most,  of  its  individual 
members.  Each  individual  elector,  however,  has  the  power  to 
act,  and  is  expected  to  act  in  every  period  of  administration. 
The  situation  is  fraught  with  perilous  potentials  and  calls  for  the 
assistance  of  some  means  whereby  the  administrative  sagacity 
and  understanding  of  the  average  elector  can  be  developed  into  a 
capacity  that  will  reasonably  well  supplement  his  power  to  act. 
Our  Forefathers  were  alive  to  the  fact  that  capable  as  well  as 
politically  powerful  Sovereign-units  were  indispensable  to  the 
continuance  of  the  political  regime  which  they  had  established. 
They  selected  Public  Education  as  the  means  whereby  The  Com- 
monwealth could  constantly  provide  itself  with  a  body  of  capable 
and  righteous  electors  (not  merely  prosperous  and  happy  in- 
dividuals, however  desirable  that  might  be)  but  electors,  who, 
when  their  time  came  for  administrative  action,  would  be  actuated 
by  the  truths  enunciated  in  the  Principles  of  The  State  Polity 
both  as  to  the  intent  and  objects  of  action  and  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  such  action  should  be  taken. 

Space  forbids,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  narrate  here  in  detail 
the  failure  of  our  present  educational  effort  to  discharge  the  func- 
tion of  political  education.  Any  of  my  readers  in  any  State  can 
get  a  better  idea  of  the  extent  of  this  failure  than  I  could  possibly 
give  him  within  the  limits  of  a  chapter,  by  looking  at  the  text- 
books that  his  children  use  in  the  schools,  colleges,  and  universities 
of  his  State. 

Now  the  failure  on  the  part  of  the  present  educational  system 
to  produce  capable  Sovereign-units  springs  primarily  from  our 
own  failure  to  act  properly.  No  mere  system  of  action  will  ever 
discharge  its  functions  automatically.  It  must  be  made  to  work 
properly  through  individual  impulse  and  will.  But  we  have 
failed  to  keep  the  cardinal  purpose  of  the  educational  system 
in  view.  We  have  failed  to  continually  impel  our  educational 
agencies  to  the  accomplishment  of  its  prime  function ;  and  through 
our  improper  educational  inaction  we  have  shorn  our  educational 
system  of  its  capacity  to  turn  out  capable  sovereign-units  who  are 
fitted  to  act  the  part  of  independent  freemen.  Through  our 
supineness  in  educational  action  we  fail  to  get  any  marked  political 
advantage  out  of  our  educational  system.     In  fact,  it  is  an  open 


POLITICAL   EDUCATION  385 


question  if  we  do  not  actually  obstruct  our  political  progress; 
for,  relying  upon  our  educational  system  to  turn  out  capable 
sovereign-units,  we  annually  contribute  to  the  acting  sovereign 
a  crop  of  fledgling  first-voters  who  have  received  no  comprehen- 
sive elementary  information  from  the  common  schools  regarding 
the  exercise  of  sovereignty,  and  who  in  thousands  upon  thou- 
sands of  individual  instances  among  those  who  have  been  "  com- 
mitted to  the  care  "  of  our  higher  educational  institutions,  have 
not  only  received  an  unconscious  bent,  but  positive  encourage- 
ment, advice,  and  exhortation  to  use  a  Partizan  Party  as  an  inter- 
mediary in  the  discharge  of  those  moral  sovereign  obligations 
and  citizenship  duties  which  the  Political  Principles  of  The  Com- 
monwealth obligate  each  citizen  to  discharge  and  perform  freely, 
directly,  conscientiously,  and  —  in  the  absence  of  a  compulsory 
law  —  honestly ;  that  is,  according  to  the  professed  Spirit  and 
Intent  of  The  Commonwealth.  We  have  not  kept  our  educa- 
tional system  pure  in  spu-it  and  intent.  We  have  allowed  it  to 
become  overwhelmingly  permeated  with  the  spirit  of  materialism 
and  commercialism.  We  do  not  compel  the  executive  heads  of 
our  higher  educational  institutions  to  be  selected  partly  because 
of  their  preeminence  in  civic  virtue,  political  sagacity,  and  states- 
manship. We  allow  them  to  be  selected  mainly  because  of  their 
superior  ability  to  finance  the  institutions;  and  thus  we  have 
been  insensibly  drawTi  into  allowing  these  institutions  to  pass 
under  the  dominating  power  of  money.  Through  permitting 
these  institutions  to  expand  tremendously  along  lines  of  material 
development  we  have  allowed  them  to  create  a  situation  for 
themselves  where  they  are  now  dependent  for  cash  revenue  upon 
donations  and  endowments  of  hundreds  of  thousands  if  not 
millions  of  dollars  from  single  individuals  who  in  times  of  peace 
could  not  possibly  have  these  sums  to  give  away  unless  they 
had  been  obtained  through  evasions  of  the  spirit,  the  intent, 
and  the  administrative  principles  of  The  Commonwealth.  We 
continue  to  "  commit  "  the  youth  of  the  land  to  the  "  care  of  " 
boards  of  trustees  of  educational  institutions  who  deny  to  the 
members  of  their  educational  staffs  free  speech  that  touches 
upon  improper  current  administrative  procedure,  electoral  action, 
and  official  action.  We  "  commit  them  to  the  care  "  of  institu- 
tions whose  professors  and  presidents  labor  unavailingly  for 
years  to  intelligently  explain  the  relationship  existing  between 
individual  political  freedom  and  individual  political  responsibility ; 
and  which  institutions  speaking  through  theu-  presidents  in  vale- 


386  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 


dictory  addresses,  urge  their  graduates  to  join  a  Partizan  Party 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  average  intelligence  of  "  The  Party  " ; 
and  this,  too,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  any  raise  of  intelli- 
gence in  "  The  Party  "  serves  only  to  make  it  a  still  more  power- 
ful foe  to  the  ideals  of  American  Democracy.  We  "  commit 
them  to  the  care  "  of  institutions  whose  professors  instruct  them 
that  every  Partizan  Party  is  a  law  breaker;  that  a  remedy  for 
the  injustices  and  hardships  of  the  times  is  to  give  these  law 
breakers  a  proportional  representation  in  the  legislatures,  the 
administrative  boards  of  The  State,  and  the  governing  boards 
of  our  municipalities ;  and  then  in  our  beslippered  ease  at  home 
after  a  hard  day  at  golf  many  of  us  croak  despondently  of  the 
inherent  inefficiency  in  a  Representative  Democracy.  In  fact, 
our  folly  appears  to  be  ine^austible.  Having  failed  through 
our  concerted  educational  action  to  contribute  capable  and  jfitted 
sovereign-units  to  the  acting  sovereign,  what  are  we  doing  as 
individuals  towards  this  end?  Why  we  turn  our  new  and  ad- 
ministratively uninformed  sovereign-units  into  the  arena  of 
administrative  action  to  receive  administrative  information  from 
a  Public  Press  that  has  become  most  largely  subsidized  by  The 
Partizan  Party,  to  receive  instructions  from  "  Regular  "  party 
partizans,  who,  "  sticking  close  to  the  American  Eagle  and  their 
dear  native  land,"  contrive  to  create  the  belief  in  their  unsophis- 
ticated listeners  that  the  American  Eagle  would  die  miserably 
unless  it  received  its  nourishment  direct  from  the  hand  of  The 
Partizan  Party  ;  to  be  inculcated  with  the  doctrine  that  "  Partizan 
Party  Regularity  "  is  sublimated  patriotism ;  to  receive  political 
preferment  at  the  hands  of  an  organization  that  rigidly  enforces 
the  partizan  party  price  of  preferment ;  to  have  their  adminis- 
trative enthusiasm  stimulated  at  public  dinners  by  the  inconse- 
quential japery  of  a  wine-filled  Colonel  Buncombe ;  to  have 
their  enthusiasm  for  "  party  action  "  whooped  up  by  outings, 
clambakes,  and  picnics  that  are  gotten  up  by  local  partizan  party 
"Leaders"  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  their  grasp  upon 
prominent  positions  in  the  Party  Managements ;  to  assist  in  the 
"  Chinese  business,"  involving  uniforms  and  parades  that  "  The 
Party  "  organizes  for  the  purpose  of  "  demonstrating  its  strength  " 
before  those  who  wish  to  be  on  the  winning  side ;  to  receive  a 
moral  impulse  from  "  Campaign  lies  "  and  an  intellectual  stimulus 
from  campaign  "  literature."  But  why  recapitulate  the  scores  of 
other  immoral  and  unintelligent  ways  in  which  we  allow  our 
native-born  youth  to  be  initiated  in  administrative  action  ?     It  all 


POLITICAL    EDUCATION  387 

amounts  to  this  in  the  end :  We  thrust  these  innocents  forth  to 
be  converted  into  "  regular  "  members  of  partizan  party  organiza- 
tions; to  be  despoiled  of  honor  and  of  the  exercise  of  volition; 
to  be  made  followers  of  party  patronage-dispensing  men  instead 
of  political  principles  and  ideals;  to  become  baby-kissing  sup- 
pliants for  public  office,  or  buyers  of  "  Blocks-of-Five  " ;  and  we 
transmit  this  method  of  administrative  education  to  our  successors. 

Now  if  upon  operation  our  Representative  Democracy  turns 
out  to  be  inefficient,  wherein  does  that  inefficiency  lie?  Is  the 
inefficiency  inherent  in  the  form  of  government  as  ordained,  or 
in  the  acting  sovereign?  It  is  possible  for  an  efficient  sovereign 
to  make  the  worst  possible  form  of  government  work  benignly 
for  the  people ;  and  there  is  nothing  in  the  form  of  our  State 
Government  that  would  actually  prevent  us  from  possessing  the 
benefits  possible  under  that  form  providing  we  made  it  work 
properly.  The  people  possess  the  power,  and  the  right  to  use 
their  power  according  to  a  system  of  State  management  that  no 
one  can  successfully  maintain  is  unworkable.  If  under  such 
circumstances  inefficiency  exists  to  the  degree  that  premises 
ultimate  administrative  disaster,  then  the  cause  of  the  inefficiency 
must  be  sought  for  in  The  Sovereign.  We  originally  selected 
Public  Education  as  a  means  for  keeping  the  active  sovereign 
administratively  efficient  from  generation  to  generation.  We 
have  failed  to  so  regulate  Public  Education  that  it  would  aid  in 
keeping  up  the  required  standard  of  administrative  efficiency  in 
our  acting  sovereigns.  That  is  the  whole  story  of  our  efforts  as 
far  as  public  education  is  concerned. 

But  besides  recei\'ing  proper  political  instruction,  the  first-voter 
and  the  naturalized  citizen  should  always  have  before  them  the 
example  of  proper  individual  administrative  action.  Supposing 
the  existence  of  proper  political  instruction,  then  the  force  of 
the  theoretical  information  on  this  new  element  in  The  Electorate 
should  be  supplemented  by  our  own  daily  practise  in  maintain- 
ing the  character  and  the  intellectual  capacity  of  The  Electorate. 
But  here  again  we  fail  because  we  have  failed  to  safeguard  the 
performance  of  the  process  of  Naturalization  so  that  it  will  pro- 
duce either  of  these  effects.  We  have  allowed  the  performance 
of  the  process  to  pass  under  the  control  of  The  Partizan  Party. 
Naturally  a  partizan  party  uses  the  process  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  making  partizan  party  voters.  Competency  in  citizenship  is 
not  a  qualification  for  partizan  party  membership.  On  the 
other  hand,  citizenship  and  incompetency  combined  are  the  ideal 


f 


388  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

qualifications.  We  permit  The  Partizan  Party  to  turn  the  part 
of  the  process  that  relates  to  the  competency  of  the  applicant 
into  a  farce;  and  to  our  o:reat  detriment.  J  When  the  immigrant 
reaches  America  he  is  not  met  l)y~3rgnified  and  public-spirited 
representatives  of  The  State  and  instructed  in  the  meanings  of 
the  Principles  of  The  State  Polity,  the  true  obligations  of  American 
Sovereignty,  and  the  true  duties  of  American  Citizenship.  On 
the  contrary  we  allow  the  immigrant  to  pass  immediately  under 
the  influences  of  a  partizan  party  and  to  receive  "  instructions  " 
from  some  minor  partizan  party  hack  who  is  either  as  ignorant 
of  these  matters  as  the  immigrant  is,  or  is  dangerously  contemptu- 
ous of  them.  We  stand  supinely  by  while  every  matter  that  is 
of  vital  consequence  to  the  general  welfare  is  slurred  over  and 
minimized  in  a  distorted  process  that  has  for  its  main  object  the 
securance  of  the  allegiance  of  one  more  subservient  and  dependent 
member  of  a  partizan  party  organization. 

Here  is  no  attempt  on  our  part  to  maintain  either  the  moral 
or  the  intellectual  capacity  of  our  acting  sovereign  through  secur- 
ing a  logical  performance  of  the  administrative  process  that  bears 
most  vitally  on  these  points.  What  are  the  results  of  the  avoid- 
ance of  our  duty  in  this  respect  ?  In  the  first  place,  through  per- 
mitting The  Electorate  to  be  "  stuffed  "  every  year  with  thousands 
of  thoroughly  unqualified  members,  many  of  which  are  too  stupid 
to  realize  the  fraud  on  American  democracy  that  is  involved  in 
their  citizenship,  we  passively  assist  in  lowering  the  intellectual 
capacity  of  our  Sovereign.  In  the  second  place,  we  passively 
assist  in  weakening  the  moral  character  of  our  Sovereign  because 
there  are  also  many  among  those  who  are  "  naturalized  "  by  this 
distorted  process  who  not  only  perceive  the  fraud  but  at  the  same 
time  acquire  a  merited  contempt  for  American  ideals  and  honesty. 

[n  any  experiment  in  democratic  administration,  and  particu- 
larly so  where  comprehensive  rules  governing  the  detail  discharge 
of  the  obligations  of  sovereignty  and  the  duties  of  citizenship  are 
lacking,  individual  political  honesty  (the  disposition  on  the  part 
of  the  individual  to  put  the  Spirit,  the  Intent,  and  the  funda- 
mental Principles  of  the  people  into  daily  application)  becomes  a 
most  important  factor  in  administrative  success.  Honest  ad- 
ministrative action  by  the  individual  sovereign-units  is  the  only 
possible  course  of  action  that  will  enable  the  people  to  put  the 
several  Principles  of  The  State  Polity  into  full  operation,  and 
so  to  determine  whether  their  spirit  and  intent  is  possible  of 
realization,  and  if  so,  whether  the  realization  will  accomplish 


POLITICAL  EDUCATION  389 


that  for  individuals  which  was  originally  hoped  for.  Are  we 
transmitting  to  our  successors  a  legacy  of  honest  individual 
exercise  of  political  prerogative  and  power?  Are  we  not  at 
present  adopting  the  expedient  of  relying  upon  "  Party  "  honesty, 
which,  as  Grover  Cleveland  said,  is  "  Party  expediency  "?  And 
has  not  our  resort  to  expediency  in  this  respect  brought  about  a 
condition  of  affairs  wherein  our  sovereign-units  are  receiving  a 
practical  education  in  expediential  administrative  action  that 
is  gravely  dishonest  in  most  of  its  specific  details?  Even  Ostro- 
gorski,  who  would  make  Fear  the  moving  force  in  a  Democratic 
regime,  and  who  divides  the  democracy  into  two  classes  —  the 
masses  and  the  rulers  —  contends  that  Education  is  the  only 
means  which  will  raise  the  power  of  the  masses  suflSciently  to 
enable  them  to  intimidate  the  rulers  into  giving  the  masses  what 
they  want. 

The  truth  is  plain.  Education  alone  will  increase  the  probability 
of  success  in  any  process,  whether  good  or  bad.  Logical  education 
will  greatly  increase  the  chances  for  success,  and  illogical  edu- 
cation will  greatly  decrease  such  chances.  Unfortunately  the 
success  of  our  governmental  experiment  depends  immediately 
upon  a  logical  exercise  of  political  prerogative  and  power  by  an 
unstable  Electorate.  This  instability  of  our  acting  sovereign 
renders  it  necessary  for  us  to  constantly  maintain  the  moral 
grade  and  intellectual  capacity  of  our  sovereign.  Its  moral  grade 
depends  entirely  upon  the  character  of  its  individual  units ;  and 
this  character  must  depend  most  largely  upon  the  kind  of  political 
education  which  the  units  receive  from  us.  Our  political  spirit 
is  altruistic.  Our  political  intent  is  to  perpetuate  our  political 
regime  and  sovereignty  in  order  to  enable  us  to  make  our  chosen 
kind  of  individual  welfare  permanent.  Individual  welfare  is 
immunity  from  every  form  of  injustice  as  the  same  is  conceived 
by  us.  Such  a  condition  of  individual  existence  will  make  The 
State  strong  and  long  lived.  Consequently  our  educational 
effort  should  reflect  the  spirit,  the  intent,  and  the  character  of  our 
professions,  and  should  give  our  sovereign-units  correct  informa- 
tion regarding  the  kind  of  restraint,  the  extent  of  the  restraint, 
and  the  ordained  manner  of  enforcing  the  restraint  which  The 
Sovereign  has  declared  shall  be  put  upon  the  exercise  of  individual 
power  within  the  limits  of  The  State. 

The  questions  every  American  citizen  should  ask  himself  are 
these :  Does  our  present  educational  effort  in  precept  and  in 
practise  constantly  invigorate  and  strengthen  the  moral  nature 


390  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

of  our  sovereign-units  by  directing  their  attention  to  the  spirit,  the 
intent,  the  immediate  objects  and  the  ultimate  purposes  of  our 
governmental  regime?  Does  it  constantly  work  to  raise  the  in- 
telligence of  our  sovereign-units  into  a  realization  of  the  absolute 
dependence  of  freedom  and  justice  upon  the  use  of  logical  means 
and  methods  for  the  exercise  of  political  power,  and  the  control 
of  the  exercise  of  political  authority?  Does  it  constantly  work 
to  impart  information  concerning  our  administrative  truth  as 
against  opinion?  Has  it  not  failed  in  the  discharge  of  its  po- 
litical function,  and,  worse  than  this,  has  it  not  become  the 
medium  for  imparting  administrative  misinformation?  Are  not 
our  sovereign-units  at  present  instructed  by  it  that  it  is  advis- 
able, if  not  proper,  to  employ  a  partizan  intermediary  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  a  political  prerogative  and  power  that  is  bestowed  upon 
them  to  be  exercised  directly  ?  Is  the  attention  of  our  sovereign- 
units  ever  directed  to  the  all-important  fact  that  our  State  Con- 
stitutions are  lacking  in  a  body  of  provisions  that  would,  were 
they  so  incorporated,  make  expediential  action  illegal  and  not 
merely  dishonest ;  and  which  provisions  would,  were  they  con- 
tained in  the  Constitutions,  at  least  afford  to  each  sovereign-unit 
a  guarantee  of  the  opportunity  to  take  free,  continuous,  direct, 
logical,  and  effective  administrative  action  that  would  in  intent 
at  least  be  supportive  of  our  professed  ideals  and  objects  ?  Does 
our  educational  system  and  effort  impart  accurate  information 
to  the  youth  of  the  native  born  and  of  the  foreign  born  in  the  art 
of  American  Statecraft;  that  is,  in  the  intelligent,  skilful,  and 
logical  exercise  of  political  power  and  political  authority  for  the 
attainment  of  the  professed  objects  of  the  American  Democracies  ? 
Now  Education  is  a  means  for  producing  individual  develop- 
ment. In  every  Democracy,  where  by  reason  of  the  mere  flight 
of  time  individuals  become  vested  wdth  the  exercise  of  Sovereignty, 
political  education  is  a  necessary  means  for  producing  fully 
equipped  political  units.  But  at  present  we  make  no  serious 
effort  to  educate  our  future  sovereign-units  in  American  state- 
craft. We  allow  our  youth  to  reach  the  status  of  an  acting  sover- 
eign with  practically  no  conception  of  American  administrative 
art ;  and  it  is  very  largely  owing  to  our  own  action  in  this  respect 
that  our  present  administrative  action  is  characterized  by  artifice 
and  expedient.  Naturally,  if  we  do  not  continually  keep  before 
our  sovereign-units  the  true  objects  for  v/hich  they  are  to  exercise 
political  power ;  if  we  do  not  instruct  them  concerning  the  manner 
in  and  by  which  that  power  is  to  be  properly  exercised ;  if  we  do 


POLITICAL  EDUCATION  391 

not  keep  alive  in  them  convictions  of  the  obligations  that  accom- 
pany the  individual  exercise  of  political  power,  then  we  have 
failed  to  properly  safeguard  them  against  the  lure  of  artifice, 
besides  leaving  the  opportunity  fully  open  for  them  to  be  drawn 
into  an  expediential  rather  than  a  moral  exercise  of  power. 

The  Youth  of  The  State  of  to-day  become  The  Sovereign  of  to- 
morrow.    Unless  we  fit  them  as  capable  administrative  units,  we 
necessarily  transmit  the  heritage  and  the  fruits  of  administrative 
incapacity  to  our  administrative  successors,  and  through  them 
to  our  own  flesh  and  blood.     Freedom  as  ordained  is  not  a  self- 
maintaining  condition.     It  is  only  through  free  administrative 
action  by  free  men  that  ordained  freedom  can  be  maintained. 
Liberty  as  ordained  is  not  a  self-maintaining  condition.     It  can 
only  be  maintained  through  a  free  and  logical  exercise  of  political 
power  by  free  men.     Equality  as  ordained  is  not  a  self-maintaining 
condition.     It  ceases  to  exist  the  instant  any  sovereign-unit  is 
permitted  to  employ  agencies,  means,  and  methods  that  produce 
an  illogical  exercise  of  political  power  or  of  political  authority. 
Justice  as  ordained  is  not  a  self-maintaining  condition.     It  can 
only    be    maintained    through    maintaining    individual    political 
freedom  as  ordained,  individual  political  equality  as  ordained, 
and  individual  liberty  as  ordained  within  the  limits  of  The  State. 
Precept  and  Example !     Both  are  lacking  in  our  educational 
effort.     But   nevertheless   the   truth   holds   good    that    Political 
Education  by  precept  and  example  is  an  indispensable  requisite 
to  the  continuance  of  our  form  of  Republican  Government.     If 
The  Commonwealth  is  to  contmue  to  exist  long  under  its  present 
form  of  Government,  then  it  must  secure  from  a  majority  of 
its  acting  sovereign  a  logical  exercise  of  political  power  and  a 
logical  control  over  the  exercise  of  political  authority.     Unless 
The  State  possesses  a  logical  and  an  ordained  System  of  Political 
Administration,  it  can  not  secure  a  logical  exercise  of  power  or  of 
control.     If  it  does  not  secure  such  an  exercise  of  such  power  and 
control,  then  it  will  have  an  illogical  exercise  of  power  and  control 
in  some,  many,  or  possibly  all  respects.     If  an  illogical  exercise 
of  power  and  control  obtains,  then  individual  hardships  and  in- 
justices  will    necessarily   result    from    an    improperly   regulated 
exercise  of  individual  power.     If,  with  human  nature  in  its  present 
stage  of  development,  The  State  does  not  direct  the  energies  of 
its  individuals  in  the  ordained  direction,  they  will  naturally  seek 
satisfaction  in  unordained  and  therefore  politically  wrong  direc- 
tions.    If  personal  injustices  become  prevalent  and  rife  in  The 


392  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Commonwealth,  then  emotional  unrest  will  follow.  If  the  hard- 
ships and  injustices  be  not  speedily  rectified,  then  disorder  will 
follow,  and  possibly  political  disruption. 

How  else  than  through  Political  Education  will  The  State  ever 
be  able  to  make  the  majority  of  the  people  realize  that  the  only 
possible  way  in  which  the  Principles  of  The  State  Polity  can  be 
made  fully  operative  is  through  ordaining  a  System  of  Adminis- 
trative Action  under  which  it  is  not  only  possible  for  each  sovereign- 
unit  to  put  these  principles  into  full  operation  in  every  step,  stage, 
and  process  of  political  administration,  but  that  will  also  actually 
enable  every  public-spirited  sovereign-unit  to  speedily  and  suc- 
cessfully invoke  the  whole  power  of  The  State  to  compel  from 
every  other  sovereign-unit  a  logical  exercise  of  political  power, 
and  a  logical  exercise  of  political  authority  in  every  oflSce  and 
every  official  position  ? 

The  Strength  of  Deviocracy.  Wherever  the  people  attempt  to 
administer  government  as  ordained,  the  educational  system  should 
be  made  a  constituent  part  of  their  system  of  administration. 
Considered  as  a  working  political  regime.  Democracy  is  inherently 
strong  in  one  respect  and  inherently  weak  in  another.  The 
inherent  strength  of  Democracy  proceeds  in  part  from  its  basic 
principle  of  self-preservation,  which  removes  many  of  the  causes 
of  revolutionary  action  by  individuals.  The  people  govern,  and 
all  are  presumed  to  have  a  common  desire  to  retain  the  exercise 
of  the  power  to  govern.  Considered  as  The  Sovereign,  the  people 
are  not  likely  to  revolt  against  themselves. 

The  Weakness  of  Democracy.  The  inherent  weakness  of  De- 
mocracy lies  in  The  Sovereign,  and  proceeds  from  the  inherent 
civic  weakness  of  the  Sovereign-units.  Every  democracy  is 
bound  to  contain  some  individually  powerful  units  who  will  strive 
constantly  to  have  the  sovereign  do  this,  that,  and  the  other 
thing  that  is  to  their  owti  selfish  advantage.  Never  yet  has  a 
democracy  existed  which  for  any  great  length  of  time  possessed 
a  body  of  sovereign-units  amounting  in  number  to  more  than  a 
majority  who  perceived  and  believed  that  it  was  for  their  own 
welfare,  for  the  welfare  of  all,  and  for  the  permanency  of  The 
State  to  have  justice  as  ordained  administered  throughout  the 
body  politic.  Consequently,  past  democracies  have  not  pos- 
sessed the  great  moving  power  that  was  necessary  to  maintain 
themselves  permanently  as  bodies  politic. 

But  besides  the  inherent  weakness  that  is  common  to  all  forms 
of  democracy,  the  American  form  is  conspicuously  weak  in  another 


POLITICAL   EDUCATION  393 

respect.  Its  administrative  system  contains  no  provisions  making 
it  obligatory  for  The  Sovereign  to  constantly  instil  the  sense  of, 
the  love  of,  and  the  desire  for  justice  as  ordained  in  every  Sovereign- 
unit  of  the  successive  generations  that  compose  The  State.  If  the 
administration  of  justice  as  ordained  will  produce  the  individual 
welfare  and  happiness  promised  by  the  collective  sovereign,  then 
the  system  of  administration  should  be  such  as  will  oblige  the 
people  —  the  collective  sovereign  —  to  instruct  every  one  of  its 
units  and  prospective  units  that  it  is  not  only  the  unit's  duty  but 
to  his  ultimate  welfare  to  have  justice  administered  as  ordained. 
A  man  will  work  for  that  which  he  conceives  is  for  his  own  welfare. 
A  body  of  men  who  work  for  what  they  conceive  is  for  the  common 
welfare  constitutes  the  only  source  from  which  democratic  political 
power  can  issue  to  compel  the  production  of  the  common  welfare 
and  the  welfare  of  The  State. 

The  collective  sovereigns  of  the  past  were  weak  in  civic  virtue. 
Those  of  the  present  betray  the  same  weakness.  Consequently, 
this  weakness  always  has  been  and  now  is  transmitted  from  one 
generation  of  sovereign-units  to  another.  Plainly,  the  prime 
requisite  to  righteous  administration  by  a  collective  sovereign  is 
an  ever  increasing  amount  of  civic  virtue  in  the  sovereign-units ; 
and,  unless  the  sovereign  secures  this  increase  tlu"ough  the  aid  of 
Political  Education,  it  is  bound  to  find  itself  involved  unceasingly 
in  administrative  difficulties  because  of  the  constant  succession 
of  deviations  from  ordained  moral  action  on  the  part  of  many 
of  its  own  units. 

Finally,  in  a  commonwealth  where  administrative  action  is  not 
regulated  adequately  and  comprehensively,  the  main  educational 
effort  should  be  expended  in  producing  public-spirited  sovereign- 
units  ;  for  otherwise  general  education  will  serve  but  to  make  a 
large  part  of  the  sovereign-units  still  more  skilful  and  adept  in 
the  evasion  of  the  true  spirit,  intent,  desire,  and  principles  of  the 
people. 


CHAPTER   XXIII 
THE   SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL  ADMINISTRATION 

"  American  Representative  Democracy."  From  what  has  been 
said  regarding  the  County  System,  the  Township  System,  and  the 
Compromise  System  of  Local  Self-government,  the  reader  will 
have  grasped  the  idea  that  there  are  at  least  three  distinct  kinds  of 
representative  democracies  in  the  United  States. 

Any  one  unacquainted  with  the  facts  in  the  matter  would 
naturally  suppose  that  the  county  system  States  would  all  use 
practically  the  same  system  of  political  administration.  It  would 
be  natural  to  suppose  the  same  thing  in  reference  to  the  compromise 
system  States. 

But  such  is  not  the  case.  Each  county  system  State  and  each 
compromise  system  State  has  its  own  distinctive  body  of  provisions 
under  which  it  attempts  to  produce  satisfactory  administrative 
action ;  and  when  we  compare  these  systems  and  perceive  the 
existing  differences  between  fundamental  ideas,  between  system 
details,  and  in  the  administrative  results  that  are  produced  by  each, 
then  the  significant  fact  appears  that  there  are  at  least  some  forty- 
odd  varieties  or  modifications  of  Representative  Democracy  in  the 
United  States,  each  of  which  is  producing  administrative  results 
that  are  distinctly  different  in  many  respects  from  the  results  that 
are  produced  in  the  other  States. 

All  of  the  States  are  alike  in  two  respects ;  namely,  the  lack  of  a 
logical  and  comprehensive  system  of  administrative  action,  and  the 
dominance  of  The  Partizan  Party  over  Electoral  Action  and 
Official  Action  ;  but  outside  of  the  New  England  States,  and  with 
reference  solely  to  the  fundamental  ideas  of  administrative  action, 
wide  dissimilarity  exists  in  the  provisions  which  regulate  the  detail 
exercise  of  The  Powers  of  Administration.  The  Civil  Rights,  the 
Political  Rights,  the  Political  Freedom,  and  even  the  Liberties  of 
the  individual  are  not  the  same  throughout  the  States.  The 
systems  for  the  administration  of  justice  differ.     Justice  itself  in 

394 


THE   SYSTEM  OF   POLITICAL   ADMINISTRATION     395 

one  State  is  different  from  justice  in  another ;  and,  considered  as  a 
single  political  phenomenon,  each  State  stands  forth  as  a  variant 
form  of  American  Representative  Democracy. 

But  nevertheless  the  people  of  each  State  have  at  the  outset  of 
state  existence  invariably  protested  their  allegiance  to  abstract 
Democracy  as  the  only  proper  system  of  Government,  and  each 
separate  Commonwealth  is  attempting  to  work  out  practically 
the  same  administrative  problems  under  practically  the  same 
broad  principles  of  democratic  action.  Each  Commonwealth 
employs  the  same  political  agencies ;  namely.  The  Electorate  and 
The  Government.  Each  professes  adherence  to  the  doctrines  of 
Majority  Rule,  Political  Representation,  and  Political  Responsi- 
bility. Each  Commonwealth  has  ordained  the  maintenance 
within  its  territorial  limits  of  several  conditions  of  individual 
existence  and  each  has  set  about  this  task  in  practically  the  same 
way ;  that  is,  through  the  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of 
Administration  by  its  individual  electors,  and  through  the  exercise 
of  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  by  some  of  the  electors 
who  have  been  selected  and  chosen  for  that  purpose. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  each  American  Commonwealth 
may  differ  somewhat  —  and  in  some  instances  quite  materially  — 
from  the  political  structure  of  the  other  Commonwealths,  never- 
theless the  ultimate  object  of  each  is  the  mamtenance  within  its 
limits  of  what  it  calls  individual  Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality,  and 
Justice. 

In  order  to  more  clearly  appreciate  the  extent  to  which  correct 
administrative  action  on  the  part  of  any  State  is  dependent  upon 
the  establishment  and  use  of  a  correct  system  of  political  admin- 
istration, let  us  briefly  recapitulate  the  main  ideas  concerning 
administrative  action  which  we  attempt  to  put  into  effectual 
operation. 

The  Status  of  Individual  Liberty.  Remembering  what  has  been 
said  concerning  individual  liberty  in  Chapters  II,  III,  and  X,  it  is 
sufficient  for  the  present  to  say  that  the  particular  condition  of 
individual  liberty  which  each  Commonwealth  has  decided  to 
maintain  is  believed  to  afford  the  greatest  opportunity  for  indi- 
vidual development  and  human  progress. 

Being  generally  desired,  it  has  been  broadly  described  and 
ordained  into  existence  as  an  individual  status  when  Government 
was  established.  The  individual  status  may  differ  in  detail  in  the 
various  States,  but  if  each  State  works  out  its  particular  idea  of 
individual  liberty  in  a  logical  manner,  then  it  will  be  possible  for 


396  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

intelligent  individuals  to  determine  which  particular  idea  of  liberty- 
is  best  adapted  to  individual  development  and  human  progress. 

The  Status  of  Individual  Freedom.  It  is  also  generally  believed 
that  the  ordained  status  of  individual  liberty  can  be  maintained 
properly  only  through  an  absolutely  free  and  continuous  exercise 
of  The  Supreme  Power  of  The  State  by  the  individuals  who  com- 
pose The  State.  The  exercise  of  this  power  in  this  manner  is 
therefore  bestowed  upon  the  freemen  who  compose  The  State, 
and  the  status  of  individual  political  freedom  is  broadly  described 
and  ordained  into  existence  when  Government  is  established. 
The  permanence  of  the  status  of  individual  liberty  is  believed  to 
depend  upon  the  continuous  maintenance  of  the  status  of  individual 
freedom. 

Free  Government.  Free  Government,  considered  as  the  means 
for  preserving  ordained  status,  is  the  orderly,  logical,  continuous, 
and  effectual  self-maintenance  of  the  ordained  status  of  a  commu- 
nity and  of  its  individuals.  But  it  is  obvious  that  before  it  will  be 
possible  for  the  people  of  a  state  to  obtain  orderly,  logical,  con- 
tinuous, and  effectual  individual  action  in  this  effort,  it  will  be 
necessary  for  the  people  to  construct  and  use  a  system  of  action 
that  will  enable  The  State  to  compel  the  kind  of  action  it  desires 
from  its  individuals,  and  that  the  work  of  constructing  such  a 
system  is  properly  a  part  of  the  work  of  establishing  Government. 
/  Political  Action.  All  action  that  is  taken  by  the  people  of  a 
state  either  in  establishing  status,  or  in  maintaining  it  afterwards, 
is  commonly  called  political  action ;  but  it  is  also  plain  that  part  of 
this  action  should  be  carefully  distinguished  as  administrative  action. 

The  Electorate.  The  exercise  of  the  maintaining  power  and  of  the 
compelling  power  is,  in  the  American  Commonwealths,  given  to  a 
specially  selected  class  called  The  Electorate ;  that  is,  the  voting 
class.  In  some  States  The  Electorate  is  wholly  composed  of  men, 
and  in  others  it  is  not ;  but  be  this  as  it  may,  the  preservation 
of  the  ordained  status  of  the  individual  depends  most  largely  upon 
the  preservation  of  the  integrity  of  The  State  and  of  its  acting 
Sovereign ;  and  the  special  knowledge  concerning  these  particular 
matters  is  supposedly  confined  to  the  wisest  and  most  capable  in 
The  Commonwealth  who  are  constituted  as  The  Electorate. 
After  the  objects,  principles,  form,  and  frame  of  Government  have 
been  ordained,  then  The  Electorate  must  administer  Government 
as  Established. 

Political  Administration.  Political  Administration  is  the  or- 
derly, logical,  continuous,  and  effectual  application  of  the  Prin- 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL   ADMINISTRATION     397 

ciples  of  The  State  Polity  in  the  management  of  the  affairs  of 
The  Community  and  of  its  individuals. 

The  Government.  The  Electorate  is  to  be  assisted  in  the  work  of 
political  administration  by  a  smaller  body  of  electors  called  The 
Government.  The  exercise  of  the  maintaining  and  of  the  compel- 
ling power  of  The  Commonwealth  is  thus  divided  between  The 
Electorate  and  The  Government.  Broadly  speaking,  this  division 
creates  two  kinds  of  administrative  action ;  namely,  electoral 
administrative  action  and  official  administrative  action.  Theo- 
retically, all  administrative  action,  whether  electorate,  official,  or 
individual,  is  to  be  taken  in  strict  accord  with  the  ordained  Prin- 
ciples of  The  State  Polity. 

Composition  of  the  Government.  The  assisting  agency  of  The 
Electorate  is  to  be  composed  of  individual  electors  who  are  to  be 
freely  and  directly  selected  by  and  from  The  Electorate. 

Administrative  Policy.  The  general  course  of  administrative 
action  is  to  be  freely  and  directly  determined  by  The  Electorate 
acting  for  the  people. 

Administrative  Impulse.  Impulse  to  official  action  is  to  be 
freely  and  directly  imparted  by  and  from  Electorate  Action  that  is 
taken  for  this  purpose. 

Administrative  Control.  Official  administrative  action  is  to  be 
freely  and  directly  controlled  by  The  Electorate  acting  for  the 
people. 

Electoral  Administrative  Action.  For  reasons  already  set  forth, 
logical  action  by  individual  electors  can  only  be  had  when  their 
action  is  both  free  and  direct.  Electoral  Administrative  Action 
consists  therefore  of  a  free  and  direct  exercise  by  individual  electors 
of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration. 

Function  of  The  Government.  The  specific  work  of  The  Govern- 
ment, considered  as  an  assisting  agency  of  The  Electorate,  is  to 
assist  The  Electorate  to  maintain  the  ordained  status  of  The 
Commonwealth  and  of  its  individuals  in  peace  and  in  war.  Con- 
sidered as  a  collective  body  of  a  distinct  composition  as  to  members, 
The  Government  only  acts  during  one  period  of  administration. 
Its  detail  work  is  : 

To  provide  the  necessary  means  for  maintaining  the  organized 
State  and  to  defray  the  cost  of  political  administration. 

To  act  in  certain  respects  as  the  contractual  agency  of  the 
people  in  their  dealings  with  other  bodies  politic,  and,  whenever 
necessary,  as  their  belligerent  agency. 

To  provide  rules  of  detail  administrative  action  for  The  Common- 


398  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

wealth  and  for  its  individual  Sovereign-units  whereby  Public 
Opinion  shall  be  made  practically  operative ;  and  to  provide  rules 
for  the  detail  exercise  of  individual  power  along  lines  of  social  and 
economic  effort.  These  rules  are  called  Statutory  Laws,  or 
Statutes.  They  are  to  be  consistent  with  the  spirit  of  the  people ; 
that  is,  with  the  intent  of  the  people  as  originally  expressed  in  their 
ordained  principles  of  association  and  of  action. 

To  apply  and  to  enforce  a  uniform  application  of  Fundamental 
and  of  Statutory  Law. 

To  settle  all  controversies  concerning  the  consistency  of  Statutes ; 
to  settle  all  disputes  that  are  brought  before  it  for  determination 
concerning  individual  action  that  is  taken  either  under  the  Law  of 
The  State  or  without  its  sanction ;  and  to  enforce  its  decrees. 

Official  Administrative  Action.  For  reasons  already  given,  official 
administrative  action  consists  in  the  free  and  direct  exercise  of  The 
Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  by  the  elected  public  officials 
and  representatives. 

Character  of.  All  public  officials  and  representatives  are  gov- 
erned in  their  action  by  exactly  the  same  principles  of  action  as 
those  which  govern  The  Electorate  in  its  action.  The  public 
official  and  the  representative  does  not  cease  to  be  an  elector  when 
he  is  elected  to  office.  He  is  merely  asked  to  sacrifice  his  individual 
welfare  for  the  time  being  to  the  welfare  of  The  State  and  of  its 
combined  individuals.  He  is  not  released  from  the  obligation  to 
take  official  action  in  accordance  with  the  accredited  principles  of 
Democratic  Action. 

While  the  people  and  The  Electorate  are  two  different  bodies, 
nevertheless,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  The  Will  of  The  People 
into  practical  operation,  the  people  act  by  and  through  The 
Electorate;  and  The  Government  is  nothing  but  the  authorized 
administrative  agency  of  The  Electorate.  Having  no  free  choice 
as  to  its  line  of  action,  its  offices  being  filled  and  its  members  being 
selected,  animated,  directed,  and  controlled  by  and  through 
electorate  action,  The  Government,  considered  as  a  subordinate 
administrative  agency,  merely  exercises  the  authority  of  a  special 
agency  ;  and,  so  considered,  all  of  its  acts  are  ministerial  in  nature. 

The  Status  of  Freedom.  Freedom,  as  originally  conceived  when 
Government  was  established,  means  immunity  of  the  individual 
from  oppressive  administrative  action. 

Permanency  of  Statv-s.  Freedom,  as  ordained,  rests  upon  an 
agreement  of  individual  wills  which  at  the  outset  of  political 
administration  enunciates  the  principles  of  individual  existence 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL   ADMINISTRATION     399 

and  of  political  action  within  the  body  politic ;  and,  calling  to  mind 
all  that  has  been  said  before,  two  facts  must  appear ;  namely,  first, 
that  the  permanence  of  the  stated  form  of  freedom  depends  imme- 
diately upon  absolutely  free,  direct,  continuous,  and  consistent 
administrative  action  by  individual  electors,  whether  they  are  in  or 
out  of  The  Government ;  and  second,  that  the  possibility  of  this 
kind  of  action  will  depend  upon  whether  The  Commonwealth 
has  and  uses  a  system  of  administrative  action  under  which  it  can 
compel  mdividual  electors,  however  acting,  to  take  this  kind  of 
action. 

Without  such  a  sj^stem.  The  Electorate  acting  for  the  people 
can  not  obtain  and  retain  political  leadership  in  electoral  action  or 
statesmanship  in  official  action ;  or  properly  form,  ascertain,  and 
express  its  opinion  as  to  administrative  action ;  or  obtain  and 
retain  the  chosen  form  of  political  representation  ;  or  justly  decide 
what  is  responsible  action  either  from  electors  or  from  officials, 
whether  either  are  acting  individually  or  collectively  with  others. 
But  the  one  supreme  reason  for  the  existence  of  a  comprehensive, 
logical,  and  mandatory  system  of  political  administration  remains 
to  be  told.  Unless  a  Free  People,  whose  continuance  in  freedom 
depends  upon  their  own  political  action,  have  a  system  which 
compels  proper  individual  action,  then  the  ability  of  The  State 
to  keep  individual  action  forever  free  is  weakened,  and  an  oppor- 
tunity is  presented  for  the  adoption  of  a  kind  of  administrative 
action  that  is  not  in  accordance  with  its  original  principles  of 
association. 

The  American  Commonwealths  have  never  possessed  such  a 
system.  All  they  ever  had  at  the  outset  was  an  outline  of  one 
which  merely  called  for  the  use  of  The  Electorate  and  The  Govern- 
ment, and  loosely  indicated  how  the  ballots  of  individuals  were  to 
be  cast.  The  undesirable  opportunity  was  always  present;  and, 
almost  from  the  first  attempts  at  administration,  each  Common- 
wealth ceased  to  confine  itself  to  the  use  of  the  two  ordained 
Political  Agencies.  From  the  standpoint  of  political  capacity, 
this  action  seems  incredible,  but  a  glance  at  the  conditions  under 
which  our  State  Governments  were  formed  and  forced  into  action 
may  serve  to  soothe  our  wounded  pride. 

The  administrative  situation  of  the  people  of  the  thirteen  original 
States  in  177(3  and  the  administrative  situation  of  the  original 
Puritan  settlers  of  Massachusetts  in  1630  were  alike  in  this  one 
respect ;  namely,  in  neither  instance  did  the  people  have  an  adequate 
body  of  administrative  law.     Force  of  circumstances  compelled  the 


400  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Puritans  to  emigrate  before  devising  such  a  body  of  law,  and  force 
of  circumstances  pushed  the  people  of  the  original  States  into  self- 
administration  before  such  a  body  of  law  had  been  devised. 

As  for  the  Puritans,  they  lived  along  for  eleven  years  without 
laws  which  adequately  prescribed  electoral  action,  or  oflScial 
action,  or  which  definitely  determined  individual  rights  under  their 
new  regime.  Being  without  an  ordained  rule  of  administrative 
action,  the  body  of  settlers  were  unable  to  make  their  Will  effectual 
in  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  Colony ;  and  every  student 
of  their  political  history'  will  remember  that  during  this  time  there 
was  a  constant  clash  of  opinion ;  that  there  were  constant  dis- 
putes between  individuals  and  between  individuals  and  officials ; 
that  agreement,  harmony,  and  united  action  became  impossible ; 
that  "  individual  rights  and  liberties  were  considered  precarious  " ; 
and  that  this  condition  of  affairs  continued  until  a  statement  of 
the  "  Body  of  Liberties  "  was  finally  passed  by  the  people  in  1641. 

During  the  succeeding  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  years  the 
King,  and  Parliament,  succeeded  in  destroying  as  much  of  the 
political  powers  of  the  American  Colonists  as  possible  and  in 
putting  the  Colonies  in  a  dependent  position ;  consequently,  when 
Independence  came  on  with  a  rush  in  1776,  it  placed  the  people  of 
the  States  in  much  the  same  position  that  hurried  emigration  had 
placed  the  Puritan  settlers  in ;  that  is,  it  widened  the  field  of  polit- 
ical action  in  the  States  before  a  body  of  law  existed  which  regu- 
lated such  action ;  and  thus  it  came  about  that  when  the  Common- 
wealths assumed  the  responsibility  of  self-government,  none  of  them 
had  a  comprehensive  and  adequate  system  for  forming,  ascertain- 
ing, expressing,  applying,  and  enforcing  The  Will  of  The  People, 
or  for  accomplishing  logically  all  of  the  various  steps,  stages,  and 
processes  of  free  political  administration.  Up  to  the  time  when 
Independence  was  asserted,  the  people  of  the  Colonies  were  organ- 
ized under  a  Colonial  Form  of  Government  and  were  forced  to  act 
as  measurably  dependent  Colonies.  With  the  assumption  of 
Independence,  how^ever,  the  whole  plan  of  administrative  action 
was  changed.  The  People  were  to  fill  all  administrative  offices, 
and  were  to  animate,  direct,  and  control  the  action  of  their  repre- 
sentatives in  public  office.  Their  Will  alone  was  to  be  the  moving 
and  controlling  force  in  political  administration  ;  and  the  reader  can 
perceive  the  unfortunate  position  in  which  the  Commonwealths 
were  placed  through  acquiring  political  independence  before  they 
were  fully  prepared  for  it ;  for,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
proper  political  administration  depends  most  largely  upon  proper 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL   ADMINISTRATION     401 

Electoral  Action,  the  Commonwealths  were  forced  by  the  push  of 
events  into  administering  Government  without  constitutional  or 
even  statutory  provisions  that  would  enable  The  State  to  keep  the 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  in  the  hands  of 
the  electors,  or  which  would  enable  The  Electorate  to  effectually 
control  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration. 

Requisites  of  an  Administrative  System :  Theoretically,  at  the 
birth  of  every  Representative  Democracy  the  people  exercise  a 
choice  between  fundamental  laws,  governmental  objects,  admin- 
istrative agencies,  and  administrative  systems. 

The  alternative  choice  which  is  presented  to  the  people  when  they 
are  considering  or  constructing  their  administrative  system  is  solely 
a  choice  between  logical  and  expediential  means  and  methods  for 
the  exercise  of  the  Powers  of  Administration. 

Specifically,  these  means  and  methods  relate  to  the  exercise  of 
political  power  for  its  specific  objects,  and  to  the  exercise  of  political 
authority  for  its  specific  objects. 

Theoretically,  the  choice  between  the  different  kinds  of  adminis- 
trative means  and  methods  is  to  be  determined  through  a  considera- 
tion of  the  underlying  principles  of  association,  principles  of  action, 
and  objects  of  action.  In  other  words,  the  choice  should  be  deter- 
mined by  a  reference  to  the  first  principles,  the  political  principles, 
and  the  governmental  objects  which  the  people  have  ordained. 

Theoretically,  these  means  and  methods  should  be  of  a  kind  that 
will  enable  the  people  to  put  all  of  their  principles  into  full  operation 
in  the  political,  economic,  and  social  effort  of  the  individual. 

The  people  of  the  American  Commonwealths  have  never 
exhausted  their  Powers  of  Establishment ;  that  is,  they  have 
never  at  the  outset  of  government  constructed  a  logical  and  com- 
prehensive system  of  administration.  But  nevertheless  what  they 
did  do  in  this  respect  is  sufficient  to  show  that  they  intended  to  have 
their  administrative  systems  composed  of  means  and  methods  of  a 
kind  that  when  used  together  would  enable  The  Commonwealth 
to  secure  a  direct,  united,  continuous,  and  effectual  exercise  of 
The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  from  and  by  all  of  the 
electors,  and  a  direct,  continuous,  and  responsible  exercise  of  The 
Delegated  Powers  of  Administration  from  and  by  individual 
officials  and  representatives  in  The  Government.  The  power  to 
determine  the  Administrative  Policy  during  a  period  of  admin- 
istration ;  to  select  and  to  choose  candidates  for  elective  office  and 
for  the  legislature ;  to  direct  and  to  control  the  action  of  The 
Government ;  to  enforce  responsible  action  from  electors,  officials, 


402  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

and  representatives,  are  powers  the  theoretical  exercise  of  which 
belongs  exclusively  to  the  people.  We  have,  however,  entrusted 
the  direct  exercise  of  these  powers  (and  others)  to  The  Electorate. 
We  must  therefore  conclude  that  the  exercise  of  these  powers 
belongs  exclusively  to  the  individuals  who  compose  The  Electorate, 
and  that  The  Electorate  acts  as  the  political  trustee  of  the  people. 

Testing  these  powers  of  administration  by  the  spirit,  the  intent, 
the  obligations  of  the  people  and  their  principles  of  Democratic 
Action,  we  have  found  in  the  first  place  that  they  each  and  all  are 
powers  that  must  be  continuously  exercised  by  the  individuals  who 
compose  The  Electorate  —  the  body  that  is  the  Common  Superior 
of  its  three-branched  administrating  agency,  The  Government; 
secondly,  we  have  found  that  they  must  be  exercised  freely  by  the 
individuals  who  compose  The  Electorate ;  and  thirdly,  we  have 
found  that  the  exercise  of  these  powers  can  not  be  logically  or 
morally  transferred  or  delegated  by  such  individuals,  the  reason 
being  that  if  these  powers  are  not  so  exercised,  or  if  such  delegated 
exercise  is  allowed  to  take  place,  then  The  Sovereign  immediately 
loses  its  ability  to  make  its  Will  operative  upon  all  of  its  Sovereign- 
units  and  upon  its  administrative  servants  so  long  as  the  misuse  or 
the  illogical  transfer  remains  operative.  The  Sovereign  has  the 
right,  and  has  created  the  power  by  which,  to  make  its  Will 
operative.  At  the  outset  it  has  the  ability  to  do  so.  But  whether, 
under  its  scheme  of  administrative  action,  it  continues  to  retain 
this  ability  will  depend  most  largely  upon  the  character  and  kind 
of  means  and  methods  of  which  its  administrative  system  is 
composed. 

Electoral  Requisites.  A  certain  degree  of  intelligence  is  required 
of  electors  in  order  to  maintain  in  society  the  individual  Freedom, 
Liberty,  Equality,  and  Justice  as  ordained.  They  must  also 
possess  a  certain  degree  of  moral  development,  sufficient  at  least 
to  enable  them  to  understand  the  meanings  of  their  first  principles, 
the  spirit  and  intent  of  the  people,  and  to  recognize  and  feel  their 
responsibilities  as  units  of  the  Collective  Sovereign.  As  far  as 
possible,  the  "  Power  to  Govern  "  which  individual  electors  have 
acquired  in  one  way  or  another  must  be  equaled  by  their  mental 
and  moral  capacities.  These  must  be  continually  sustained,  invig- 
orated, and  developed  in  order  to  fit  the  people  to  deal  under- 
standingly  with  the  ever  changing  economic  conditions  in  society, 
for  political  administration  must  keep  pace  with  economic  develop- 
ment or  individual  hardships  and  injustices  will  be  the  result. 
Possessing  liberty,  that  is,  being  economically  free,  individuals 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL   ADMINISTRATION     403 

must  be  imbued  with  civic  virtue,  or,  as  we  call  it,  "  Public  Spirit  "  ; 
for  unless  all  individuals  while  exercising  political  power  or  political 
authority  act  in  a  public-spirited  manner,  then  the  ordained 
liberties  in  the  exercise  of  individual  power  will  stand  in  danger  of 
impairment  or  extinction. 

But  most  important  of  all,  having  originally  been  ordained  as 
'politically  free,  the  individual  electors  must  remain  politically  free  ; 
for,  in  order  to  secure  the  necessary  stability  and  effectiveness  in 
political  administration,  this  one  prime  necessity  exists ;  namely, 
the  continuous,  absolute,  and  unrestrained  freedom  of  the  indi- 
vidual elector  while  engaged  in  the  formation  and  expression  of 
his  administrative  desire  and  will.  Political  Administration  may 
become  perverted  in  any  of  its  steps,  stages,  and  processes ;  but 
unless  all  individual  electors  possess  the  opportunity  for  an 
absolutely  free  exercise  of  volition  and  political  prerogative,  it  will 
necessarily  be  perverted  at  its  source;  and,  whether  after  Govern- 
ment is  established,  individual  electors  possess  the  requisite  oppor- 
tunity or  not,  will  depend  upon  the  character  and  adequacy  of  the 
administrative  system  m  use. 

It  may  be  objected  that  an  electorate  composed  of  thoroughly 
qualified  electors  does  not  exist.  The  claim  is  true ;  but  on  the 
other  hand,  it  does  not  have  to  exist  in  order  to  produce  logical 
political  administration.  All  that  is  necessary  in  a  Representative 
Democracy  is  the  existence  of  a  majority  in  the  electorate,  the 
individuals  of  which  are  properly  qualified  and  morally  motived ; 
and  I  doubt  that  any  of  my  readers  will  seriously  insist  that  such  a 
majority,  given  the  opportunity  to  act  logically,  would  not  be 
found  at  present  in  every  American  Commonwealth. 

Orderly  Administrative  Action.  As  said  before,  the  people 
attempt  to  make  their  will  operative  in  political  administration 
through  a  regular  succession  of  moves  that  are  made  over  and  over 
again  in  the  succeeding  periods  of  administration,  the  exercise  of 
political  power  for  one  specific  purpose  clearing  the  situation,  as  it 
were,  for  the  exercise  of  power  for  the  next  succeeding  purpose. 
Broadly  speaking,  every  successive  exercise  of  political  power  has 
for  its  ultimate  object,  first,  the  issuance  of  a  command  regarding 
the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration;  and 
second,  the  placing  of  The  Electorate  in  the  position  where  it  can 
rigidly  and  justly  control  the  exercise  of  those  powers. 

Amount  of  Administrative  Work.  A  glance  at  the  chapter  titles 
from  Chapter  V  to  Chapter  XXII  inclusive  will  serve  to  indicate 
some  of  the  specific  purposes  for  which  the  Powers  of  x\dministra- 


404  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

tion  are  to  be  used.  The  amount  of  administrative  work  is  tre- 
mendous ;  but,  as  said  in  Chapter  I,  it  is  the  price  which  the  people 
must  pay  for  the  maintenance  of  their  ordained  conditions  of 
individual  existence. 

Object  of.  Individual  liberties  as  ordained  by  Representative 
Democracies  are  entirely  dependent  for  continuance  upon  the 
administrative  action  of  individuals.  This  kind  of  action  requires 
strict  regulation.  Common  prudence  requires  The  Common- 
wealth to  appraise  its  ever  changing  and  increasing  Sovereign- 
units  of  their  obligations  and  duties.  Theoretically,  this  notice 
is  served  in  the  form  of  an  established  body  of  administrative  laws 
by  which  the  individual  elector  is  bound  while  in  the  exercise  of 
political  administrative  power,  and  by  which  the  public  official  or 
representative  is  bound  while  in  the  exercise  of  political  authority. 
These  laws,  relating  as  they  do  to  the  exercise  of  political  power 
and  of  authority,  should  completely  regulate  every  administrative 
action,  whether  taken  in  an  electoral  or  in  an  official  capacity. 
The  function  of  these  laws  is  to  distinctly  prescribe  the  means  and 
the  methods,  or  both,  by  which  all  of  The  Powers  of  Administration 
are  to  be  exercised  ;  and  the  rules  should  have  but  one  end  in  view  ; 
namely,  to  make  The  Will  of  The  People  (and  nothing  else)  fully 
operative  in  the  administrative  action  of  The  Commonwealth. 

As  to  Individual  Rights.  No  matter  how  glorious  the  principles 
which  underly  our  attempt  at  self-government,  no  matter  how 
fair  our  form  of  government,  the  benefits  and  happiness  which  are 
supposed  to  flow  to  individuals  from  its  administration  can  never 
be  secured  (and  consequently  can  never  be  transmitted  to  the 
succeeding  generations  that  compose  The  State)  unless  the  system 
by  which  it  is  administered  enables  individuals  to  put  the  full 
meaning  and  intent  of  the  principles  into  active  operation  in  every 
step,  stage,  and  process  of  administration,  for  the  use  of  an 
illogical  system  of  application  must  necessarily  produce  illogical 
results.  The  happiness  of  the  individual  in  the  American  Com- 
monwealths proceeds  in  part  from  the  fact  that  he  has  been  declared 
to  possess  certain  political  and  civil  rights.  The  continuance  of 
this  kind  of  happiness  depends  entirely  upon  his  continued  posses- 
sion and  exercise  of  these  rights.  Both  classes  of  rights  have  been 
created  and  bestowed  in  the  same  way ;  that  is,  by  political  action 
on  the  part  of  the  people ;  and  the  exercise  of  political  power  has 
been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  individual  to  enable  him,  when 
acting  with  others  as  the  Collective  Sovereign,  to  protect  individual 
units  in  the  possession  of  these  rights  and  to  provide  individual 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL  ADMINISTRATION     405 

units  with  the  opportunity  for  constantly  using  them.  Between 
civil  or  political  rights  there  is  no  difference  in  principle  concerning 
the  manner  in  which  they  can  be  made  effectual,  and  the  first  step 
towards  making  them  effectual  is  the  construction  by  the  Acting 
Sovereign  of  a  logical  and  comprehensive  system  of  administrative 
action. 

Outline  of.  When  we  consider  the  successive  steps  in  which,  and 
the  specific  objects  for  which,  The  Supreme  Power  of  The  People  is 
used,  then  it  will  appear  that  a  system  of  administration  must 
necessarily  be  composed  of  several  distinct,  complementary,  and 
mutually  supportive  sets  of  methods,  each  making  it  possible  to 
properly  accomplish  some  one  step,  stage,  process,  and  specific 
purpose  of  political  administration. 

Each  of  these  several  prescribed  sets  of  methods  will  constitute, 
as  it  were,  a  subsidiary  system  that  regulates  the  transaction  of 
some  specific  department  or  phase  of  administrative  action,  such, 
for  instance,  as  naturalization,  the  elections,  public  control,  amend- 
ing State  Constitutions,  public  education,  and  so  on. 

Looked  at  in  this  way,  and  roughly  outlined,  the  system  of  politi- 
cal administration  will  appear  to  be  composed  of  several  sets  of 
"  Rules  of  Action  "  which  regulate  the  following  matters : 

1.  The  Organization  of  Formative  and  Constructive  Electoral 
Action  under  the  guidance  of  Political  Leadership  and  with  the 
assistance  of  Political  Parties,  thus  securing  a  free  exercise  of  Voli- 
tion and  Political  Prerogative  on  the  part  of  the  Sovereign-units. 

2.  The  Organization  and  Work  of  All  Directly  Legislating 
Electorate  Bodies,  such  as  Constitutional  Conventions. 

3.  The  Organization  and  Work  of  All  Officially  Legislating 
Bodies,  such  as  Legislatures,  Commissions,  Councils. 

4.  The  Organization  and  Work  of  All  Judiciary  Bodies :  Courts. 

5.  The  Organization  and  Work  of  Ail  Electorate  Boards  having 
the  management  and  control  of  the  various  Administrative  Pro- 
cesses. 

6.  The  Periodic  Determination  of  the  Numerical  Extent  of  the 
Electorate  :  Citizenship,  Naturalization,  Admission  of  First  Voters. 

7.  The  Periodic  Determination  of  the  Voting  Extent  of  the 
Electorate :   Registration. 

S.  The  Filling  of  the  Appointive  Positions  in  the  Civil  Service  of 
the  Government  in  such  a  manner  as  will  make  the  Parlizan  Party 
Spoils  System  inoperative  as  a  means  to  this  end. 

9.  The  Free  Formation  of  Administrative  Will  in  and  by  the 
People  during  each  Period  of  Administration  as  a  prclimhiary 


406  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

requisite  towards  obtaining  a  Proportionate  Representation  of  the 
predominating  sentiments  of  The  People  in  The  Government. 

10.  The  Free  Periodic  Expression  of  Public  Opinion  by  the 
Electorate :  Public  Opinion  to  be  expressed  by  means  of  a  form 
of  The  Ballot  that  enables  individual  electors  to  freely  choose 
between  the  Predominating  Administrative  Sentiments  upon  their 
merits  alone;  thus  separating  Questions  of  Candidacy  from  Ques- 
tions of  Administrative  Policy ;  providing  electors  with  the  oppor- 
tunity to  Freely  and  Directly  express  their  Administrative  Will ; 
securing  a  Definite  Impulse  to  The  Government ;  securing  a  con- 
stant succession  of  Political  Majorities ;  and  the  opportunity  for 
the  Representation  of  Ideas  in  The  Legislature. 

1 1 .  The  Nomination  of  Candidates  for  Elective  Offices  by  means 
of  a  method  of  selection  and  choice  that  compels  individual  electors 
to  act  solely  as  Sovereign-units ;  that  is,  in  a  political  capacity  and 
not  in  any  other  capacity  while  engaged  in  this  work. 

12.  The  Filling  of  Elective  Offices  by  means  of  a  form  of  The 
Ballot  that  expresses  nothing  but  an  individual  preference  for  a 
Candidate. 

13.  The  Continuous  Enforcement  of  Political  Responsibility 
upon  and  from  The  Elector,  The  Public  Official,  The  Legislature, 
The  Government,  and  each  of  its  Branches  through  declaring  the 
Function  and  the  Duty  of  all  who  exercise  Political  Power  and 
Political  Authority  for  any  general  object  or  specific  purpose.  A 
Department  of  The  Judiciary  might  be  established  for  the  express 
purpose  of  enforcing  Political  Responsibility  after  it  has  been 
defined  definitely. 

14.  The  Continuous  Control  by  the  Electorate  (the  Actmg 
Sovereign)  over  Its  Individual  Units,  whether  they  are  acting  alone 
or  as  members  of  the  Electorate  Boards,  Political  Conventions, 
The  Government  and  its  separate  branches,  or  as  Public  Officials, 
through  defining  electoral  malfeasance  and  official  malfeasance, 
prescribing  and  enforcing  the  specific  and  definite  penalties  there- 
for, and  prescribing  definite  procedure  and  methods  for  Removal 
from  Office. 

15.  Fhiblic  Education,  by  declaring  its  definite  objects  and 
purposes,  and  prescribing  a  system  for  the  accomplishment  of 
these  objects  and  purposes. 

16.  The  Amendment  of  the  System  of  Political  Administration : 
The  Initiative  and  the  Referendum,  considered  as  means  for  sub- 
stituting direct  legislation  for  official  legislation,  or  for  obtaining 
direct  legislation  at  times  when  the  ordained  indirect  legislation  has 


THE   SYSTEM  OF  POLITICAL   ADMINISTRATION     407 

proved  unsatisfactory,  have  not  been  included  in  the  above  out- 
lined system  of  administrative  action  for  the  reason  that  it  is  framed 
with  the  idea  of  putting  the  principle  of  Representative  Action  into 
logical  operation. 

Importance  of.  Next  to  the  form  of  government,  the  system  of 
administration  exerts  the  most  powerful  influence  upon  the  welfare 
of  the  commonwealth  and  of  the  individual ;  for  upon  its  excellence 
will  depend  the  character  of  the  impulse  which  the  commonwealth 
imparts  to  The  Government,  the  fitness  of  those  who  are  chosen 
to  public  office,  the  degree  of  control  which  the  commonwealth 
has  over  its  Sovereign-units,  The  Government,  and  its  public 
servants,  the  whole  character  of  administrative  action,  and  finally 
the  character  of  the  public  morals. 

Must  Have  the  Force  of  Law.  The  administrative  system  of  a 
commonwealth  stands  in  the  same  relation  to  the  continuous 
administrative  action  of  individuals  as  the  "  Rules  of  the  Game  " 
do  to  the  players  of  a  game.  Without  a  settled,  an  agreed-upon, 
and  operative  body  of  rules,  the  contest  between  the  players  will 
more  often  than  otherwise  degenerate  into  an  unseemly  squabble, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  opportunity  for  dishonest  action  or  play 
which  the  absence  of  rules  affords.  In  the  same  way,  and  unless 
the  political  contest  is  regulated  by  rules  which  are  binding  alike 
upon  all  who  are  entitled  to  participate  in  administration,  it  is 
sure  to  become  the  scene  of  irritating  and  distracting  conflicts  of 
opinion,  to  say  nothing  here  of  the  opportunity  which  is  presented 
for  the  satisfaction  of  immoral  and  selfish  desire. 

Supposing  the  people  have  framed  a  logical  administrative 
system,  what  then  is  necessary  to  enable  them  to  retain  possession 
of  it  and  to  keep  it  intact  ?  A  consideration  of  the  following  facts 
with  which  we  are  familiar  will  suggest  the  answer. 

Systems  of  political  action  are  composed  of  means  and  methods 
by  which  political  power  is  exercised.  Political  power  is  exercised 
by  individuals  possessing  human  frailties.  The  desire  for  wealth 
actuates  more  individuals  in  common  than  any  other  desire,  and 
more  powerfully.  The  opportunity  to  exercise  political  power 
increases  the  ability  of  individuals  who  improve  it  to  acquire 
wealth.  This  opportunity  will  be  grasped  by  individuals  who 
possess  the  elements  of  individual  power  in  the  greatest  degree, 
be  those  individuals  moral  or  immoral  in  character.  The  Govern- 
ment will  respond  as  readily  to  an  impulse  of  self-interest  as  to  an 
impulse  of  self-sacrifice.  The  exercise  of  a  certain  amount  of 
civic  virtue  by  individuals  is  hidispensable  to  the  production  of  the 


408  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

General  Welfare.  Up  to  the  present  time,  self-interest  has  proved 
to  be  a  stronger  animating  force  than  civic  virtue.  Therefore,  and 
in  order  to  insure  from  all  individuals  the  requisite  amount  of 
public-spirited  or  self-sacrificing  action,  it  has  been  found  necessary 
for  the  people  to  confer  upon  each  means  and  method  for  the 
exercise  of  political  power  the  compelling  force  of  law;  as  otherwise 
The  Commonwealth  will  be  unable  to  speedily  or  effectually  pre- 
vent the  exercise  of  political  power  for  selfish  or  non-political 
objects. 

Necessity  for  a  Constitutional  Basis.  But  since  a  Statute  can  be 
altered  or  repealed  at  any  time  by  another  legislative  enactment, 
the  only  way  to  confer  the  permanency  necessary  in  an  administra- 
tive system  is  to  embody  it  within  the  Fundamental  Law ;  and  this 
can  be  easily  accomplished  by  means  of  a  properly  organized, 
directed,  and  controlled  Constitutional  Convention. 

A  Political  Constitution :  Theoretically,  the  Governmental 
Agreements  of  the  several  American  Commonwealths  embrace  the 
following  matters : 

1.  The  Principles  of  Association  and  of  Action. 

2.  The  Objects  of  Government. 

3.  The  Form  of  Government. 

4.  The  Rights  of  Individuals  and  of  The  State. 

5.  The  Administrative  Objects  to  be  attained  through  the 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration. 

6.  The  Administrative  Objects  to  be  attained  through  the  exer- 
cise of  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration. 

7.  The  Manner  in  which  these  two  classes  of  Administrative 
Power  are  to  be  exercised. 

Theoretically,  these  Governmental  Agreements  are  supposed  to 
be  embodied  and  set  forth  at  length  in  the  form  of  a  written  State 
Constitution  that  acts  to  give  formal  notice  to  all  of  the  inhabitants 
of  The  State  of  all  the  detailed  mandates  that  are  contained  in  the 
Governmental  Agreements. 

The  chief  difficulty,  however,  which  is  encountered  by  a  people 
who  desire  to  operate  together  as  a  Representative  Democracy  is 
not  connected  with  the  decision  regarding  their  principles  of 
association  and  action,  or  the  objects  of  Government,  or  the 
specific  form  of  government,  or  the  powers  and  rights  of  individ- 
uals and  of  The  State;  for  these  are  all  matters  which  time, 
experience,  desire,  and  reason  have  practically  settled  before  the 
attempt  is  made  to  establish  Government.  The  chief  difficulty 
is  first  encountered  when  the  subject  of  Administrative  Action  is 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL  ADMINISTRATION     409 

taken  up.  It  lies  in  the  construction  of  a  set  of  rules  under  which 
it  will  be  possible  for  the  people  to  peacefully  and  continuously 
maintain  unimpaired  the  ordained  political  and  social  regime. 
These  rules  fall  naturally  into  two  classes ;  namely,  those  regulating 
the  exercise  of  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration,  and  those 
regulating  the  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers  of  Administration, 
and  when  we  consider  the  specific  objects  that  are  to  be  attained 
by  the  exercise  of  these  two  sets  of  powers,  we  experience  no  real 
difficulty  in  deciding  that  the  logical  exercise  of  The  Reserved 
Powers  is  of  supreme  importance  to  the  individual  and  to  The 
State. 

Principal  Administrative  Object  of.  The  logical  exercise  by  in- 
dividuals of  both  of  these  sets  of  powers  enables  each  individual  to 
assist  properly  in  the  maintenance  of  the  ordained  regime.  But  an 
illogical  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  has  the  effect  of  instantly 
impairing  and  altering  the  very  powers,  rights,  and  conditions 
which  the  exercise  of  political  power  was  given  them  to  maintain, 
and  administrative  action  becomes  perverted  at  its  very  beginning. 
If,  as  is  generally  but  loosely  stated,  the  prime  object  of  a  State 
Constitution  is  to  safeguard  the  powers  and  rights  of  individuals, 
then,  in  so  far  as  political  administration  is  concerned,  the  principle 
administrative  object  of  a  Constitution  should  be  to  distinctly 
define  iJie  sphere  of  continuous  Electoral  Action.  Stated  in  other 
words,  its  principal  object  should  be  to  provide  logical  rules  for 
the  exercise  of  each  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  for 
its  specific  object,  such  an  exercise  being  absolutely  indispensable 
to  the  logical  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  for  their  specific 
objects. 

But  when  the  people  of  the  original  States  started  self-govern- 
ment, they  were  much  more  concerned  with  securing  a  safe  exercise 
of  political  authority  than  they  were  in  securing  a  logical  exercise 
of  political  power.  They  relied  on  the  force  of  Public  Spirit  to 
produce  a  logical  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers,  and  the  part 
of  their  Constitutions  which  related  to  political  administration  was 
chiefly  given  over  to  defining  the  sphere  of  Official  Action  through  the 
incorporation  therein  of  a  long  statement  of  the  restrictions  and 
limitations  that  were  to  be  placed  upon  the  exercise  of  The  Dele- 
gated Powers.  But  when  completed,  the  Constitutions  were 
practically  silent  concerning  the  logical  exercise  of  the  Reserved 
Powers ;  and  this  one-sided  action  by  the  people  produced  two 
important  results.  In  the  first  place,  the  Commonwealths  were 
forced  into  administrative  action  before  they  possessed  a  compre- 


410  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

hensive  system  of  action.  This  in  turn  imposed  upon  them  the 
necessity  of  developing  one  after  administration  was  started. 
But  starting  with  no  compulsory  rule  of  direct  Electoral  Action, 
the  choice  of  the  means  and  methods  of  such  action  was  unfor- 
tunately left  open  to  influences  that  proceeded  from  human  weak- 
nesses combined  with  the  widespread  lack  of  administrative 
knowledge ;  and,  as  we  are  aware,  the  final  result  was  the  growth, 
development,  and  dominance  of  The  Partizan  Party  System  of 
Administration.  In  the  second  place,  the  effort  of  the  people  to 
strictly  define  the  sphere  of  ofiicial  action,  unaccompanied  as  it 
was  by  a  corresponding  effort  to  secure  a  logical  exercise  of  The 
Reserved  Powers  of  Administration,  had  the  effect  of  creating  a 
widespread  impression  that  the  official  action  of  the  people  was 
the  most  important. 

This  confusing  and  erroneous  idea  of  the  relative  importance  of 
electoral  action  and  official  action  still  receives  support  from  the 
form  and  phraseology  of  many  of  the  present  State  Constitutions. 
Taking  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  as  an  example 
because  it  lies  next  to  hand  :  It  starts  oflF  well  by  declaring  that 
"  All  political  power  is  inherent  in  the  people  "  and  that  they  have 
the  right  at  all  times  to  alter  or  reform  their  method  of  Govern- 
ment. But  in  Article  IV  it  declares  that  "  The  legislative  power 
(sic)  shall  be  vested  in  "  the  legislature.  Then,  and  notwithstand- 
ing this  statement,  the  Constitution  proceeds  to  demonstrate 
that  all  of  the  legislative  power  of  the  people  of  the  State  is  not 
vested  in  the  legislature,  for  there  is  a  further  provision  in  the 
Constitution  which  provides  that  any  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution shall  be  submitted  by  the  legislature  to  the  People  of  The 
State  for  approval,  ratification,  or  rejection. 

What  is  the  approval,  ratification,  or  rejection  by  the  people  of 
a  proposed  amendment  of  the  State  Constitution  either  more  or 
less  than  a  direct  exercise  by  the  people  of  their  legislative  and 
judicial  power?  And  which  is  the  most  important  action,  the 
mere  drafting  of  the  amendment  by  the  legislature,  or  the  approval, 
ratification,  or  rejection  by  the  people  ?  And  how  can  the  people 
properly  exercise  legislative  power  if  its  exercise  is  really  vested 
in  the  legislature  ? 

This  instance  is  but  one  of  the  inaccuracies  regarding  the  proper 
exercise  by  the  people  of  their  administrative  power  that  are  con- 
tained in  the  Constitution  quoted  from ;  and  exactly  the  same 
kind  of  blunders,  but  more  in  quantity,  are  to  be  found  in  the 
proposed  Constitution  of  the  State  of  New  York  that  was  put  forth 


THE  SYSTEM  OF  POLITICAL  ADMINISTRATION     411 

by  the  New  York  State  Constitutional  Convention  in  September, 
1915. 

But  the  point  to  be  emphasized  is  this :  A  State  Constitution 
should  contain  an  absolutely  logical  and  comprehensive  System  of 
Political  Administration  that  .regulates  both  kinds  of  action. 
L^nless  it  does  contain  such  a  body  of  law,  it  is  not  and  it  can  not 
be  the  safeguard  of  individual  rights  that  it  should  be.  As  illus- 
trative of  the  general  uncertainty  that  always  follows  insufficient 
political  action,  let  me  cite  the  solemn  utterance  of  one  Southern 
Judge,  who,  in  speaking  from  the  Bench  of  the  indefinitely  regu- 
lated or  safeguarded  political  rights  of  individuals,  has  referred  to 
them  as  "  The  implied  rights  of  the  people,"  thus  raising  the 
implication  that  all  individual  rights,  political  or  civil,  which  are 
not  definitely  provided  with  or  supported  by  constitutional  means 
and  methods  of  enforcement,  are  upon  an  insecure  basis,  as  indeed 
they  are. 

This  fact  was  illustrated  signally  by  a  clash  which  occurred  in 
the  State  of  New  York  between  individual  rights  and  the  rights  of 
the  State,  or  what  are  commonly  called  "  Community  Rights." 
In  this  instance  it  was  the  community  rights  that  were  unsupported 
by  legal  provisions,  but  that  does  not  alter  the  principle.  The 
legislature  declared  a  transfer  tax  due  upon  property  within  the 
State  of  non-resident  intestates ;  but  provided  no  agency,  means,  or 
methods  for  assessing,  for  determining  the  amount  of,  or  for  collect- 
ing the  tax.  The  State  found  itself  unable  to  collect  such  taxes ; 
for  when  the  question  of  the  right  of  the  State  to  take  the  tax 
imposed  was  brought  before  the  judiciary,  that  branch  of  the  State 
Government  immediately  declared  that  it  was  not  sufficient  for 
the  legislature  to  merely  declare  that  propert}^  was  taxable,  that 
a  tax  could  not  be  legally  imposed  unless  the  law  in  addition  to 
imposing  the  tax  provided  either  an  Officer  or  a  Tribunal  for  its 
assessment  and  collection,  that  in  the  absence  of  specific  provisions 
relating  to  the  collection  of  the  tax  the  law  as  it  stood  was  incapable 
of  execution,  and  that,  without  a  definite  procedure  under  which 
the  respective  rights  of  The  State  and  of  the  individuals  interested 
could  be  determined,  individuals  stood  in  danger  of  being  deprived 
of  some  of  their  property  rights.  As  said  before,  there  is  no 
difference  in  principle  as  to  the  way  in  which  Civil  Rights  and 
Political  Rights  are  made  effectual,  and  the  Courts  of  the  Ameri- 
can Commonwealths  have  repeatedly  and  emphatically  declared 
that  the  absence  of  legal  and  fully  supportive  provisions  leaves 
these  rights  "  open  to  invasion." 


412  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

The  protection  of  civil  rights,  once  they  are  clearly  defined  in 
the  Constitution,  is  commonly  left  to  oflScial  action  as  affording 
the  speediest  means  of  relief,  the  established  statement  and  the 
logical  action  of  the  judiciary  combining  to  afford  relief  if  needed. 
Why  then  should  not  the  political  rights  of  the  individual  —  the 
protection  of  which  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  The  State 
because  they  are  connected  with  the  exercise  of  the  political  pre- 
rogative, the  volition,  and  the  control  by  the  people  over  official 
action  —  be  as  fully,  as  clearly,  and  as  definitely  set  forth  in  the 
Constitutions  ? 

This  necessity  was  partly  recognized  and  in  part  met  by  the 
original  Commonwealths  when  they  incorporated  in  their  Con- 
stitutions the  scattered  provisions  relating  to  the  exercise  of  the 
Right  of  Suffrage  and  the  Right  of  Amendment ;  and  in  this  con- 
nection one  significant  fact  is  to  be  noted  ;  namely,  that  only  those 
political  rights  that  were  originally  incorporated  and  supported 
remain  intact  to-day,  while  all  of  the  others  have  been  gradually 
invaded,  impaired,  or  rendered  practically  inoperative  by  improper 
administrative  action  which  the  people  have  unwittingly  allowed 
to  be  taken. 

It  is  an  undeniable  fact  that  the  American  State  Constitutions 
have  failed  to  enable  the  people  to  produce  either  the  character  or 
the  kind  of  political  administration  hoped  for.  They  have  failed 
in  part  of  their  objects  because  of  their  faulty  construction. 
Lacking  in  the  essential  feature  of  control  over  individual  electoral 
action,  the  Constitutions  (considered  as  enactments  by  the  people) 
have  left  the  opportunity  open  for  individual  electors  to  avoid  their 
political  obligations.  We  have  seen  how  the  electors,  eagerly 
pursuing  the  happiness  that  flows  from  material  advancement, 
have  generally  improved  the  opportunity  to  shift  their  obligations 
and  responsibilities  to  the  shoulders  of  the  irresponsible  and 
illogically  working  Partizan  Party.  Lacking  in  the  essential  feature 
of  control  over  oflBcial  action,  the  State  Constitutions  have  left  the 
opportunity,  if  not  the  necessity,  open  to  the  legislatures  to  choose 
the  agencies,  means,  and  methods  by  which  the  ordained  admin- 
istrative work  of  the  elector.  The  Electorate,  the  official,  and  The 
Government  shall  be  performed.  Because  of  this  lack,  the  people 
have  been  left  without  any  effective  guarantee  whatsoever  that  the 
agencies,  means,  and  methods  so  chosen  will  either  reflect  the 
ordained  democratic  ideals,  or  make  operative  the  democratic 
principles  of  action  that  are  but  vaguely  expressed  in  the  Consti- 
tutions ;  and  we  have  seen  how  the  legislatures,  filled  by  improper 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL  ADMINISTRATION     413 


action  with  party  partizans,  have  finally  provided  the  people  with 
agencies,  means,  and  methods  which,  when  put  into  operation, 
actually  destroy  the  ordained  administrative  action. 

Is  Not  Immutable.  But  a  State  Constitution  is  not  immutable ; 
that  is,  it  is  not  incapable  of  change,  and  herein  lies  the  hope  of 
the  people  for  ultimate  administrative  success.  The  provisions 
relating  to  amendment  provide  and  ordain  a  method  (in  case  at 
any  time  the  other  provisions  of  the  Constitution  fail  to  meet  the 
emergencies  of  administration,  or  fail  to  provide  means  enabling 
the  people  to  deal  justly  with  the  changed  conditions  of  individuals 
in  society)  whereby  the  Constitution  can  be  altered  or  changed  by 
the  people  in  any  period  of  administration  and  without  recourse 
to  violent  revolutionary  methods,  and  without  impairment  of  its 
dignity,  force,  and  effect. 

The  Process  of  Amendment.  The  Power  to  alter  or  change  the 
political  aegis  of  a  Democracy  is  practically  unlimited.  It  is  one 
of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration.  The  people  of  The 
State  alone  possess  the  right  to  exercise  it.  Direct  electoral  action 
is  the  ordained  mode  for  its  exercise.  Consequently  a  Political 
Constitution  can  not  be  properly  amended  in  any  respect  by  a  mere 
exercise  of  authority  by  The  Government,  that  body  being  nothing 
but  an  agency  of  The  Electorate. 

The  reason  for  direct  electoral  action  is  evident.  The  system  of 
political  administration  is  properly  a  part  of  a  Political  Constitu- 
tion, It  should  be  as  stable  as  the  other  parts  of  the  Constitution. 
Otherwise  the  people  are  kept  constantly  stirred  up  regarding  the 
mode  in  which  power  and  authority  are  to  be  exercised.  The 
people  are  subjected  to  the  perplexities  of  uncertainty,  for  if  The 
Government  is  permitted  to  prescribe  the  means  and  the  methods 
by  which  political  power  and  political  authority  shall  be  exercised, 
then  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  the  administrative  system  from 
being  subject  to  constant  change  and  alteration,  or  from  having 
illogical  means  and  methods  incorporated  within  it  in  case  the 
administrative  agency  wishes  to  change  the  ordained  mode  of 
exercising  the  Powers  of  Administration.  An  instable  Constitu- 
tion can  not  serve  as  a  permanent  safeguard  to  political  rights, 
its  instability  affording  the  opportunities  for  the  speedy  destruc- 
tion of  these  rights. 

Constitutional  Conventions.  Theoretically,  it  is  The  Electorate 
who  produce  the  state  constitution  in  the  first  place,  and  who 
amend  it  afterwards.  A  Constitutional  Convention  is  strictly  a 
political  body  that  works  for  the  General  Welfare.     Theoretically, 


414  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

the  Constitutional  Convention  is  to  be  composed  of  individual 
electors  who  while  in  convention  assembled  will  work  solely  in  the 
capacity  of  electors;  and  we  may  as  well  squarely  face  the  fact  that 
the  hope  of  the  people  for  ultimate  administrative  success  will  be 
deferred  just  so  long  as  the  people  continue  to  pass  amendments 
that  are  devised  by  partizan-filled  legislatures,  and  just  so  long 
as  the  people  continue  to  fill  their  periodic  constitutional  conven- 
tions with  national,  state,  and  county  partizan  party  Bosses  and 
leaders,  with  Partizan  Party  office  holders  and  office  seekers, 
with  Captains  of  Industry,  with  Big  Business  and  High  Finance 
lawyers,  every  man  of  whom  is  either  interested  in  the  mainte- 
nance of  The  Partizan  Party  as  the  broker  in  the  sale  of  legislation 
and  as  the  dispenser  of  "  Privilege  "  in  some  form  or  other,  every 
man  of  whom  is  seeking  some  private  advantage  or  political  pre- 
ferment by  means  of  a  Partizan  Party,  and  every  man  of  whom 
places  partizan  party  considerations  first  in  his  action  while  in 
convention. 

True  statesmen,  true  political  leaders,  and  sagacious  public- 
spirited  citizens  alone  are  entitled  to  seats  in  a  State  Political 
Convention ;  and  their  presence  as  a  majority  in  a  constitutional 
convention  will  alone  afford  any  hope  to  the  people  that  the  con- 
vention will  produce  a  political  and  not  a  partizan  Constitution. 
Constitutional  action  is  merely  direct  legislation  that  is  most  largely 
aimed  at  administrative  action.  Unless  the  people  regulate  con- 
stitutional action  beforehand  so  as  to  exclude  all  Partizan  Party 
considerations  from  that  action,  the  result  will  be  that  the  funda- 
mental laws  mil  more  and  more  receive  a  Partizan  Party  bias 
that  will  pervert  administrative  action. 

As  to  Principles.  The  spirit  and  the  intent  of  a  people  find 
first  expression  in  the  statement  of  their  professed  Principles  of 
Associative  Action.  In  order  that  there  may  be  no  misunderstand- 
ing or  dispute  concerning  the  true  meaning  of  that  spirit  and  intent, 
a  State  Constitution  should  contain  a  formal  statement  of  the 
precise  meaning  of  each  fundamental  principle  of  individual 
existence  and  action  upon  which  the  experiment  in  government 
rests,  for  one  of  the  proper  functions  of  a  constitution  of  a  Repre- 
sentative Democracy  is  to  distinctly  set  forth  the  relations  of  the 
citizens  to  each  other,  to  the  Commonwealth,  to  The  Electorate, 
to  The  Government,  and  the  relation  of  each  branch  of  The  Gov- 
ernment to  the  whole  composite  agency.  The  fundamental 
principles  of  beneficent  Republics  are  necessarily  moral  concepts, 
and  political  administration  in  the  American  Commonwealths  is 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL   ADMINISTRATION     415 

an  attempt  by  the  people  of  a  State  to  put  their  moral  concepts 
into  effective  operation. 

As  a  Moral  Law.  Regarded  from  the  standpoint  of  morality, 
a  State  Constitution  is  a  written  statement  by  the  people  of  their 
political  ]\Ioral  Law.  The  individual  should  refer  to  it  alone  for 
guidance  in  his  administrative  action  whenever  questions  of 
propriety  arise.  It  should  be  couched  in  terms  that  imperatively 
direct  his  attention  to  each  specific  principle  that  governs  the 
performance  of  each  class  of  administrative  actions,  and  should 
neither  leave  him  in  mental  uncertainty  concerning  the  true 
meaning  of  these  principles,  nor  force  him  to  the  perusal  of  general 
history  —  in  our  case  largely  an  expression  of  private  opinion  — 
for  information  concerning  the  methods  by  which  the  principles 
can  be  best  put  into  effective  operation. 

The  statement  of  the  inclusive  political  principles  of  the  Ameri- 
can Commonwealths  has  won  world-wide  admiration  and  com- 
mendation, but  the  efforts  of  the  commonwealths  to  put  these 
principles  into  effective  operation  have  failed.  This  failure  is  in 
part  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Commonwealths  have  not  as  yet 
inserted  a  logical  body  of  Administrative  Law  in  their  Constitu- 
tions. Lacking  in  mandatory  law,  the  people  have  been  swayed 
by  "  Opinion  "  as  to  admmistrative  procedure.  We  have  seen 
how  The  Electorate  has  been  led  into  delegating  the  exercise  of 
political  prerogative  and  volition  to  The  Partizan  Party,  and  I  do 
not  hesitate  to  say  that  both  reason  and  experience  unite  to  prove 
the  inadequacy  of  our  present  State  Constitutions  in  that  they  fail 
to  distinctly  indicate  the  manner  in  which  the  problems  that  are 
connected  with  the  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Admin- 
istration shall  be  worked  out  in  and  by  The  Electorate. 

Theoretically,  the  exercise  of  The  Supreme  Power  is  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  individuals  who  compose  The  Electorate  partly 
to  enable  any  elector,  at  any  time,  to  invoke  the  whole  power  of 
The  State  to  maintain  his  own  ordained  powers  and  rights,  and 
the  powers  and  rights  of  others,  against  any  misuse  and  encroach- 
ments whatsoever. 

Theoretically,  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  are  to 
be  exercised  freely  and  directly  by  the  individuals  who  compose 
The  Electorate.  Therefore,  the  Constitution,  considered  as  the 
Supreme  Law  which  individual  electors  are  to  observe  while  in  the 
exercise  of  these  powers,  should,  in  order  to  be  effectual,  dis- 
tinctly and  conspicuously  prescribe  the  way  in  which  these  powers 
are  to  be  used,  thus,  m  effect,  prohibiting  The  Electorate  from 


416  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

delegating  the  exercise  of  any  of  these  powers  either  to  The  Govern- 
ment or  to  any  association  of  voters  whatsoever.  Our  theory  of 
Government  provides  for  but  two  legitimate  administrative 
agencies;  namely,  The  Electorate  and  The  Government;  conse- 
quently, any  exercise  of  political  power  by  any  other  agency  is 
an  improper  exercise. 

Function  of.  The  function  of  a  body  of  Administrative  Law  is  to 
prevent  an  improper  exercise  of  political  power  and  political 
authority.  It  attempts  this  through  specifying  how  the  Reserved 
Powers  of  Administration  shall  and  shall  not  be  used.  Such  a  body 
of  law  is  the  only  safeguard  which  a  people  can  possess  against  the 
creation  and  existence  of  an  illegitimate  administrative  agency 
and  the  consequent  improper  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers  of 
Administration.  Individual  electors  are  in  fact  political  trustees 
of  the  people.  Public  safety  and  individual  welfare  require  that 
electoral  action  be  strictly  regulated.  Were  individual  electors 
obliged  to  exercise  political  power  for  specific  purposes  according  to 
specific  methods  —  just  as  a  Sheriff  is  bound  by  legal  provisions 
that  govern  every  move  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority  —  they 
could  not  be  deprived  of  the  exercise  of  political  power  so  long  as 
the  desire  to  exercise  it  remained  ;  for  the  obligation  to  use,  coupled 
with  the  methods  of  use,  would  secure  them  in  the  exercise  of  the 
right  to  use,  while  the  remaining  provisions  in  the  law  would  enable 
any  elector  to  invoke  the  whole  powder  of  The  State  to  prevent 
and  to  punish  any  improper  exercise  of  administrative  power  and 
authority.  Also  the  mandatory  provisions  would  serve  to  protect 
the  public  official  in  the  exercise  of  authority,  while  the  prohibi- 
tory provisions  would  serve  to  enable  the  Common  Superior  to 
secure  a  proper  exercise  of  authority. 

The  American  Commonwealths  have  never  had  and  do  not  now 
possess  such  an  administrative  system,  either  in  kind  or  in  detail. 
Because  of  this  lack,  their  efforts  at  administration  have  not  only 
been  ineffectual,  but  to  a  considerable  extent  have  damped  the 
belief  that  a  republican  form  of  government  is  a  practical  means 
for  promoting  individual  and  social  welfare.  Moreover,  our 
mistaken  and  misguided  but  misunderstood  administrative  action 
has  created  widespread  doubts  as  to  the  ability  of  any  free  Com- 
monwealth to  manage  its  affairs  properly  by  this  means.  But 
what  is  still  worse,  our  failure  has  lessened  the  feeling  of  loyalty 
and  attachment  to  Democratic  Principles  in  many  of  our  owti 
citizens  who  do  not  perceive  the  true  cause  of  the  failure,  and 
attribute  it  to  our  "  Form  of  Government."     While  this  is  incal- 


THE  SYSTEM   OF  POLITICAL  ADMINISTRATION     417 

culable  harm,  it  is  by  no  means  irreparable,  provided  the  people 
be  brought  in  time  to  realize  that  by  far  the  larger  part  of  their 
administrative  faults  and  blunders  have  their  immediate  origin  in 
their  illegitimate  use  of  The  Partizan  Party  as  an  administrative 
agency. 

Benefits  Flowing  from  a  Logical  System :  If  such  an  administra- 
tive system  as  that  indicated  above  were  incorporated  within  the 
Fundamental  Law,  it  would  greatly  assist  The  Commonwealth 
in  the  following  respects. 

As  to  Policy.  It  would  secure  to  individual  electors  absolute 
freedom  in  forming  their  "  opinions  "  on  questions  of  Administra- 
tive Policy,  and  in  ascertaining,  constructing,  and  expressing  the 
Administrative  Will. 

As  to  Filling  Elective  Offices.  It  would  enable  The  Electorate  to 
directly  transact  the  indispensable  Caucus  Work  connected  with  the 
selection  and  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  elective  oflSces. 

As  to  Leadership.  With  absolute  freedom  secured  to  individual 
action,  then  Political  Leadership  would  assert  its  full  force  in  the 
administrative  action  of  The  Commonwealth  and  would  become  the 
natural  stimulus  in  the  formation  of  Public  Opinion. 

As  to  Political  Parties.  With  absolute  freedom  secured  to 
individual  action,  then  Political  Parties  could  freely  form  and  dis- 
solve w^henever  required,  and  play  their  natural  part  in  the  forma- 
tion of  the  required  successive  Political  Majorities. 

As  to  Representation.  It  would  enable  the  people  to  more  easily 
maintain  their  chosen  kind  of  Political  Representation,  and  would 
also  enable  them  to  prevent  the  easy  substitution  of  other  kinds. 

As  to  Control  and  Responsibility.  It  would  tend  to  maintain  the 
Power  of  Control  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  would  restore  its 
pristine  meanings  to  the  Doctrine  of  Responsibility.  With  a 
logical  system  for  exercising  its  coercive  power,  the  body  politic 
could  reasonably  and  justly  enforce  the  obligations  of  Responsibil- 
ity, not  only  upon  each  public  official,  but  also  upon  each  member 
of  The  Electorate  as  well. 

In  the  Hamilton  edition  of  the  Federalist  (1880)  on  page  302  a 
Republic  is  defined  as  "  That  form  of  control  in  which  all  executive 
officers  are  personally  and  legally  responsible  for  the  manner  in 
which  their  duties  are  performed."  It  is  plain,  however,  that 
responsibility  cannot  be  legally  enforced  unless  there  be  legal 
methods  or  provisions  for  its  enforcement,  and  it  is  equally  plain 
that  responsibility  can  not  be  jnstly  and  reasonably  enforced  unless 
an  adequate  rule  of  official  action  exists  beforehand. 


418  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Finally,  a  logical  administrative  system  would  help  The  Com- 
monwealth to  secure  the  right  kind  of  administrative  action  from 
all  who  are  entitled  to  participate  in  such  action,  and  so  would 
tend  to  keep  alive  the  Spirit  of  American  Democracy.  Add  to 
such  a  system  a  specific  method  for  exercising  the  Power  to  Amend, 
and  the  people  would  have  the  opportunity  at  least  for  maintaining 
the  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  in  the 
hands  of  The  Electorate,  for  controlling  the  exercise  of  The 
Delegated  Powers,  and  for  solving  their  Problems  of  Political 
Administration  logically. 

"  The  Machinery  of  Government.''  Political  Administration  is 
not  a  mechanical  operation  involving  the  use  of  machines  or 
machinery.  The  power  applied  is  Administrative  Will.  Suc- 
cessful political  administration  does,  however,  require  the  aid  of 
a  comprehensive  system  of  logical  individual  action.  Such  a 
system  occupies  the  same  relation  to  the  moral  application  of 
political  power  as  machinery  does  to  the  eflScient  application 
of  physical  power ;  but  it  regulates  moral  action.  Consequently 
it  is  dangerous  to  speak  of  it  in  terms  of  mechanics,  for  by  so 
doing  we  insensibly  drift  away  from  a  contemplation  of  its  moral 
side.  There  is  no  "  Machinery  of  Government."  There  is,  how- 
ever. The  System  of  Political  Administration. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 
POLITICAL  REFORM 

Era  of  Reform.  The  installation  of  an  illogical  administrative 
system  is  the  inauguration  of  an  era  of  political  reform ;  for  al- 
though an  illogical  system  can  not  and  will  not  serve  as  an  instru- 
mentality for  giving  full  force  and  effect  to  the  ordained  principles 
of  action,  nevertheless  the  true  meanings  of  the  principles  remain 
unaltered  and  continually  prompt  some  individuals  to  strive  for 
their  proper  application  in  The  Commonwealth. 

Continuous  Reform.  Attempts  to  reform  the  electoral  action  of 
the  American  Commonwealths  have  been  continuous  since  the 
beginning  of  State  Government.  Continuous  political  reform  is 
a  symptom  of  political  disease.  It  points  directly  at  two  facts ; 
namely,  the  existence  of  a  defective  system  of  action,  and  the  in- 
adequacy of  the  attempted  reforms. 

Our  whole  line  of  reform  effort  has  failed  in  the  past  because  at 
core  it  was  but  an  attempt  to  make  opinion  serve  in  the  place  of 
administrative  truth.  Our  repeated  attempts  at  administrative 
reform  have  failed  in  the  past  because  they  were  merely  attempts 
to  make  some  one  expedient  or  another  serve  in  the  place  of  a 
logical  agency,  means,  or  method. 

Effects  produced  by  our  Bad  System.  The  administrative 
system  which  we  have  allowed  to  be  built  up  is  not  "  Complex  " 
—  as  so  many  political  writers  euphemistically  term  it.  It  is  just 
plain  bad  in  nature  and  in  detail.  It  forces  us  to  take  action  that 
belies  our  professions  of  intent  and  gives  to  these  professions  the 
appearance  of  foolish  or  h\-pocritical  pretensions.  The  majority 
of  us  are  not  hj-pocrites ;  but  viewing  our  action  dispassionately 
does  it  not  appear  foolish  to  try  to  purify  a  system  that  is  bad  in 
principle  by  tinkering  at  its  various  parts  ?  No  matter  how  much 
we  attempt  to  make  The  Partizan  Party  System  "  work  "  by  in- 
troducing new  methods,  the  system  remains  bad  because  its  prin- 
ciple is  bad  ;  and  when  put  into  oi)eration  with  the  new  method  or 

419 


420  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

methods  incorporated  it  can  not  do  otherwise  but  produce  a  kind 
of  action  that  is  not  in  accord  with  our  professed  principles  of 
action. 

Furthermore,  we  suffer  in  peace  of  mind  and  in  reputation  ;  for 
the  faihire  of  each  "  Reform  method  "  or  "  Reform  Movement  " 
is  heralded  as  evidence  either  of  inherent  weakness  in  our  form  of 
government,  or  of  our  inherent  inability  to  govern ;  while  the 
plain  fact  of  the  matter  is  that  each  "  Reform  "  method  when  ap- 
plied is  but  a  patch  upon  an  inherently  false  and  alien  administra- 
tive system  that,  nurtured  by  The  Partizan  Party,  can  grow  faster 
than  it  can  be  patched.  Once  the  reform  patches  are  applied  they 
lose  their  reform  character  and  are  made  to  serve  the  purposes  of 
The  Partizan  Party.  Is  not  this  one  fact  alone  sufficient  to  show 
the  futility  of  trying  to  produce  logical  action  by  means  of  an  il- 
logical system  of  action? 

But  besides  this  the  Partizan  Party  System  is  illogically  elastic. 
It  is  composed  largely  of  expediential  methods.  If  one  fails, 
another  may  be  incorporated  in  its  place ;  and  there  is  no  limit  to 
the  incorporation  of  expediential  methods,  none  of  which  however 
will  serve  to  produce  logical  individual  action.  The  trouble  with 
our  reform  methods  is  that  they  are  usually  given  a  partizan  party 
applicability  before  they  are  incorporated  into  the  system.  Con- 
sequently political  reform  makes  no  real  progress.  It  merely 
consists  of  repeated  attempts  to  make  one  expedient  after  another 
produce  some  one  detail  result.  Finally,  the  system  in  use  is  a 
partizan  party  system  ;  and  by  this  time  we  should  have  learned  by 
experience  that  the  ultimate  effect  of  each  tinkering  effort  is  to  seat 
The  Partizan  Party  more  firmly  as  an  incubus  upon  our  shoulders. 

Chief  Source  of  Support.  Considered  as  a  change  for  the  better 
political  reform  receives  its  chief  support  from  the  young  and 
from  the  politically  uninformed  —  the  mentally  young.  Such 
men  are  usually  the  most  enthusiastic  concerning  proper  detail 
results  in  administrative  action.  On  the  other  hand  they  are 
most  inclined  to  regard  "  the  established  order  of  things  "  as  right. 
Effectual  political  reform  is  revolutionary  in  character  in  that  it 
seeks  to  change  the  established  order;  and  the  young  and  the 
politically  uninformed  naturally  shrink  from  such  reform  because  it 
alters  that  which  in  the  past  has  had  their  affection  and  allegiance. 

Character  of  Effort.  Such  men  are  most  easily  led  into  attempts 
to  "  make  the  existing  system  work."  To  them  political  reform 
means  the  devising  of  another  way  of  using  a  bad  system  and 
not  the  substitution  of  a  better  system.     Being  short  sighted 


POLITICAL  REFORM  421 

their  attention  is  most  easily  directed  towards  an  expediential 
remedying  of  detail  local  conditions,  and  away  from  a  consideration 
of  the  real  cause  for  the  existence  of  distasteful  conditions  every- 
where in  The  State.  Each  succeeding  attempt  by  such  "  Re- 
formers "  results  in  a  ridiculous  failure  to  "  Purify  Politics  " ; 
and,  what  is  most  regrettable,  at  times  when  several  "  Reform 
efforts  "  press  together  for  immediate  attention  the  main  cause 
of  our  failure  becomes  more  and  more  beclouded  in  the  mental 
fog  that  is  raised  by  the  conflict  of  "  Opinion." 

Sporadic  and  Disconnected  Character  of.  True  political  reform 
consists  not  in  trying  to  make  illogical  methods  work  properly,  or 
in  trying  to  make  them  work  properly  in  given  localities  in  a 
State.  It  consists  in  constructing  logical  methods  under  which 
it  is  possible  to  transact  administrative  work  properly  everywhere 
in  The  State. 

Our  past  reformatory  effort  has  proved  ineffective  largely  be- 
cause it  has  not  been  turned  towards  remedying  the  general  evil 
under  which  the  power  and  capacity  of  the  elector  is  weakened 
and  misdirected  everyW'here  and  at  all  times  throughout  The 
State.  Efforts  which  are  made  to  remedy  local  conditions  at 
different  times  naturally  impart  a  sporadic  and  disconnected 
character  to  reform  effort.  Details  are  attacked  one  after  another ; 
but  the  general  system  under  w'hich  it  is  always  possible  to  coun- 
teract reformatory  effort  is  never  attacked  sapiently.  While 
every  now  and  then  it  is  possible  to  eradicate  an  evil,  nevertheless 
the  sum  total  of  political  evil  is  not  lessened  materially  because  it 
is  always  possible  for  The  Partizan  Party  to  create  new  evils  by 
the  simple  process  of  devising  new  methods  of  action.  Is  Politics 
more  moral  after  all  these  years  of  effort?  Have  our  reform  at- 
tempts bestowed  a  satisfactory  exercise  of  political  power  upon 
the  elector?  Have  they  succeeded  in  banishing  from  society 
conditions  that  are  abhorrent  to  our  moral  sense,  and  which  are 
detrimental  to  the  General  Welfare,  and  which  are  menacing 
the  stability  of  The  Commonwealth  ?  True  !  The  Independents 
sometimes  cast  the  largest  vote  and  sometimes  succeed  in  throwing 
some  local  Party  Machine  out  of  gear  for  the  time  being;  but 
that  effort  does  not  affect  the  system  of  "  party  organization  " 
nor  does  it  upset  the  general  system  of  "  Party  Control  "  over 
Ivlectoral  and  over  Governmental  Action.  Quite  the  contrary  — 
and  this  is  the  most  deplorable  feature  of  the  matter  —  in  every 
election  gained  by  the  Independents  they  have  had  to  use  most 
of  the  methods  of  The  Partizan  Party  System,  and  so,  instead  of 


422  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

even  weakening  it,  their  efforts  have  had  the  effect  of  strengthening 
it  and  of  bestowing  a  species  of  sanction  upon  its  use. 

A  "  Victory  "  so  obtained  over  a  local  Party  Machine  is  of  little 
consequence  to  a  commonwealth  so  long  as  the  illogical  adminis- 
trative system  remains  unchanged  under  which  the  "  Party  Ma- 
chine ""  remains  a  political  institution.  Such  a  victory  may  re- 
sult in  better  local  administration  somewhere  for  a  short  period ; 
but  it  does  not  affect  the  general  political  condition  at  all,  nor  does 
it  even  unseat  Bossism  in  the  locality  of  the  victory.  Such  an 
effort  finds  the  reasons  for  its  existence  in  dissatisfaction  with 
local  "  Party  Practises  "  rather  than  in  dissatisfaction  with  the 
illogical  system  which  makes  "  Party  Politics  "  general.  Having 
a  special  instead  of  a  general  object  the  attempt  at  reform  lacks 
the  necessary  incentive  to  continuous  exertion.  Because  all 
"  Reform  Movements  "  in  later  years  have  been  devoid  of  a  suf- 
ficient and  sustaining  principle  and  object  they  have  been  spas- 
modic, unsystematic,  and  intrinsically  weak.  Let  us  take  two 
illustrations. 

The  Committee  of  Seventy.  The  first  New  York  City  Committee 
of  Seventy,  an  independent  association  of  citizens  formed  in  1871, 
broke  up  the  Tweed  Ring,  and,  through  an  alliance  with  the  Re- 
publican Partizan  Party  Machine  in  the  City,  defeated  the  Tam- 
many Hall  Democracy.  But,  depending  upon  the  alliance  with 
the  local  Republican  Machine  for  its  success,  and  failing  to  satisfy 
that  Machine  in  the  distribution  of  party  patronage,  the  Repub- 
lican Machine  made  a  "  Deal  "  with  the  Tammany  Machine  con- 
cerning party  patronage  in  1874.  The  Republican  Machine  then 
put  a  third  ticket  in  the  field.  This  enabled  strictly  "  Regular  " 
Republicans  to  escape  the  "  Party  "  odium  of  "  irregular  "  action 
with  The  Independents ;  and  the  ticket  drew  support  that  would 
otherwise  have  gone  to  The  Committee.  Two  results  followed. 
Tammany  won ;  and  The  Committee,  discouraged  by  its  lack  of 
continued  support,  soon  afterwards  dissolved. 

The  Citizens  Movement.  The  second  Committee  of  Seventy, 
appointed  in  1892  to  manage  the  Citizens  Movement  in  New 
York  City,  which  was  also  an  independent  association  of  citizens 
working  to  secure  "  Honest  "  government  of  the  City  affairs,  allied 
itself  with  all  associations  opposed  to  "  Tammany  Rule  "  and  won 
the  election  on  the  issue  of  freeing  cit}^  administration  from 
"  Party  dominance." 

This  Movement  was  really  a  revolt  against  the  evils  of  local 
Bossism.     It  made  no  attack  against  The  Partizan  Party  System. 


POLITICAL  REFORM  423 

It  really  helped  no  citizen  to  retake  that  exercise  of  his  political 
powers  which  had  been  absorbed  by  The  Partizan  Party.  In  fact 
it  sanctioned  the  use  of  The  Partizan  Party  System  in  that  it 
used  and  depended  upon  the  help  of  the  City  Republican  Machine 
for  its  success ;  and  it  was  obliged  to  resort  to  "  Party  "  methods 
and  practises  to  retain  its  separate  existence.  It  was  not  a  "  Cit- 
izens "  movement  in  the  true  sense.  It  was  merely  a  Reform 
"  Movement  "  in  a  City. 

The  Citizens  Union.  In  1895  the  new  State  Constitution 
separated  State  and  Municipal  elections.  In  1897  the  first  mu- 
nicipal election  under  the  new  charter  of  the  "Greater  New  York  " 
was  to  be  held.  Prior  to  this  time  the  movement  had  resolved  it- 
self into  The  Citizens  LTnion  formed  to  elect  a  "  City  Govern- 
ment "  on  "  Citv  Issues  "  alone.  The  Citizens  Union  held  that 
the  Mayor  —  who  would  have  the  disposal  of  some  twenty-five 
thousand  city  offices  and  positions  —  should  be  the  choice  of  "  The 
Citizens  "  and  not  of  any  Party  Machine.  It  secured  a  written 
assurance  of  support  from  over  one  hundred  thousand  electors 
of  all  shades  of  political  opinion.  It  declined  an  alliance  with  the 
Republican  City  Machine.  It  nominated  its  own  candidates  inde- 
pendently, thereby  striking  a  blow  at  The  Partizan  Party  System 
which  placed  the  monopoly  of  even  local  nominations  in  the  hands 
of  the  local  Party  Machines. 

But  this  action  by  The  Citizens  Union  threatened  if  successful 
to  put  the  Republican  City  Machine  at  the  head  of  the  third  largest 
partizan  party  organization  in  the  City;  and  rather  than  lose  its 
position  as  one  of  the  two  dominant  City  Machines  it  made  another 
"  Deal  "  with  Tammany  as  to  party  patronage.  It  agreed  to 
"  Deliver  "  enough  Republican  "  votes  "  to  elect  Tammany  can- 
didates in  whatever  election  districts  Tammany  desired  in  return 
for  a  sufficient  number  of  Tammany  "  votes  "  to  elect  Republican 
candidates  in  other  districts.  The  Deal  actually  divided  all  of 
the  offices  between  the  Democratic  and  the  Republican  City  Ma- 
chines. This  deal  consummated,  the  Republican  Machine  again 
put  a  third  ticket  in  the  field  with  a  highly  "  Respectable  "  and 
strictly  "  Regular  Republican  "  as  candidate  for  Mayor ;  thus 
again  giving  all  strictly  "  Regular  "  Republicans  a  "  respectable  " 
excuse  for  taking  "  Regular  "  party  action. 

This  third  ticket  was  put  forward  in  the  first  place  to  maintain 
the  position  of  the  Republican  City  Machine.  In  the  second  place 
it  was  put  forward  to  perpetuate  the  control  of  The  Partizan 
Party  over  the  administrative  action  of  the  citizens.     By  means 


424  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

of  The  Deal  and  through  the  enforcement  of  Party  Regularity  it 
accomplished  its  purposes  for  it  "  drew  "  100,000  "  Regular  " 
Republican  votes,  leaving  150,000  votes  for  The  Citizens  Union 
as  against  230,000  votes  "  received  "  by  the  Tammany  Machine. 

But  look  at  the  travesty  of  proper  administrative  action  which 
an  analysis  of  the  vote  presents.  The  "  Republican  vote  "  was  a 
mixture  of  strictly  regular  Democratic  and  Republican  ballots. 
The  "  Tammany  vote  "  was  a  mixture  of  strictly  regular  Repub- 
lican and  Democratic  ballots ;  for  only  such  ballots  as  are  cast 
by  men  who  will  vote  as  they  are  told  to  vote  can  be  "delivered  " 
by  one  partizan  party  to  another ;  thus  beautifully  illustrating 
the  ignominy  that  is  involved  in  "  Party  Regularity." 

After  this  strictly  partizan  defeat,  accomplished  solely  through 
the  use  of  strictly  partizan  party  practises,  worn  out  in  mind 
and  purse.  The  Citizens  Union  gradually  faded  into  the  back- 
ground, leaving  the  impression  on  the  average  voter's  mind  that 
after  all  "  The  Party  "  is  his  main  reliance. 

Municipal  Reform:  Arguments  for.  These  two  attempts  at 
political  reform  afford  us  a  chance  to  measure  the  value  of  the 
oft-repeated  claim  that  such  reform  can  be  best  worked  out  at 
first  in  the  Cities.  Several  arguments  are  advanced  in  support 
of  this  idea.  Among  them  are  first :  That  it  is  easier  to  bring  home 
a  realization  of  the  part  played  by  the  Party  Machine  in  exploit- 
ing the  opportunities  of  a  municipality  because  the  proofs  can  be 
more  easily  obtained  within  the  limits  of  a  City  than  within  the 
limits  of  a  State.  Second  :  That  in  a  limited  locality  it  is  com- 
paratively easy  to  show  wherein  the  unsatisfactory  conditions  re- 
sulting from  such  exploitation  are  either  political  or  economic  in 
nature  and  how  they  flow  in  turn  either  from  "  Party  "  misuse  of 
the  powers  of  electors  or  from  "  Party  "  misuse  of  the  authority 
of  ofiicials.  Thirdly :  That  municipal  reform,  being  limited  in 
extent  and  scope,  is  therefore  easier  of  accomplishment  since  it  is 
directed  towards  obtaining  "  Good  "  local  results.  Therefore, 
"  Good  Local  Government "  is  to  be  accomplished  through 
eliminating  "  Party  Politics  "  from  local  administrative  action. 
"  Honest  Local  Administration  "  is  to  be  accomplished  through 
enforcing  the  application  of  the  Principles  of  the  State  Polity  in 
local  administrative  work.  "  Good  Government  "  meant  to 
The  Citizens  Union  the  free  participation  of  each  elector  in  local 
administration.  "  Honest  Government  "  was  intended  to  secure 
to  each  individual  an  equality  in  local  economic  opportunities 
and  from  each  official  a  proper  discharge  of  local  official  duty. 


POLITICAL  REFORM  425 

Good  State  Government  will  be  possible  only  when  a  majority  of 
its  municipalities  have  got  good  government. 

But  on  the  other  hand  the  City  is  the  habitat  of  the  "  Party 
Machine  "  and  it  is  never  so  easy  to  accomplish  reform  in  localities 
where  two  actively  working  partizan  party  Machines  are  in 
common  control  of  Electoral  Action  as  in  localities  where  they 
do  not  exist  in  such  perfection. 

Sets  up  Two  Moral  Codes.  Moreover,  "  Municipal  Reform  " 
necessarily  sets  up  one  code  of  political  morality  for  the  City  and 
another  for  The  State,  thereby  opposing  one  of  the  principles  of 
Democracy  which  calls  for  the  existence  of  One  Code  of  INIorals 
only,  to  which  all  in  The  State  must  conform.  Then  again,  The 
State  has  never  made  a  definite  utterance  concerning  official 
function  and  duty ;  and  even  if  the  citizens  of  a  City  do  succeed 
in  filling  city  offices  with  men  whom  they  select,  they  are  never- 
theless left  without  the  means  to  enforce  a  proper  discharge  of 
official  function  and  duty  from  their  officials.  No  matter  who  is 
"  inducted  into  office,"  or  by  whom,  the  official  finds  partizan 
party  functions  operative.  He  can  not  discharge  any  other  with- 
out "  Revolutionary  "  action  to  the  disturbance  of  "  Regular  " 
and  "  Orderly  "  administrative  procedure  under  the  established 
order  of  things ;  and  so  long  as  "  Reformers  "  bend  their  efforts 
solely  to  filling  offices  with  "  Good  "  men  they  may  expect  to  find 
the  "  Goodness  "  of  their  officials  largely  nullified  by  the  badness 
of  their  accredited  system. 

The  Game  of  "  Politics."  What  are  the  relative  chances  for 
success  in  a  struggle  for  "Municipal  Reform"?  On  the  one 
hand  are  the  "  opposing  "  Party  Machines  playing  unitedly  for 
the  common  control  of  Electoral  Action.  The  Game  has  its  rules. 
The  people  do  not  make  the  rules.  The  IVIachines  make  them. 
"Reformers"  can  not  use  machine-made  rules  with  propriety; 
but  the  Machines  can.  One  of  these  rules  is,  The  Secret  Trade 
and  Deal.  If  the  Machines  play  The  Game  in  conformity  to  this 
rule,  then  they  will  be  established  in  the  common  control  of  adminis- 
trative action,  and  The  State  and  the  individual  will  be  left  an 
easy  prey  to  opportunist  adventurers. 

The  central  idea  of  The  Partizan  Party  System  is  "  Control  over 
Electoral  Action."  This  control  assures  the  division  of  the 
public  offices  and  positions  —  The  Spoils  —  between  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Dominant  Partizan  Party  Organizations.  Obviously 
the  simplest  way  to  repel  a  voting  attack  for  this  control  is  to 
combine  forces ;  that  is,  controlled  "  votes."  The  strongest "  Party  " 


426  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

is  to  help  the  weakest  with  "  votes  "  where  they  can  be  used  best 
to  defeat  the  independent  attack.  The  weakest  "  Party  "  is  to 
render  similar  assistance  in  the  common  defense  of  their  Common 
System.  The  incentive  for  the  strongest  to  help  the  weakest 
lies  in  the  fear  that  if  help  is  refused,  the  weakest  may  combine 
with  the  Independents  and  so  oust  the  strongest  from  temporary 
control.  But  no  political  progress  is  made  by  such  action.  It 
merely  affords  an  opportunity  for  the  ousted  "  Party  "  to  effect  a 
similar  combine  in  the  future  as  the  means  for  getting  back  some 
of  The  Spoils.  Also,  this  hind  of  struggle  is  most  unsatisfactory  to 
the  Dominant  "  Parties."  It  forces  one  of  them  to  divide  the 
spoils  with  the  Independents.  What  the  Dominant  "  Parties  " 
want  is  not  "  Some  of  The  Spoils."  They  want  all  of  the  spoils 
all  of  the  time  for  division  between  themselves ;  and  in  times  of 
"  Reform  Movements  "  the  most  effective  way  in  which  all  of 
the  offices  can  be  assured  to  The  Partizan  Party  is  for  "  opposing  " 
partizan  parties  to  collude  in  a  common  defense  of  their  com- 
mon interests.  Morality?  What  has  Morality  to  do  with 
"Politics"? 

Facing  these  conditions  and  possibilities ;  with  insufficient  or- 
ganization ;  with  an  inconclusive  and  superficial  object ;  in  the 
absence  of  logical  methods  of  Electoral  Action ;  with  a  numerical 
force  weaker  than  the  combined  forces  of  the  Dominant  Machines ; 
what  chance  have  Reform  Movements  to  continue  to  obtain  "  A 
Majority  of  the  District  Majorities  "  ?  Almost  none ;  for  in 
each  Voting  District  the  Independents  have  to  contend  against 
either  a  normal  Republican  or  a  normal  Democratic  majority,  or 
an  abnormal  and  collusively  fused  majority  of  Democratic  and 
Republican  "  votes  "  that  are  combined  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
defeating  the  candidates  of  The  Independents. 

Causes  for  Failure.  The  Citizens  Union  failed  partly  because 
the  influence  of  organized  self-interest  was  stronger  than  the 
influence  of  public  spirit  in  the  City,  and  partly  because  it  was 
numerically  weaker  than  the  combined  vote  of  the  Dominant 
Party  Machines. 

But  the  decisive  factors  in  its  failure  were :  It  was  weak  in  ob- 
ject in  that  it  aimed  merely  to  put  "  Good  men  in  office  "  under  a 
bad  system  of  action.  It  was  lacking  in  the  assurance  of  an  ulti- 
mate improvement  of  the  political  condition  of  the  elector,  which 
if  consummated,  would  attract  continuous  support  to  it  from  in- 
dividuals. Its  plan  of  campaign  provided  merely  for  a  continuous 
fight  against  an   intrenched   local   "  Party  "   Machine  with  no 


POLITICAL  REFORM  427 

reasonable  prospect  of  eliminating  partizan  party  Machines  from 
local  administrative  work.  It  was  lacking  in  moral  force  in  that 
it  stooped  to  the  use  of  partizan  party  practises  for  its  success. 
It  had  no  reasonable  system  of  administration  to  offer  as  a  sub- 
stitute in  the  place  of  the  Partizan  Party  System  which  would  be 
left  in  full  operation  even  if  it  succeeded  at  the  polls,  and  which 
system  permitted  a  "  combined  "  vote  of  theoretically  opposing 
"  Parties  "  ;  and  a  similar  fate  awaits  every  such  "  Movement  " 
until  the  time  arrives  when  the  majority  in  the  State  Electorates 
perceives  the  necessity  for  regulating  by  logical  laws  every  process, 
stage,  step,  and  move  in  administrative  work. 

Impeded  Political  Progress.  The  Committees  of  Seventy  did 
not  attack  the  Partizan  Party  System  nor  alter  its  (lack  of)  prin- 
ciple, nor  affect  the  working  energy  of  The  Partizan  Party  in  the 
least.  As  a  result,  each  succeeding  reform  movement  has  had  to 
begin  exactly  where  these  committees  began ;  but  with  this  dif- 
ference. Each  has  a  harder  problem  to  solve  because  of  the 
perfection  of  the  Partizan  Party  System  which  has  been  going  on 
meanwhile.  Each  Movement  has  to  fight  with  some  of  the 
methods  of,  and  against  the  perfected  criminal  practises  of  this 
system  at  every  election.  Each  has  constantly  encountered  the 
prestige  of  "  The  System,"  the  immoral  "  Power'"  of  "  The  Party," 
and  the  combined  manipulated  "  votes  "  of  the  "  Party  "  Ma- 
chines in  The  Electorate,  in  The  Government,  and  at  the  polls. 
Each  has  seen  the  associations  they  sought  to  keep  together 
constantly  disintegrating,  and  each  has  seen  its  efforts  to  energize 
the  administrative  agencies  of  the  community  rendered  of  little 
or  no  effect  by  the  engraftment  of  partizan  party  function  on 
public  office. 

The  Honest  Man  in  Office.  There  have  been  times  when  In- 
dependent effort  has  voted  an  isolated  "  Honest  man  "  into  office 
at  the  head  of  a  State  "  Party  Ticket."  But  no  real  administra- 
tive progress  has  resulted  from  such  action,  nor  has  Democracy 
as  a  helpful  means  to  Human  Progress  been  benefited  by  such 
action  materially.  Such  a  man  while  in  office  may  check  success- 
fully a  few  attempts  of  the  greedy.  But  he  really  owes  his  position 
more  to  the  necessities  of  "  The  Party  "  than  to  any  other  factor 
in  the  situation,  and  he  soon  passes  out  of  office  having  actually 
benefited  The  Partizan  Party  System  and  his  "  Party  "  more 
than  Democracy  because  he  has  lent  his  "  Strength  "  towards 
carrying  into  office  scores  of  partizan  party  office-seekers  whose 
combined  official  and  legislative  action  under  "  Party  "  guidance 


428  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

is  far  too  strong  for  any  one  man  to  contend  against  successfully. 
The  nomination  of  an  honest  man  by  a  Partizan  Party  is  tanta- 
mount to  dishonesty  by  the  "  Party."  His  election  does  not 
change  the  nature  of  The  System  or  of  "  The  Party  "  and  unsup- 
ported he  can  do  practically  nothing  for  Democracy.  If  he  stands 
out  against  the  desires  of  "  The  Party  "  whose  ticket  he  headed,  and 
if  he  attempts  to  put  The  Will  of  The  People  into  operation,  he 
may  succeed  in  splitting  that  "  Party."  But  of  what  use  is  that 
to  Democracy,  or  to  political  morality?  Nothing  to  speak  of 
because  a  "  Split  Party  "  means  only  that  ultimately  the  other 
"  Party  "  will  "  Get  in  "  by  virtue  of  The  System  and  will  speedily 
reproduce  the  system  evils  in  society. 

The  Boss  is  only  an  Incident.  Smarting  under  successive  de- 
feats administered  under  the  leadership  of  the  "  Party  Boss  " ; 
impatient  under  conditions  that  "  The  Boss  "  is  able  apparently 
to  impose  constantly,  the  opinion  is  hastily  formed  by  many  that 
"  The  Boss  "  is  responsible  for  the  situation.  Nothing  is  more 
common  than  diatribes  against  "  The  Boss  "  or  attempts  to  dis- 
lodge him  from  the  headship  of  some  "  Party  "  Organization. 
The  Boss,  however,  is  but  one  of  the  means  by  which  the  ignoble 
force  of  self-interest  is  organized  and  strengthened  in  society. 
He  may  be  the  brains  of  The  Machine ;  but  if  he  is  dislodged, 
then  another  man  will  take  his  place,  and,  profiting  by  the  mistakes 
of  his  predecessor,  will  still  more  successfully  smother,  undermine, 
and  overpower  the  civic  virtue  upon  which  the  stability  of  The 
Commonwealth  rests.  While  "  Party  "  Bosses  are  intolerable 
evils,  they  are  not  the  proper  object  of  attack  at  present.  They 
are  one  of  the  perfectly  logical  results  of  an  Illogical  System ;  and 
they  will  continue  to  exist  and  to  put  its  methods  into  operation 
in  one  dishonest  form  or  another  just  so  long  as  "  The  System  " 
which  provides  opportunities  for  dishonest  action  continues  in 
use. 

Neighborhood  Reform.  If  Self-interest  is  the  force  to  be  over- 
come in  society,  then  it  is  clear  that  the  attack  must  be  directed 
not  against  any  one  man  or  "  Party  Leader  "  but  against  The 
System  which  permits  the  organization  of  Sovereign-units  into 
permanent  associations  of  self-seekers.  The  struggle  for  logical 
political  administration  is  not  against  the  self-interest  of  any  one 
man,  but  is  against  the  systematic  exercise  of  self-interest  by  those 
of  our  neighbors  who  are  organized  to  profit  unduly  by  it.  Re- 
form then,  to  be  effectual,  must  begin  in  the  neighborhood.  Be- 
fore the  majority  of  Sovereign-units  can  be  induced  to  take  proper 


POLITICAL  REFORM  429 


action  they  must  be  showTi  the  disaster  involved  in  improper 
action  and  the  benefits  flowing  from  proper  action,  which  is  Demo- 
cratic action.  They  must  be  convinced  beyond  the  shadow  of  a 
doubt  that  undemocratic  action  is  impractical  action  because 
through  undemocratic  action  it  is  impossible  to  maintain  within 
The  Commonwealth  those  conditions  of  human  existence  which 
were  originally  declared  to  be  necessary  to  continued  human  wel- 
fare, happiness,  and  progress. 

Education  the  First  Step.  It  is  an  aphorism  that  honest  men  are 
in  the  majority.  If  this  be  true,  then  all  that  is  necessary  to  secure 
true  political  reform  is  to  make  the  majority  politically  intelligent. 
If  the  honest  majority  can  be  made  politically  intelligent,  and 
individuals  are  given  the  opportunity  under  proper  methods  of 
action  to  organize  and  add  the  force  of  association  to  their  effort 
in  political  action,  then  it  will  be  only  a  question  of  time  when 
public-spirited  effort  will  prevail  over  selfish  effort  and  The  Com- 
monwealth w^ill  rehabilitate  its  electors  with  the  Sov^eignty  that 
is  rightfully  theirs.  Given  honesty  and  mental  capacity,  proper 
collective  action  hinges  largely  on  The  System  of  Action ;  and 
proper  detail  action  hinges  on  the  propriety  of  the  detail  methods. 
Before  we  can  escape  from  the  pernicious  consequences  flowing 
from  the  adoption  and  continued  use  of  The  Partizan  Party 
System  there  must  be  years  of  steady,  continuous,  persistent, 
painstaking,  and  systematic  activity  on  the  part  of  each  and 
every  public-spirited  citizen  who  grasps  the  full  significance  of 
the  problem  of  American  Democracy ;  and  this  activity  must  be 
directed  towards  the  formation  and  the  adoption  of  a  logical 
system  for  the  exercise  of  The  Powers  of  Administration.  In- 
dividuals must  be  brought  to  perceive  these  administrative  truths  ; 
namely  :  That  The  Electorate  is  the  Collective  Sovereign. 
That  each  individual  elector  is  a  Sovereign-unit.  That  a 
Sovereign-unit  can  act  properly  only  in  the  capacity  of  a  Sov- 
ereign-unit and  in  no  other  capacity.  That  action  in  the 
capacity  of  a  Sovereign-unit  is  Electoral  Action  and  not 
"  Party  "  Action.  That  ordained  Freedom,  Liberty,  Equality, 
and  Justice  can  be  maintained  and  transmitted  unimpaired 
only  by  absolutely  free  Electoral  Action.  That  free  Electoral 
Action  depends  mainly  upon  two  things ;  namely,  the  exist- 
ence of  a  logical  system  for  the  performance  of  each  Electoral 
Process,  and  an  authoritative  declaration  of  the  function  and 
duty  of  oflBce.  That  any  System  of  Administrative  Action 
under  which  it  is  possible  for  some  individuals  to  stimulate  self- 


430  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

interest  in  other  individuals  as  the  immediate  motive  for  the 
administrative  action  of  the  latter ;  or  any  "  System  "  which 
permits  the  notoriously  self-interested  element  in  society  to 
associate  together  in  a  permanent  organization  with  the  secret 
purpose  of  exploiting  the  administrative  necessities  of  The  Com- 
monwealth ;  or  any  "  System  "  which  diverts  the  exercise  of  The 
Supreme  Power  away  from  the  accomplishment  of  its  ordained 
ends,  is  necessarily  destructive  of  those  ends,  and  thereby  tends  to 
minimize  the  chance  for  the  continued  existence  of  The  Common- 
wealth, 

An  Electoral  Movement.  All  this  is  educative  work.  It  must 
be  carried  on  in  the  home,  in  the  neighborhood,  and  in  the  edu- 
cational institutions  of  the  people  if  possible.  It  means  the 
gradual  formation  within  the  present  and  coming  generations  of 
a  righteous,  burning,  and  dominant  desire  for  moral  administra- 
tive action.  It  means  the  gradual  formation  of  an  Electoral 
Movement  that  is  stronger  numerically  than  the  combined  "  votes  " 
of  Partizan  Party  Organizations.  But  that  such  a  movement  will 
have  to  meet  and  overcome  the  combined  force  and  influence  of 
the  Partizan  Parties  there  can  be  no  doubt ;  for  if  successful,  the 
movement  means  their  annihilation. 

Classes  of  Past  Efforts :  Depending  upon  the  special  object 
aimed  at,  our  reform  efforts  in  the  past  fall  into  two  main  classes ; 
namely : 

(1)  Those  which  have  attempted  to  change  the  nature  of  our 
Political  Saviour  either  by  "  Reforming  The  Party  From  Within," 
or  by  driving  it  into  proper  action ;   and 

(2)  Those  which  have  attempted  to  bring  about  a  logical  per- 
formance of  some  special  step  or  move  in  the  various  processes  of 
administration. 

Reform  Within  The  Party.  Concerning  "  Reform  Within  The 
Party  "  as  a  means  for  maintaining  the  exercise  of  political  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  electors,  and  as  a  means  for  enabling  The  Elec- 
torate to  control  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers,  there  is 
not  much  to  say.  To  some,  however,  it  appears  as  the  most  likely 
way  to  uproot  bossism  and  to  secure  proper  administration. 
Those  who  hold  this  belief  are  invariably  those  who,  looking  at 
the  surface  of  action,  fail  to  grasp  the  distinction  between  a  true 
political  party  and  a  partizan  party  organization.  They  are  also 
those  who  have  failed  to  appreciate  the  full  significance  of  our 
theory  of  administration  in  which  there  is  no  mention  or  hint  of 
an  administrative  agency  like  a  permanent  partizan  party  absorb- 


POLITICAL  REFORM  431 


ing  the  exercise  of  Political  Power,  or  any  hint  of  any  party  so 
acting.  They  are  those  who  fail  to  perceive  that  our  theory  of 
action  distinctly  requires  The  Electorate  to  exercise  such  power 
directly,  and  not  through  an  intermediary. 

The  class  of  minds  which  will  overlook  the  fact  that  The  Par- 
tizan  Party  is  an  abnormal  growth  in  an  American  Common- 
wealth is  such  as  will  always  concern  itself  with  applying  mechan- 
ical expedients  in  straightening  a  devious  course  of  action  rather 
than  in  searching  out  the  primal  cause  for  the  deviousness.  They 
are  the  "  God  Sakers  "  of  Bennett,  The  efforts  of  individuals  of 
this  class  may  be  animated  by  the  best  of  intentions  but  they 
necessarily  must  be  ineffectual.  Their  efforts  are  not  directed 
towards  abolishing  causes ;  and  considering  this  particular  effort 
in  connection  with  the  circumstances  surrounding  its  application, 
it  is,  to  put  it  as  mildly  as  possible,  fatuously  insufficient.  The 
method  consists  in  exerting  within  a  corrupt  body  organized  to 
promote  Self-interest  the  corrective  force  of  mere  entreaty  in  the 
hopes  of  getting  the  corrupt  body  to  abandon  the  use  of  corrupt 
practises  and  methods  by  which  alone  it  lives  and  flourishes. 
Those  who  attempt  to  reform  "The  Party  "  from  within  fail  to 
appreciate  the  essential  fact  that  what  The  Partizan  Part}^  is  after 
is  "  Votes  " ;  and  that  no  other  force  but  the  fear  of  losing  votes 
will  ever  cause  a  partizan  party  to  change  its  practises  and  methods. 
They  fail  to  see  that  so  long  as  they  stay  within  "  The  Party  " 
or  in  its  organizations,  and  vote  with  it,  they  are  in  effect  strength- 
ening it.  Rather  than  not  have  their  votes  a  partizan  party  will 
tolerate  their  membership,  entreaty,  and  "  goodness  "  and  build 
on  it ;  but  so  long  as  this  class  of  "  Reformers  "  continue  to  \'ote 
"  Party  Tickets  "  their  efforts  to  reform  either  the  condition  of 
the  elector  or  unsatisfactory  administrative  conditions  will  come 
to  naught,  and  partly  because  of  their  own  votes. 

Then  again,  those  who  attempt  "  Reform  Within  The  Party," 
failing  to  perceive  the  true  obligations  of  sovereignty,  fail  also  to 
perceive  that  a  partizan  party  is  illogical  in  its  objects  and  methods ; 
and  so  fail  to  perceive  that  it  is  their  duty  to  abandon  it  and  to  work 
independently  for  the  adoption  of  a  system  of  methods  enabling  in- 
dividual Sovereign-units  to  discharge  the  obligations  of  sovereignty 
properly.  They  fail  to  perceive  that  the  political  obligations  of 
the  individual  lie  first,  last,  and  always  to  The  Connnonwealth  and 
not  to  any  other  body  of  individuals.  They  fail  to  perceive  that 
a  partizan  party  was  theoretically  (if  unprescieutly)  adopted  as 
an  agency  for  enabling  the  individual  to  perform  his  duties  of 


432  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

citizenship  properly;  and  they  fail  to  perceive  that  a  partizan 
party  does  not  act  as  such  an  agency,  but  on  the  contrary,  that 
it  substitutes  private  interest  as  the  immediate  object  to  be  worked 
for  and  systematically  destroys  individual  capacity  in  all  of  its 
organization  members  to  freely  discharge  their  'political  obligations 
to  The  Commonwealth. 

If  these  facts  are  admitted  then  it  is  plain  that  The  Partizan 
Party  is  a  peril  to  Democracy  and  should  not  receive  the  support 
of  anybody.  So  long,  however,  as  these  facts  remain  obscured 
there  will  always  be  some  individuals  who,  clinging  to  traditional 
action,  will  seek  to  reform  "  The  Party  "  from  within  as  the  best 
way  to  purify  such  action ;  but,  failing  to  appreciate  the  real  cause 
for  illogical  action,  and  never  by  any  possibility  working  for  the 
removal  of  that  cause,  their  efforts  to  reform  political  action  will 
continue  to  be  barren  of  helpful  results. 

Mugiimmp  Associations.  Akin  to  "  Party  "  reformers  are  other 
groups  of  "  Party  "  members  who  try  to  drive  "  The  Party  "  into 
right  action.  These  groups  are  composed  of  "The  Better  Ele- 
ment "ma"  Party  Organization."  They  have  received  the  nick- 
name of  Mugwoimps. 

Their  power  to  drive  springs  from  their  possession  of  the  balance 
of  voting  power.  This  they  threaten  to  use  against  a  "  Party  " 
candidate,  ticket,  or  measure. 

Considered  as  a  reformatory  effort,  INIugwump  action  is  weak 
because  it  is  usually  directed  from  within  a  partizan  party  and 
against  action  that  is  proposed  by  The  Management.  Being 
directed  towards  the  welfare  of  some  one  partizan  party,  its  ap- 
peal for  support  that  lies  outside  of  that  party  is  lacking  in  con- 
vincing force.  It  is  also  weak  because  it  may  lose  its  reason  for 
existence  at  any  time  by  the  disintegration  of  "  The  Party." 
Mugwump  action  defeated  Blaine  in  1884,  and  Free  Silver  in  1896 ; 
but  it  did  not  rectify  any  of  the  fundamental  evils  of  "  Party 
Leadership  "  then,  and  it  has  not  since  then.  It  is  a  species  of 
partizan  party  action.  It  tends  to  keep  the  control  over  the 
exercise  of  political  power  and  political  authority  in  the  hands  of 
The  Partizan  Partv.  It  merelv  affords  "  The  Better  Element  " 
a  chance  to  have  its  say  sometimes  when  "  Party  Leadership " 
is  worse  than  usual.  It  never  attains  to  the  dignity  of  true  reform 
action  which  seeks  the  betterment  of  the  general  political  condi- 
tion of  the  Collective  Sovereign, 

Associated  Special  Effort.  The  steady  increase  in  the  evils  of 
bossism  gradually  forced  a  realization  of  the  need  of  organized 


POLITICAL  REFORM  433 

reform  effort ;  and  for  a  time  Municipal  reform  work  was  carried 
on  mostly  by  local  associations  which  had  for  their  objects  the 
elimination  of  some  one  special  form  of  administrative  evil. 

In  Leadership.  Some  of  these  associations,  like  the  Good 
Government  Clubs  of  New  York  City,  sought  to  discharge  the 
functions  of  political  leadership  through  creating  and  providing  op- 
portunities for  citizens  to  meet  and  discuss  public  needs,  measures, 
and  candidates ;  and  through  disseminating  suggestions  to  electors 
in  their  election  districts.  Some  undertook  to  remedy  the  evils 
of  Naturalization  and  Registration.  Some  took  an  active  part 
in  the  campaign  through  their  speakers.  Others  worked  actively 
at  the  election  by  furnishing  "  Watchers  "  of  the  balloting,  the 
canvass,  and  of  the  Police  where  they  had  charge  of  the  process 
of  election. 

The  Library  Hall  Association  of  Cambridge,  Massachusetts, 
passed  on  the  character,  capacity,  and  record  of  every  candidate 
put  up  by  any  "  Party."  It  discussed  their  merits  in  open  meeting 
and  used  a  secret  ballot  to  decide  them.  It  then  sent  a  printed 
statement  of  the  result  of  its  deliberation  to  each  voter  irrespective 
of  "  Party  "  affiliation.  Its  membership  was  open  to  all  who 
believe  in  non-partizan  municipal  government ;  and,  in  order 
to  preserve  the  character  of  the  association,  applicants  for 
membership  had  to  receive  a  two-thirds  vote  of  its  Executive 
Committee. 

The  Municipal  Voters  League  of  Chicago  does  the  same  work 
there.  The  action  of  these  two  associations  does  not  bind  even 
their  own  members.  Every  voter  is  left  free  to  form  his  own 
opinion  after  the  matter  has  been  presented  to  him.  The  fight  is 
not  against  "  The  Boss,"  or  against  The  Partizan  Party  as  an 
administrative  agency.  The  endeavor  is  to  make  a  bad  system 
produce  good  candidates  and  so  to  produce  good  administration. 
The  intent  of  these  associations  is  good  ;  but  their  work  does  not 
strike  at  the  existence  of  The  Partizan  Party  System.  It  neither 
emancipates  the  elector  from  partizan  party  restrictions  nor  pro- 
vides him  with  methods  under  which  he  can  use  his  political  power 
directly. 

Federated  Action.  The  presence  of  several  associations  in  a 
city,  all  working  for  special  objects  of  a  similar  nature,  suggested 
the  idea  of  joining  them  all  together  under  the  nuuiagement  of  a 
central  body.  The  adoption  of  the  idea  led  to  the  establishment 
in  many  cities  of  a  "  Civic  Federation  "  having  general  oversight 
of  all  attempts  at  reform  either  of  a  political  or  of  an  economic 


434  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

nature ;  the  work  being  done  by  separate  federation  committees, 
each  having  charge  of  some  special  department. 

Responsibility,  Control.  As  a  rule  these  federated  associations 
seek  the  enforcement  of  poHtical  responsibihty.  They  attempt 
to  use  the  "  Power  of  Control  "  by  watching  the  action  of  public 
oflBcials  and  by  punishing  their  derelictions  through  legal  pro- 
ceedings. They  usually  bear  some  such  name  as  "  Law^  and 
Order  Leagues "  or  "  Law  Enforcement  Societies."  As  their 
names  suggest,  they  work  to  enforce  honest  action  from  public 
officials  who  need  the  spur  of  fear  to  keep  them  in  the  path  of 
administrative  duty.  They  enforce  The  Law ;  but  The  Law  in- 
cludes The  Partizan  Party  System.  Consequently  their  efforts  do 
not  better  the  political  condition  of  the  elector  in  the  least.  Nor 
does  it  advance  the  possibility  for  logical  administration  at  all ; 
for  it  is  all  done  after  the  official  has  been  selected  and  chosen  in 
an  improper  way.  Their  effort  is  directed  towards  making 
partizan  party  officials  perform  a  purely  public  service  properly ; 
but  it  does  not  help  the  people  to  put  into  office  public-spirited 
men  who  are  minded  to  perform  their  work  properly.  It  does 
exercise  a  certain  degree  of  influence  over  individuals  who  are 
in  office ;  but  none  at  all  over  the  system  W'hich  is  instrumental 
in  putting  opportunity  seekers  into  public  office.  The  Partizan 
Party  System  permits  the  putting  of  individuals  who  need  watch- 
ing into  office ;  and  the  Law  and  Order  Leagues  continue  to  watch 
them,  apparently  oblivious  of  the  fact  that  if  their  energies  were 
applied  towards  regulating  the  electoral  action  of  the  people  prop- 
erly, it  might  result  in  getting  a  system  under  which  it  would  be 
possible  to  put,  or  which  might  provide  increased  opportunities  for 
putting,  public-spirited  men  into  office  who  do  not  need  watching. 

The  efforts  of  these  associations  fail  to  help  much  in  the  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  of  proper  administration  because  the  associa- 
tions begin  work  at  the  wrong  end.  They  work  merely  to  make 
the  combination  of  a  bad  system  and  a  partizan  party  official 
produce  honest  political  administration.  But  that  is  ridiculous 
effort  when  compared  with  the  effort  that  is  needed. 

The  Australian  Ballot  System.  In  Chapter  XVII  we  reviewed 
an  attempt  to  "  Reform  Politics  "  through  the  adoption  of  a  new 
way  of  performing  the  process  of  election.  Now  the  purpose  of 
the  process  of  election  is  to  make  effective  all  that  has  gone  before 
in  the  antecedent  processes.  Therefore,  if  administrative  evils 
exist  in  the  pre-election  processes,  it  must  be  apparent  that  the 
mere  proper  performance  of  the  election  process  w^ill  not  cure 


POLITICAL   REFORM  435 


those  evils.  If  an  administrative  evil  like  The  Partizan  Party  Idea 
exists  in  The  Electorate,  the  mere  performance  of  the  process  of 
election  properly  does  not  strike  at  that  evil.  On  the  contrary, 
through  failing  to  strike  at  it,  the  adoption  of  a  "  Better  Ballot- 
ing System  "  has  the  effect  of  sanctioning  tliis  evil ;  of  giving  it 
the  appearance  of  propriety  and  of  political  regularity;  and  of 
strengthening  its  hold  upon  the  minds  of  the  politically  uninformed. 

The  adoption  of  the  modified  form  of  the  Australian  Ballot 
System  failed  of  its  promised  results  because  it  left  The  Partizan 
Party  unaffected  in  its  illogical  position  as  an  administrative  inter- 
mediary, besides  leaving  it  free  and  authorized  to  manipulate 
the  performance  of  every  administrative  process  including  the 
election  process.  It  failed  because  it  is  but  a  patch  upon  an 
illogical  administrative  system  under  other  parts  of  which  a 
partizan  party  is  allowed  to  undermine  and  diminish  the  political 
power  of  Sovereign-units ;  to  curtail  the  exercise  of  their  ordained 
rights ;  and  to  impose  a  kind  of  restraint  on  individual  adminis- 
trative action  that  is  logically  incompatible  with  the  principles  of 
free  Democratic  Action. 

Through  aiming  at  a  specific  detail  in  an  inconsistent  system, 
this  "  Reform  effort  "  succeeded  in  fastening  more  securely  than 
before  upon  The  Electorate  the  use  of  the  whole  line  of  partizan 
party  methods ;  which  use,  if  persisted  in,  must  end  in  stifling 
Democracy. 

Reform  in  Practises.  Practise,  in  itself,  is  the  systematic  and 
repeated  performance  of  some  thing  or  things. 

A  Practice.  A  practise  is  the  systematic  and  repeated  doing 
of  some  thing  or  things  as  a  means  to  an  end. 

Corrupt  Practises.  In  political  administration  a  corrupt  prac- 
tise is  a  customary  doing  of  something  which  weakens  the  sense 
of  political  obligation  and  duty  in  a  Sovereign-unit,  and  which 
perverts  his  administrative  action. 

Political  Corruption.  Political  Corruption  is  the  systematic 
perversion  of  Sovereign-units  into  a  means  for  some  non-political 
end  or  ends.  With  us  it  takes  the  form  of  the  creation  of  a  body 
of  political  perverts  and  the  utilization  of  this  body  as  a  means  to 
some  partizan  party  end  or  ends.  It  is  the  capital  crime  in  the 
whole  category  of  political  crimes. 

The  partizan  party  code  of  procedure  is  a  compilation  of  cor- 
rupt practises  that  are  put  into  operation  in  every  administrative 
process,  beginning  with  the  processes  of  Education  and  Natural- 
ization and   ending  with  the  process  of  Control.      It   is  "  The 


436  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

established  order  of  Things  " ;  things  that  are  non-poHtical  in 
nature. 

Beginnings  of  Corruption.  With  us  the  corruption  of  the  Sov- 
ereign-unit begins  in  childhood.  Long  before  the  voting  age  is 
reached  the  great  majority  of  our  embryonic  Sovereign-units  have 
become  perverted  insensibly  by  the  force  of  example  that  is  set 
them  by  their  parents,  pedagogues,  pastors,  and  pillars  of  society. 
As  for  the  great  masses  of  the  immigrants,  any  one  who  has  watched 
the  process  of  naturalization  in  the  great  ports  of  entry  knows  that 
the  force  which  is  exerted  fu-st  on  them  is  the  corruptmg  force  of 
The  Partizan  Party. 

Corrupt  Practises  Act^.  Under  the  circumstances,  and  in  the 
absence  of  an  ordained  declaration  of  administrative  obligation 
and  duty  acting  as  a  restraint  upon  morally  weak  human  nature, 
the  existence  in  The  Commonwealth  of  permanent  organizations 
of  the  politically  young  and  uninformed  that  are  utilized  con- 
tinuously for  the  promotion  of  "  Self-interest  "  by  bodies  of  po- 
litical perverts  called  The  Committee,  The  Party,  The  Machine, 
and  so  on,  is  not  surprising.  But  in  view  of  the  scores  upon  scores 
of  corrupting  practises  that  have  been  disclosed  in  the  last  fifty 
years  of  political  administration,  it  is  surprising  that  those  who 
have  political  reform  most  at  heart  can  conceive  of  no  better  plan 
to  stop  political  corruption  than  the  enactment  of  a  few  Statutes 
which  aim  to  prevent  a  flagrant  use  of  money  and  of  individual 
power  at  the  polls;  or  which  limit  the  amount  of  money  that  a 
Corporation  may  contribute  to  a  partizan  party  fund ;  or  which 
prescribe  the  amount  of  money  which  a  man  who  is  "  running  for 
Office  "  may  spend  while  he  is  running  to  get  there.  Can  the  tide 
of  political  corruption  be  stopped  by  such  efforts?  As  well  at- 
tempt to  stop  the  influx  of  the  ocean  tides  by  building  here  and 
there  a  wire  fence  at  low-water  mark.  If  a  Corrupt  Practise  Act 
merely  tends  to  stop  the  flagrant  use  of  money  and  of  individual 
power  as  a  means  for  securing  the  necessary  "majority  of  partizan 
party  votes,"  how  is  the  political  condition  of  the  elector  bet- 
tered ?  If  it  merely  tends  to  prevent  the  corrupt  acquirement  of 
a  comparatively  few  "  Party  "  votes  or  voters  as  a  means  for  se- 
curing the  "  Success  "  of  one  partizan  party  over  that  of  another, 
how  is  political  action  purified  ? 

But,  it  is  insisted,  a  Corrupt  Practises  Act  will  "  enable  merit 
instead  of  money  to  decide  the  issue  at  the  polls."  That  sounds 
finely.  A  moment's  thought,  however,  and  we  perceive  that 
"The  Issue"  is  a  partizan  party  issue,  and  that  the  fatuous  effect 


POLITICAL  REFORM  437 

of  the  Act  is  to  relieve  the  elector  from  the  pressure  of  one  or  two 
flagrant  influences,  while  he  is  engaged  in  a  kind  of  administrative 
action  which,  in  itself,  is  ichoUy  wrong.  Such  Corrupt  Practises 
Acts  neither  contemplate  nor  affect  the  political  corruption  that 
goes  on  in  society,  or  that  which  goes  on  in  every  other  political 
process  besides  the  process  of  choosing.  They  aim  at  the  elimi- 
nation of  two  or  three  natural  products  of  the  Partizan  Party  Sys- 
tem ;  but  they  do  not  aim  at  the  elimination  of  the  root  of  corrup- 
tion itself,  from  which  scores  of  other  corrupt  political  practises 
derive  their  nourishment.  At  present  the  existence  of  political 
corruption  in  numerous  subtle  forms  continues  to  receive  a  sanction 
from  The  Commonwealth ;  and  the  conclusion  seems  irresistible 
that  before  political  corruption  can  ever  receive  much  of  a  check, 
the  people  will  have  to  enact  a  logical  system  of  administration 
under  which  all  atrocious  offenses  against  the  ordained  political 
powers  and  rights  of  the  elector  are  made  Legal  Crimes  and  be- 
come punishable  as  such.  If  the  people  can  be  brought  to  the 
point  of  establishing  such  a  system,  they  will  at  the  same  time 
have  reached  the  point  where  they  will  enforce  the  law  which  they 
have  made;  but  at  present,  with  Courts  and  Juries  filled  by 
individuals  who  are  more  or  less  conscious  of  political  per- 
version, the  natural  tendency  is  against  a  rigorous  enforcement 
of  penalties  against  the  perpetrators  of  those  overt  political 
crimes  which  have  their  origin  in  the  subtle  political  corrup- 
tion that  permeates,  and  at  the  same  time  receives,  the  passive 
sanction  of  society. 

Direct  Legislation.  True  Dhect  Legislation  is  the  exercise  by 
the  people  of  the  Reserved  Legislative  Powers.  These  powers  are 
not  the  same  in  every  State.  For  instance !  In  some  states  the 
location  of  the  State  Capital  is  determined  by  direct  legislation. 
In  others,  the  people  legislate  directly  upon  the  question  of  raising 
the  assessment  valuation  on  taxable  property.  In  still  others  the 
people  of  the  political  divisions  of  The  State  vote  directly  on  the 
liquor  question ;  while  in  many  Cities  the  City  Council  can  not 
vote  a  franchise,  that  exercise  of  legislative  power  being  reserved 
to  the  people  of  the  Municipality. 

But  speaking  broadly,  in  each  State,  after  the  exercise  of  the 
Powers  of  Establishment,  the  people  legislate  directly  in  each 
period  of  administration,  and  at  other  stated  times,  for  certain 
purposes.  As  for  example  !  The  exercise  of  the  right  to  propose, 
to  adopt,  and  to  amend  the  Fundamental  Law  of  The  State  has 
never  been  relinquished  by  the  people.     Also,  the  right  to  legislate 


438  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE   DEMOCRACY 

directly  includes  the  right  to  propose  a  temporary  course  of  ad- 
ministrative action  during  each  period  of  administration,  to 
advocate  or  to  oppose  its  adoption  upon  its  merits,  and  to  vote 
freely  upon  the  question  of  its  adoption.  Furthermore,  the  right 
to  legislate  directly  includes  the  right  to  propose  a  Body  of  Ad- 
ministrative Law,  to  advocate  or  to  oppose  its  adoption  upon  its 
merits,  and  to  vote  freely  upon  the  question  of  its  adoption. 
Such  action  is  really  an  exercise  of  one  of  the  Powers  of  Estab- 
lishment. Many  of  the  administrative  hardships  of  to-day  spring 
from  an  inadequate  exercise  of  these  powers  in  the  beginning. 
But  this  important  fact  must  be  kept  in  mind ;  namely,  even  if 
these  powers  have  not  been  exercised  properly  in  the  beginning, 
nevertheless  the  people  have  the  right  to  exercise  them  properly 
at  any  period  in  their  political  existence. 

Official  Legislation.  Official  Legislation  is  another  matter.  It 
is  the  exercise,  by  the  legislature,  of  one  of  the  Delegated  Legis- 
lative Powers ;  and  is  directed  solely  towards  making  Statutory 
Law  governing  detail  in  social,  economic,  and  administrative 
action.  Official  Legislation  has  never  been  regulated  adequately 
because  the  administrative  system  has  always  been  absurdly  in- 
adequate in  content.  As  one  of  the  consequences.  Official  Leg- 
islation has  passed  under  the  control  of  the  Partizan  Party  and 
the  results  produced  by  this  phase  of  partizan  party  control  have 
at  many  times,  and  in  many  respects,  been  distasteful  to  a  large 
body  of  the  people. 

"  Direct  Legislation."  In  order  to  preclude  some  of  these  re- 
sults it  is  proposed  that  The  Electorates  shall  exercise  directly 
what  is  in  fact  the  Delegated  Legislative  Power,  whenever,  in  their 
discretion,  this  course  seems  necessary  as  a  means  for  putting 
their  administrative  will  into  effect. 

Resource  Legislation.  This  attempt  at  political  reform  has  re- 
ceived the  misleading  name  of  "  Direct  Legislation."  The  name 
is  indefinite  and  should  be  changed.  Such  an  exercise  of  power 
is  not  a  direct  exercise  of  Legislative  Power  to  shape  administra- 
tion, but  is  a  direct  discretionary  exercise  by  The  Electorate  of 
the  delegated  power,  and  as  a  means  for  controlling  official  legis- 
lation, or  for  correcting  a  possible  misuse  of  political  authority 
by  their  elected  legislators.  It  is  a  resourceful  aid  but  plainly  in 
the  nature  of  an  expedient.  Let  us  give  it  the  milder  name  of 
"  Resource  Legislation,"  and  define  it  as  The  making  of  Statutory 
Law  by  The  Electorate. 

But  Resource  Legislation  is  an  improper  and  an  ineffective 


POLITICAL  REFORM  439 

way  of  securing  "  Good  Administration  "  as  a  whole.  It  is  op- 
posed to  the  theory  of  our  administrative  action  which  requires 
that  the  Delegated  Legislative  Power  shall  be  exercised  by  capable 
representatives  selected  for  that  purpose.  The  manner  of  select- 
ing capable  representatives  was  left  for  decision  to  the  people. 
They  failed  to  provide  a  proper  way  for  securing  them.  They 
now  seek  through  Resource  Legislation  to  restrict  an  illogical  use 
of  legislative  authority,  and  of  Partizan  Party  Power  in  the 
Legislature,  by  depriving  that  body  at  times  of  a  portion  of  its 
constitutional  field  of  action. 

Such  electorate  action  is  neither  proper,  logical,  nor  sagacious. 
It  merely  stops  some  one  bad  bit  of  legislation  without  destroying 
the  opportunities  for  other  bad  bits.  It  is  aimed  at  atrocious  in- 
dividual action  and  not  at  general  illogical  action  which  makes 
atrocious  individual  action  possible.  At  present  it  results  in  the 
existence  at  one  and  the  same  time  of  two  different  kinds  of  action 
in  administrative  detail.  Pushed  to  a  logical  extreme  it  would 
result  in  the  substitution  of  Democratic  Action  in  matters  of 
detail  in  the  place  of  Republican,  or  Representative  Action.  In 
essence  it  is  merely  a  sporadic  and  expediential  attempt  to  escape 
some  of  the  results  of  other  administrative  action.  It  is  not  a 
primal  political  necessity  of  the  people.  It  springs  from  their 
political  mistakes ;  and  if  these  mistakes  were  rectified  by  the 
enactment  of  a  logical  administrative  system,  the  necessity  for  re- 
course to  expediential  action  would  be  greatly  minimized  if  not 
dissipated  entirely.  But  Resource  Legislation  does,  however, 
contain  a  valuable  underlying  significance.  If,  under  present 
conditions,  it  can  at  times  restore  to  the  elector  some  of  his  or- 
dained ability  to  shape  and  to  control  administrative  action,  it 
necessarily  indicates  the  way  through  which  The  Electorate  can 
resume  the  full  exercise  of  its  ordained  administrative  powers 
and  rights;  namely,  through  a  direct  exercise  of  its  reserved 
legislative  power  to  amend.  All  that  The  Electorate  lacks  in  order 
to  obtain  a  logical  system  under  which  it  can  secure  the  ordained 
exercise  of  any  Delegated  Power  is  The  Desire.  It  is  not  at  all 
likely  that  the  electorate  will  ever  get  back  its  rightful  exercise  of 
Sovereignty  so  long  as  it  asks  it  from  legislatures  that  are  composed 
mainly  of  partizan  party  members  ;  but  if  the  time  does  come  when 
the  electorate  really  desires  to  resume  its  rightful  position  and 
influence,  it  can  go  above  the  legislature  and  resume  it  by  means 
of  an  amendment  of  the  Fundamental  Law  in  the  shape  of  an  ade- 
quate and  logical  Body  of  Administrative  Law. 


440  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

The  Initiative.  Considered  as  a  part  of  Resource  Legislation, 
The  Initiative  is  the  right  of  one  or  more  electors  to  propose  an 
administrative  measure,  and,  through  the  use  of  a  Petition  com- 
plymg  with  statutory  requirements  and  subscribed  by  a  certain 
proportion  of  the  voters,  to  secure  the  submission  of  the  measure 
to  a  direct  vote  of  the  Electorate. 

The  Referendum.  Considered  also  as  a  part  of  Resource  Legis- 
lation The  Referendum  is  a  right  of  the  people,  by  means  of  a 
Petition  complying  with  statutory  requirements,  to  obtain  the 
submission  of  an  administrative  measure  that  is  either  initiated 
by  citizens  or  by  a  legislative  body,  to  a  direct  vote  of  The  Elec- 
torate. The  method  by  which  State  Constitutions  are  adopted 
and  amended  is  based  on  the  principle  of  the  referendum. 

The  Recall.  If,  in  addition  to  the  ability  to  freely  retire  a  de- 
faulting representative  at  the  end  of  his  term,  the  people  were  also 
to  provide  themselves  beforehand  with  a  stated  means  for  re- 
tiring a  public  official  immediately  upon  the  discovery  of  his  de- 
fault at  any  time  during  his  term,  then  they  would  regain  the 
exercise  of  the  power  to  control  the  action  of  the  public  servants 
to  a  much  greater  degree  than  at  present  possessed,  and  would 
also  put  themselves  in  the  position  where,  when  acting  in  the 
capacity  of  the  Common  Superior,  they  could  freely  and  speedily 
enforce  the  responsibility  due  from  Sovereign-units  to  the  Col- 
lective Sovereign,  and  where  they  could  punish  offenses  against 
the  proper  use  of  the  Delegated  Powers  both  effectively  and 
righteously. 

Proportional  Representation.  Proportional  representation  of 
what?  Freely  ascertained  administrative  ideas?  Opposed  ad- 
ministrative beliefs  ?  No ;  for  Public  Opinion  is  now  expressed 
by  majorities  of  ballots  that  are  gotten  together  through  natural- 
ization frauds,  registration  frauds,  nomination  frauds,  by  coloniz- 
ing, repeating,  ballot-box  stuffing,  manipulation,  bribery,  intimida- 
tion, corruption,  deceit,  deals,  trades,  collusion,  and  so  on ;  all  of 
which  is  made  apparent  by  the  scores,  if  not  hundreds,  of  court 
actions  that  are  brought  after  everv  General  Election. 

If  grave  political  frauds  have  been  consummated  in  all  of  the 
administrative  processes  dowTi  to  and  including  the  election 
process  up  to  the  actual  casting  of  the  ballot,  of  what  real  re- 
formatory value  is  a  method  of  counting  the  votes  after  they  have 
been  cast?  True  proportional  representation  can  only  be  ob- 
tained through  a  proper  performance  of  all  the  administrative 
processes  includmg  the  process  of  election. 


POLITICAL  REFORM  441 

If  all  of  the  processes  of  a  Democratic  administrative  system  do 
not  carry  out  the  underlying  Democratic  Principles  of  association 
and  action,  then  the  insertion  in  almost  the  last  of  the  processes 
of  a  method  of  better  action  will  he  entirely  insufficient  to  cure  the 
fundamental  evils  of  such  an  administrative  system.  A  patch  on 
a  bad  system  becomes  a  part  of  that  system,  and  works  to  pro- 
long the  existence  of  that  system  in  the  same  way  that  a  patch 
on  a  garment  works. 

Proportional  Representation  is  acclaimed  as  a  positive  cure  for 
evil  legislation.  It  is  put  forward  confidently  as  a  means  for 
obtaining  in  administrative  bodies  the  same  proportion  of  in- 
dividuals holding  opposite  political  beliefs  as  exists  in  The  Electo- 
rate. But  if,  because  of  past  action,  individual  political  beliefs 
have  become  transmuted  into  desires  for  partizan  party  success, 
then  proportional  representation  in  administrative  bodies  merely 
assists  in  perpetuating  opportunities  for  evil  legislation. 

Of  what  possible  use  is  proportional  representation  as  a  means 
for  obtaining  a  representation  of  jJolitical  majorities  and  minorities 
when  all  of  the  processes  of  administration  are  so  performed  that 
non-political  majorities  are  fashioned  by  the  aid  of  all  the  above- 
mentioned  political  crimes  and  many  others  besides?  Since  this 
proposed  reform  does  not  contain  the  essence  of  true  political  re- 
form, the  most  we  can  expect  of  it  is  a  mathematically  propor- 
tioned representation  of  Partizan  Party  IVIajorities  in  legislative 
bodies.  This  in  turn  calls  inevitably  for  repeated  doses  of  "  Di- 
rect Legislation  " ;  and  here  you  have  revealed  the  unprogressive 
central  idea  of  sporadic  reform ;  namely,  one  reform  on  the  back 
of  another  and  so  ad  infinitum. 

Proportional  representation  is  also  powerless  to  aid  political 
progress  either  efficiently  or  materialh'.  Political  progress  is  not 
achieved  through  a  multiplicity  of  illogical  reform  efforts.  Political 
progress  can  only  be  made  by  going  ahead  steadily  ui)on  the  lines 
laid  down  originally  for  the  solution  of  the  composite  administra- 
tive problem.  Apparently  the  sponsors  of  proportional  represen- 
tation overlook  this  vital  fact.  They  take  things  as  they  are,  and, 
in  merely  trying  to  make  the  best  of  a  bad  part  of  the  existing  sys- 
tem, they  divert  the  attention  of  citizens  from  its  inherent  faults 
and  so  postpone  the  era  of  true  political  reform. 

Nor  does  proportional  representation  enable  The  Electorate  to 
regain  the  exercise  of  politi(;al  control.  It  does  not  strike  at  the 
existence  within  The  Electorate  of  permanent  partizan  party 
organizations  of  controlled  electors.     It  still  leaves  individual  elec- 


442  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

tors  and  The  Electorate,  its  officials,  administrative  bodies,  and 
boards  exposed  and  subject  to  the  immoral  influences  exercised 
by  partizan  parties.  It  still  leaves  individual  electors  compelled 
to  choose  between  two  evils  as  the  means  for  filling  administrative 
office  and  energizing  the  action  of  The  Government.  The  Partizan 
Party  is  in  control  of  electoral  action ;  and  so  long  as  the  Col- 
lective Sovereign  itself  does  not  act  freely  to  conserve  the  ordained 
rights  of  its  own  units,  the  application  of  proportional  representa- 
tion will  serve  merely  to  afford  proportional  opportunities  for 
partizan  parties  to  strengthen  and  perpetuate  their  control  over 
the  action  of  Sovereign-units  through  official  legislation. 

Of  itself  proportional  representation  affords  no  support  to  the 
fundamental  doctrine  of  Majority  Rule.  It  can  not  replace  the 
exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  in  the  hands  of  The  Electorate 
nor  enable  that  body  to  secure  at  present  the  kind  of  representa- 
tion that  was  originally  ordained.  Grafted  on  the  stock  of  the 
present  partizan  party  system  it  can  at  best  but  produce  a  modi- 
fication of  the  present  partizan  party  fruits  of  disfranchisement, 
non-representation,  misrepresentation,  and  political  apathy.  Its 
adoption  into  general  use  would  merely  mean  the  prolongation 
of  the  existence  of  our  present  most  illogical,  undesirable,  and 
undemocratic  form  of  minority  rule ;  namely,  that  of  a  partizan 
party,  a  body  which  is  much  smaller  than  a  majority  of  The  Elec- 
torate, and  which  body  is  now  allowed  to  manipulate  the  votes  of 
electors  to  the  destruction  of  our  doctrine  of  Majority  Rule.  As 
a  political  panacea  proportional  representation  is  at  present 
practically  worthless  and  is  bound  to  meet  the  fate  accorded  to 
all  attempts  at  piecemeal  reform.  In  economic  and  in  social 
action  it  has  its  uses ;  but  if  incorporated  within  a  bad  political 
system,  it  is  immediately  overridden  and  deprived  of  its  force  by 
the  numerous  bad  provisions  of  that  system,  which  it  does  not 
attempt  to  counteract. 

Bi-Partizan  Political  Process  Boards.  The  agitation  of  the 
idea  of  proportional  representation  produced  some  astonishing 
results;  one  of  which  was  the  creation  of  additional  facilities 
for  making  a  Deal  or  a  Trade  between  the  Dominant  Partizan 
Parties,  and  another  of  which  was  the  indirect  sanction  of  The 
Spoils  System. 

The  Partizan  Party  seized  upon  the  idea  of  proportional  repre- 
sentation and  applied  it  to  the  composition  of  the  various  State 
election  boards  and  commissions.  This  application  twisted  the 
idea  of  proportional  representation  of  Partizan  Parties  in  The 


POLITICAL  REFORM  443 


Government  into  "  Proportional  Division  of  The  Spoils  between 
Partizan  Parties."  ^  The  State  paid  the  salaries  but  "  The  Party  " 
appointed  the  officials ;  thus,  in  effect,  sanctioning  the  basic  idea 
of  The  Spoils  System ;  namely,  that  the  right  to  fill  the  appointive 
offices  belongs  to  the  victorious  "  Party  "  and  not  to  the  elected 
officials  or  representatives  of  the  people.  The  people  were  led 
into  the  creation  of  Bi-Partizan  Boards  by  the  specious  argument 
that  an  equal  division  of  the  board  membership  between  the 
dominant  "  Parties  "  would  remove  the  incentive  for  corrupt 
"  Party  "  struggles  after  positions;  and  would  also  prevent  one 
"  Party  "  from  getting  an  undue  advantage,  prominence,  or  con- 
trol, in  the  administration  processes  which  it  could  use  to  the 
disadvantage  of  other  and  smaller  "  Parties."  All  this  is  very 
interesting.  The  people  were  told  in  effect  that  the  partizan 
parties,  considered  as  a  political  Agency,  were  corrupt ;  and  that 
if  left  to  themselves  the  stronger  would  corruptly  obtain  an  undue 
advantage,  thus  making  it  next  to  impossible  for  the  weaker 
corrupt  party  to  prevent  the  utter  despoliation  of  the  people's 
heritages  by  the  stronger  corrupt  party.  The  right  to  fill  appointive 
positions  in  the  process  boards  having  been  filched  previously 
from  the  people  they  were  then  told  that  in  order  to  stop  the  im- 
moral struggles  between  partizan  parties  for  such  positions  it 
was  now  necessary  for  the  people  to  step  forward  and  do  the 
dividing  of  that  which  had  been  taken  from  them  wrongfully. 

In  other  words,  By  adopting  this  reform  method  the  people 
should  admit  openly  and  stultifyingly  that  the  filling  of  process 
boards  positions  belonged  rightfully  to  the  two  dominant  "  Par- 
ties," and  having  done  this  should  further  divide  the  positions  in 
question  equally  between  two  corrupt  parties  as  a  way  of  making 
the  peculiar  evil  power  of  the  two  "  Parties  "  as  nearly  equal  as 
possible,  and  as  a  means  for  putting  a  check  upon  intolerable  evil 
action  by  any  one  "  Party."  But  is  it  not  plain  that  with  bofh 
"  Parties  "  entrenched  in  the  control  of  the  election  process  and 
of  the  pre-election  processes  of  the  people,  both  would  be  in  a 
better  position  to  insure  the  putting  through  of  any  "  Party  Deal  " 
or  "  Party  Trade  "  by  means  of  which  the  Will  of  the  People  could 
be  nullified  in  the  election  process  in  case  the  people  attacked  ani/ 
part  of  the  Partizan  Party  System?  This,  however,  the  people 
failed  to  perceive ;  and  again  not  only  did  the  "  RefornuTs  "  fail 
to  appreciate  and  to  eliminate  the  true  cause  of  the  evils  attacked, 
but  on  the  contrary  they  actually  secured  a  legal  sanction  to  their 
continued  perpetration. 


444  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Civil  Service  Reform.  A  recapitulation  of  serious  reform  efforts 
would  be  incomplete  without  a  mention  of  Civil  Service  Reform. 
A  perspective  of  fifty  years,  however,  enables  us  to  perceive  clearly 
that  civil  service  reform,  admirable  as  was  its  original  intent  and 
scope,  is  but  a  mere  incidental  when  compared  with  the  reform 
that  is  needed.  It  contained  the  element  of  weakness  common  to 
all  piecemeal  reform.  It  did  not  strike  at  the  root  of  our  illogical 
administrative  effort.  Giving  it  full  credit  for  accomplishing  much 
good,  nevertheless  it  was  but  an  attempt  to  make  a  bad  system 
of  action  work  better  in  some  few  minor  respects ;  an  attempt  to 
weaken  the  power  of  admittedly  bad  partizan  parties  by  stopping 
a  few  of  their  many  bad  practises.  It  did  succeed  in  having  laws 
passed  which  prohibited  some  bad  party  practises,  but  it  did  not 
succeed  in  stopping  any  "  party  "  from  evading  these  laws  by 
other  equally  bad  practises;  nor,  in  the  end,  did  it  weaken  the 
position  of  the  partizan  party  as  an  illogical  administrative  agency. 
It  succeeded  in  forcing  into  use  a  more  respectable  way  of  trans- 
acting the  clerical  work  of  administration,  but  it  did  not  at- 
tempt to  alter  the  disreputable  way  in  which  electors  were  then 
and  are  now  forced  to  transact  their  truly  vital  political  work  as 
Sovereign-units. 

For  half  a  century  civil  service  reform  acts  have  been  operative. 
But  still  the  partizan  party  remains  as  the  leader,  organizer,  and 
vitiator  of  electoral  action,  still  its  system  remains  in  universal 
use,  and  still  the  problem  of  how  to  maintain  the  exercise  of  The 
Reserved  Powers  in  the  hands  of  The  Electorate  and  how  to  use 
these  powers  to  control  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated  Powers  re- 
mains to  be  solved. 

State  Control  of  "  The  Primary."  The  incorporation  of  the 
modified  Australian  Ballot  System  into  the  General  Election  Law 
precluded  the  partizan  parties  from  using  some  of  their  corrupting 
practises  at  the  elections ;  but  not  elsewhere.  In  effect  it  drove 
"  the  Party  "  into  applying  its  corrupt  practises  in  "  The  Primary  " 
and  in  the  Party  Convention.  The  modified  General  Election 
Law  did  not  contemplate  the  elimination  of  the  practises  by  which 
permanent  partizan  party  organizations  were  produced  in  The 
Electorate.  Nor  did  it  seriously  affect  the  Party  Machine  prac- 
tises by  which  candidates  for  public  office  were  produced.  The 
Law  as  passed  actually  legalized  such  practises  because  it  com- 
pelled The  Electorate  to  accept  a  partizan  party's  candidate  no 
matter  how  he  was  "  obtained  " ;  and  the  adoption  of  the  law 
really  led  to  the  development  of  "  Party  "  primary  and  "  Party  " 


POLITICAL  REFORM  445 


convention  methods  that  were  and  still  are  an  offense  to  public 
decency. 

The  effect  on  the  public  mind  of  such  practises  created  a  growing 
desire  for  State  Control  over  the  work  of  "  The  Primary  ",  but 
the  attempt  made  in  this  direction  has  been  characterized  by  the 
same  lack  of  common  political  sense  and  common  political  pru- 
dence which  we  as  a  people  have  always  exhibited.  We  continue 
to  employ  The  Partizan  Party  as  our  nominating  agent  without 
adequately  regulating  its  initiative  action.  For  instance!  The 
laws  relative  to  State  Control  of  The  Primary  regulate  such  com- 
paratively unimportant  minutice  as  the  date  of  the  meeting,  the 
place  of  the  meeting,  the  form  of  the  notice  to  be  sent,  and  so  on. 
They  do  not  in  the  slightest  degree  alter  the  power  of,  or  restrict 
the  possible  opportunities  of,  the  Party  Machine  to  "  fix  "  the 
primary,  or  to  subjugate  the  will  of  primary  members,  or  to  sell 
a  nomination  for  cash.  In  some  States  the  primary  considered  as 
the  place  for  electorate  caucus  action  no  longer  exists.  In  its 
place  the  people  have  one  more  election  to  attend,  but  with  this 
difference,  that  all  of  the  caucus  work  of  this  election  is  done  by 
The  Partizan  Party,  and  all  of  the  officials  of  this  election  are 
appointed  by  The  Partizan  Party;  the  prime  effect  being  that 
The  Partizan  Party  is  enabled  to  jam  its  lists  of  candidates  through 
its  Primaries  and  its  Nominating  Conventions,  hut  according  to 
Law;  and  the  outcome  of  this  "  reformatory  "  action  is  that  the 
political  condition  of  the  elector  is  worse  than  before. 

Legislative  Reform.  The  fact  of  the  matter  is  that  the  present 
situation  can  not  be  helped  sufficiently  through  action  to  be  taken 
by  the  legislature ;  that  is,  by  Official  Legislation.  The  proper 
transaction  of  political  caucus  work  depends  upon  a  free  exercise 
by  individual  electors  of  reason  and  conscience  ;  and  this  particular 
exercise  of  freedom  can  not  be  restricted  properly  by  Statutory  Law 
in  a  Free  Commonwealth. 

The  Direct  Primary.  The  Direct  Primary  is  another  futile 
reform  project.  Any  "  Party  "  politician  will  tell  you  that  so 
long  as  The  Partizan  Party  is  allowed  the  control  over  electoral 
action  it  will  contrive  to  use  it  Direct  Primary  or  no  Direct  Primary. 
Naturally !  And  without  any  new  contrivance  !  For  so  long  as 
The  Partizan  Party  is  allowed  to  pack  its  organizations  with 
controlled  electors  who  at  the  elections  will  vote  at  the  dictates 
of  the  Party  Machine,  of  what  earthly  use  is  a  Direct  Primary 
over  any  other  "  Primary  "  as  a  means  for  making  The  Will  of 
The  People  operative?     The  mere  enunciation  of  Tiie  Will  as  to 


446  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

policies  and  candidates  at  the  direct  primary  does  not  make  it 
operative.  Direct  primaries  have  been  in  operation  long  enough  to 
enable  us  to  perceive  that  the  work  done  at  these  meetings  not 
only  can  be,  but  is,  undone  continually  at  the  elections  by  the  same 
Partizan  party  manipulation  of  "  votes  "  and  of  "  voters  "  that 
has  been  sufficient  in  the  past  to  "  fix  "  the  election  and  make  The 
Will  of  The  Partizan  Party  operative. 

The  following  quotation  taken  from  "Nominating  Systems," 
E.  C.  Meyer,  1902,  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  reform  argument  in  favor 
of  the  use  of  the  Direct  Primary.  "  The  Power  of  Government 
streams  from  the  political  party.  Party  government  is  necessary. 
Party  Organization  must  be  maintained.  Good  party  government 
depends  upon  good  party  action  and  this  in  turn  depends  upon 
strong  party  organization.  Without  well-organized  parties  dem- 
ocratic government  would  be  a  farce.  As  long  as  politics  is  pol- 
itics and  men  are  men,  there  will  be  Professional  Politicians, 
Machines,  Bosses,  Rings,  Heelers,  and  all  the  other  instrumental- 
ities employed  for  concentrating  power  in  politics  and  for  the 
control  of  political  activity.  The  question  is,  under  what  system 
of  nomination  will  these  forces  of  evil  be  least  active  and  their 
political  power  most  nearly  eliminated.  Small  political  com- 
binations are  to  be  expanded  through  the  admission  of  all  legal 
voters.  Every  voter  is  to  have  an  effective  vote.  When  this 
happens  parties  are  to  be  effectively  organized,  and  not  as  they 
are  at  present." 

We  are  back  now  in  the  generalities-jungle  of  political  lit- 
erature. The  umbrageous  ambiguities  contained  in  the  phrases 
"  Politics,"  "  While  politics  is  politics,"  "  The  concentration  of 
power  in  politics,"  "  Small  political  combinations,"  "  Their  ex- 
pansion to  include  all  legal  voters,"  "  The  political  party,"  "An 
effective  vote,"  and  so  on,  cast  such  a  dense  mental  shade  that 
we  are  lost.  But  from  this  literary  environment  alone  we  become 
aware  that  'permanently  organized  associations  of  party  voters 
are  to  continue.  That  Government  by  Party  is  to  continue. 
That  Good  Government  by  Party  is  to  be  obtained  by  changing 
the  partizan  party  organizations  into  "  Effectively  organized  bodies 
of  individuals  exerting  a  strong  influence  upon  political  activity." 
That  these  permanently  and  effectively  organized  parties  are  to 
decide  administrative  policies ;  to  nominate  party  candidates ; 
to  frame  party  issues ;  to  influence  Public  Opinion ;  to  be  re- 
sponsible for  good  government ;  to  secure  representation ;  to 
energize,  direct,  and  control  the  action  of  The  Government,  and 


POLITICAL   REFORM  447 

so  on.  The  gist  of  the  above  quotation  is  that  while  men  are  men 
the  elector,  by  the  adoption  of  the  Direct  Primary,  is  to  be  led 
out  of  his  deplorable  condition  at  present  into  one  under  which 
his  future  political  action  is  to  be  controlled  by  Professional  Poli- 
ticians, Machines,  Bosses,  Rings,  Heelers,  and  all  other  corrupt- 
ing evil  instrumentalities  as  they  mill  then  exist  in  the  "  Effectively  " 
organized  -parties. 

Not  a  very  convincing  plea  for  support  from  one  who  believes 
that  The  Power  to  Govern  is  seated  in  the  people  and  should 
never  be  allowed  to  stream  away  from  them  and  become  seated 
in  any  kind  of  a  party  whatsoever.  Not  very  alluring  to  one 
w^ho  believes  that  the  Right  to  Govern  belongs  solely  to  the  people 
and  should  always  be  exercised  directly  by  them.  Rather  re- 
pelling to  one  w^ho  believes  that  the  obligation  to  govern  rests  upon 
the  people  and  that  its  discharge  can  not  be  avoided  morally  by 
them.  Perfectly  futile  to  one  who  believes  that  any  'permanent 
association  of  voters  "effectively"  or  howsoever  organized  for  the 
purpose  of  absorbing  the  exercise  of  that  power  or  for  discharging 
that  obligation  must  necessarily  be  an  illogical  means,  and  con- 
sequently, that  any  support  given  by  a  Sovereign-unit  to  such 
an  exercise  of  The  Supreme  Power  must  be  unavoidably  suicidal 
to  his  own  political  capacity,  rights,  and  morals,  besides  weakening 
every  element  of  strength  of  The  Commonwealth.  A  decidedly 
unattractive  proposition  to  one  who  believes  that  such  associations 
however  "  effectively  "  or  "  strongly  "  organized,  but  working 
under  party-manipulated  Statutory  Law,  are  the  very  hot-beds 
for  propagating  all  of  the  "  Evil  forces  "  above  mentioned ;  and, 
as  such,  should  be  removed  entirely  from  our  administrative 
action.  Then  again,  the  prospect  offered  by  the  argument  for  a 
continuation  of  "  Party  Politics  "  even  in  an  attenuated  form  is 
far  too  gloomy  to  attract  enthusiastic  support  from  one  who  be- 
lieves that  Democratic  Government  becomes  a  farce  because  the 
exercise  of  the  Power  to  Govern  is  controlled  by  permanent  par- 
tizan  parties,  and  because  such  associations  of  voters  are  allowed  to 
place  individual  electors  while  engaged  in  political  process  work 
under  forms  of  physical,  mental,  and  moral  restraint  not  con- 
templated in  our  plan  of  Government,  and  to  banish  the  controlHng 
influence  of  political  equality  which  was  bestowed  upon  Sovereign- 
units. 

No  !  The  political  powers,  obligations,  and  rights  of  Sovereign- 
units  are  inalienable.  As  such  they  are  logically  incapable  of 
exercise,  discharge,  and  enforcement  except  in  the  manner  originally 


448  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

ordained.  Unfortunately,  and  as  an  expedient,  the  people  have 
seen  fit  to  delegate  an  inadequately  regulated  exercise  of  The  Re- 
served Powers  of  Administration  to  "  The  Party."  The  effect  of 
this  unprescient  delegation  was  to  grant  "  The  Party  "  tenure  in 
authority  without  definitely  binding  it  in  obedience  to  the  Will  of 
The  Sovereign.  The  Partizan  Party  became  tenant  of  the  power 
to  govern  through  promising  to  become  the  vassal  of  the  people ; 
and,  as  in  the  Feudal  System  the  tenant  never  became  the  ab- 
solute owner  in  fee  of  the  lands  used,  so  in  the  Partizan  Party 
System  "  The  Party  "  never  became  the  owner  in  fee  of  The  Re- 
served Powers  of  Administration ;  only  their  user.  The  powers 
themselves  belonged  to  the  people  and  the  resumption  of  their 
exercise  in  full  was  to  follow  the  default  of  "  The  Party."  Like 
the  Feudal  System  of  land  tenure,  the  principle  which  bound  the 
people  and  "  The  Party  "  together  was  mutual  service ;  but  as 
in  the  Feudal  System,  so  in  the  "  Party  System  "  the  feeling  of 
dependence  and  obligation  on  the  part  of  the  tenant  gradually 
became  weakened  and  lost  as  "The  Party"  gradually  gained  this 
and  that  ascendancy  over  the  political  action  of  the  people.  The 
strength  which  "  The  Party  "  absorbed  gradually  diminished  the 
strength  of  The  Sovereign.  And  here  the  parallel  between  the 
systems  ends ;  because  while  the  general  effects  of  the  Feudal 
System  were  towards  the  emancipation  of  the  individual  from  un- 
wise, selfish,  and  oppressive  use  of  the  power  to  govern,  the  general 
effect  of  the  "  Party  System  "  is  the  exact  reverse,  for  it  has  been 
built  up  by  partizan  parties,  and  out  of  partizan  party  customs, 
usages,  practises,  and  methods  all  of  which  impose  illogical,  im- 
moral, and  oppressive  restraints  upon  a  proper  exercise  of  The 
Supreme  Power  by  the  Sovereign-units.  The  partizan  party 
system  precludes  the  existence  of  mutual  service  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  term.  The  partizan  party  is  in  default.  Its  use  as  a 
political  agency  should  be  discontinued.  The  efforts  of  The 
Sovereign  should  not  be  directed  towards  securing  "  Effective  " 
or  "  Strong  organization  "  that  secures  'permanency  in  associations 
composed  of  some  of  its  units ;  but  should  be  directed  towards 
destroying  permanency  in  such  associations.  Electors  should  be 
afforded  every  opportunity  to  form  and  freely  re-form  into  tem- 
porary associations,  on  questions  of  administrative  policy,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  free  succession  of  political  ma- 
jorities originally  intended. 

In  passing  there  is  one  phenomenon  to  be  noticed.     Political 
Reform  has  become  to  many  an  aggravating  idea,  and  with  reason. 


POLITICAL  REFORM  449 

Reform  really  means  the  undoing  of  what  has  been  done  in  the 
past.  The  admission  of  the  necessity  for  reform  is  an  admission 
of  the  perpetration  of  mistakes  in  the  past.  All  tliis  is  unpleasant 
enough.  But  the  consciousness  of  the  futility  of  past  action  that 
was  supposedly  efficacious  throws  doubt  upon  possession  of  ad- 
ministrative ability.  The  existence  of  this  doubt  is,  however, 
largely  due  to  the  actions  of  the  "  Reformers  "  in  the  past.  They 
have  gone  ahead  with  the  existing  system  in  the  endeavor  to  make 
political  reform  appear  to  be  a  progression  rather  than  what  it 
truly  is,  a  retrogression  —  a  return  to  First  Principles.  Their 
proposed  "  Reforms,"  however,  have  not  been  political  reforms. 
They  have  merely  been  the  re-formations  of  this,  that,  or  another 
portion  of  a  non-political  system ;  and  the  repeated  failures  of 
the  re-formed  portions  to  produce  the  promised  political  effects 
have  created  a  w^idespread  distrust  of  the  efficacy  of  any  proposed 
reform  effort.  Now  w^hether  the  present  situation  is  due  wholly 
to  the  lack  of  administrative  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  people 
as  "  The  Party  "  claims,  or  wholly  to  the  venality  and  improbity 
of  "  The  Party  "  as  many  reformers  claim,  or  in  part  to  both,  as 
is  most  likely ;  in  either  case  the  only  logical  and  possible  escape 
from  it  at  present  is  through  the  construction  of  a  new,  a  com- 
prehensive, and  a  logical  system  of  individual  action  and  of  official 
action  ;  and  this  leads  us  to  the  consideration  of  two  reform  efforts 
that  in  many  respects  contain  the  essence  of  true  Political  Reform. 


CHAPTER   XXV 

INDEPENDENT  NON-PARTIZAN  ASSOCIATIONS.    COMMIS- 
SION FORM    OF   GOVERNMENT 

"  Independent  Non-Partizan  Associations  "  :  Probably  there  is 
no  local  community  big  or  little  in  the  United  States  which  does 
not  contain  some  individuals  who  are  disgusted  by  local  adminis- 
trative conditions  which  are  the  direct  outcome  of  the  immoral 
exercise  of  partizan  party  power  over  local  official  action,  and  by 
the  degree  of  political  impotence  in  local  administration  to  which 
the  elector  has  been  reduced  by  the  long-continued  enforcement  of 
the  use  of  the  Partizan  Party  System  of  action  in  local  adminis- 
tration. The  expression  of  this  disgust  has  taken  various  forms. 
In  the  preceding  chapter  mention  was  made  of  several  kinds  of 
local  associations,  the  members  of  which  are  joined  together  for 
the  general  purpose  of  obtaining  a  better  exercise  of  local  political 
power  and  authority. 

Are  Partially  Free  Electoral  Groups.  Some  one  or  another 
special  detail  administrative  reform  has  been  accomplished  in 
hundreds  of  municipalities  by  similar  electoral  groups  spon- 
taneously formed  and  composed  of  municipal  electors  who,  for  the 
time  being,  and  for  one  specific  purpose,  have  cut  loose  from 
partizan  party  affiliations.  Unfortunately,  these  groups  have  never 
been  able  to  cut  loose  from  the  destructive  influences  which  any 
partizan  party,  considered  as  the  physical  exponent  of  the  Partizan 
Party  System,  is  always  able  to  bring  to  bear  on  official  and  on 
individual  administrative  action.  The  members  of  these  groups 
are  never  wholly  free  from  the  operation  in  one  way  or  another 
of  malign  influences  which,  theoretically,  are  not  allowed  to  play 
a  part  in  administrative  action ;  and  since  the  members  are  not 
wholly  free  and  independent  of  these  influences,  the  groups  them- 
selves can  not  be  considered  as  perfectly  free  and  independent 
groups. 

450 


INDEPENDENT  NON-PARTIZAN  ASSOCIATIONS    451 


Independence  of.  In  American  political  literature  these  associa- 
tions are  described  somewhat  inaccurately  as  Independent  Non- 
Partizan  Associations.  It  is  true  that  many  of  the  association 
members  feel  themselves  freed  for  the  time  being  from  the  illogical 
and  general  obligations  of  partizan  party  "  Regularity  " ;  but  it 
is  also  true  that  no  amount  of  individual  self-assertion  can  free 
the  action  of  the  individual  or  the  action  of  the  association  wholly 
from  the  effects  produced  by  the  incorporation  and  retention  in 
the  Statutory  Law  of  partizan  party  methods  of  general  electoral 
action. 

The  independence  achieved  is  merely  a  temporary  individual 
emancipation  from  the  application  by  a  local  Party  Machine  of 
its  local  machine  rules  of  local  electoral  action.  That,  in  itself,  is 
a  partial  political  freedom ;  but  it  falls  far  short  of  the  ordained, 
free,  and  independent  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Adminis- 
tration by  a  Sovereign-unit  through  which  alone  logical  action 
by  the  Collective  Sovereign  becomes  possible. 

The  independence  achieved  is  not  permanent  and  general  as 
ordained.  It  is  a  local,  partial,  and  temporary  independence; 
and  as  such  it  will  continue  to  be  the  meager  portion  of  those  who 
work  solely  for  local  relief  and  not  for  the  emancipation  of  the 
Collective  Sovereign  from  the  oppressive  restrictions  which  can 
be  imposed  upon  its  action  at  present  by  a  partizan  party,  and 
which  oppressions  find  their  sanction  in  the  permitted  use  of  The 
Partizan  Party  System. 

Character  of.  In  composition,  and  in  internal  management, 
these  associations  resemble  free  electoral  groups  and  political 
parties.  The  power  of  the  association  is  seated  in  its  member- 
ship ;  and  the  membership  have  and  exercise  the  right  to  choose 
the  officers  of  the  association,  and  the  objects  of  its  action. 
Broadly  speaking,  however,  these  associations  are  merely  local 
bodies  of  electors  who  are  voluntarily  united  for  the  purpose  of 
performing  presently  some  specific  political  process  or  processes 
according  to  their  ideas  of  right  action,  and  not  according  to  the 
dictates  of  some  local  partizan  party  Boss  or  Machine.  The 
associations  are  sporadic  expressions  of  political  morality.  The 
State  having  laid  down  no  general  and  logical  rule  of  moral  elec- 
toral action,  the  associations  form  to  i)ut  their  idea  of  such  action 
into  local  operation  for  the  time  being ;  but  the  illogical  and  im- 
moral general  control  of  electoral  action  which  the  State  sanctions 
still  continues  to  exist  and  to  impel  men  here  and  there  to  occa- 
sional resistance. 


452  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

Work  of.  Results.  While  these  associations  have  effected  no 
fundamental  change  in  general  administrative  action,  neverthe- 
less their  work  has  not  been  barren  in  local  results,  some  of  which 
are  as  follows.  They  have  smashed  a  few  local  partizan  party 
Machines ;  that  is,  they  have  deprived  a  dominant  partizan  party 
temporarily  of  the  unbridled  exercise  of  its  ill-gotten  "  Power." 
They  have  lessened  the  local  opportunities  for  the  exercise  of 
partizan  party  "  Power  "  through  forcing  the  use  of  better  and 
efficient  business  methods  in  the  ministerial  part  of  municipal 
administration,  and  in  filling  local  offices  temporarily  with  a 
better  class  of  men.  In  some  few  localities  they  have  succeeded 
in  weakening  somewhat  the  hold  of  the  dogma  of  "  Party  Regu- 
larity "  upon  the  minds  of  a  portion  of  the  Municipal  Electorate 
through  educating  that  portion  to  a  perception  of  the  impropriety 
of  letting  a  partizan  party  organization  restrict  the  free  action 
of  individual  reason,  conscience,  and  volition.  They  have  af- 
forded temporary  opportunities  to  a  portion  of  the  local  electorates 
to  reach  freely  a  definite  agreement  of  wills  as  to  policies  and  can- 
didates, upon  which  definite  administrative  action  depends. 
They  have  to  a  very  limited  degree  afforded  opportunities  for 
free  association  in  administrative  work,  and  have  awakened 
general  interest  in  local  political  action.  They  have,  in  some 
localities,  and  through  their  method  of  caucus  action,  been  able 
to  weaken  somewhat  the  monopoly  of  nomination  that  was  held 
by  partizan  bodies  of  voters.  And  in  some  instances  these  asso- 
ciations have  initiated,  shaped,  and  for  the  time  being  have  con- 
trolled local  administration  through  substituting  themselves  as  a 
temporary  Political  Leader  and  intermediary  in  the  place  of  the 
local  partizan  party  Machine  or  Boss. 

Work  of.  Significance  of.  But  the  real  value  to  The  Common- 
wealth of  the  work  of  these  associations  lies  not  so  much  in  results 
as  in  example ;  not  so  much  in  what  they  have  done  as  in  the 
way  they  have  done  it.  The  lessons  taught  by  their  manner  of 
action  have  not  been  lost ;  and  it  may  be  said  that  the  spread- 
ing appreciation  of  the  results  that  are  possible  under  this 
manner  of  action  mark  the  inauguration  of  a  period  of  effective 
reform. 

Whatever  success  they  won  is  due  partly  to  their  independent 
character,  partly  to  the  freedom  of  action  conferred  upon  their 
members  in  association  work,  partly  because  their  general  method 
of  administrative  action  is  more  in  accord  with  the  ordained  prin- 
ciples of  action  than  are  the  despotic  and  wholly  undemocratic 


COMMISSION  FORM  OF   GOVERNMENT  453 

methods  of  the  partizan  parties,  and  partly  because  they  them- 
selves afforded  an  opportunity  for  municipal  electors  to  use  some 
of  their  political  powers  and  rights  jreely  and  directly,  which 
opportunity  is  wholly  barred  to  those  electors  who  retain  their 
membership  in  a  partizan  party.  They  have  shown  The  Com- 
monwealth that  a  freely  organized  part  of  a  municipal  electorate 
can,  for  the  time  being,  check  a  municipal  party  machine  and 
partially  reform  municipal  administration  through  a  return  to  the 
use  of  proper  {and  therefore  practical)  methods  of  political  admin- 
istration. Having  done  this  much  they  have  indicated  the  prac- 
tical way  in  which  all  of  the  municipal  electors  —  if  the  majority 
be  so  minded  —  can  reassume  and  use  all  of  their  political  powers 
and  rights  all  the  time. 

What  can  be  done  in  a  municipality  can  be  done  in  a  State. 
The  so-called  independent  non-partizan  associations,  by  their 
manner  of  action,  have  shown  The  Commonwealth  how  it  can  — 
if  it  be  so  minded  —  eliminate  the  partizan  parties  and  their  sys- 
tem from  the  scheme  of  State  political  administration ;  namely, 
through  a  return  to  the  use  of  perfectly  free,  temporary.  Electoral 
Groups  working  to  promote  the  ordained  General  Welfare  in  a 
manner  that  is  in  accord  with  the  ordained  principles  of  association 
and  of  political  action. 

Commission  Form  of  Government :  Within  the  last  twenty 
years  such  partially  free  and  "  non-partizan  "  groups  have  forced 
the  adoption  in  many  municipalities  of  a  combined  administra- 
tive system  and  official  agency  that  is  described  under  the  in- 
clusive name  of  the  Commission  Form  of  Government.  Enough 
has  been  written  concerning  the  intent  of  the  system,  and  of  the 
nature  of  the  work  that  is  possible  through  the  use  of  a  commission 
as  an  official  agency,  to  render  any  further  description  unnecessary 
in  this  chapter.  But  I  wish  to  draw  attention  to  an  underlying 
feature  of  the  general  subject  that  so  far  has  not  been  sufficiently 
emphasized  in  what  has  been  written,  that  so  far  still  remains 
obscure  in  the  minds  of  many  who  support  the  use  of  this  plan  of 
action,  and  in  which  feature  the  inherent  weakness  of  the  plan 
lies  snugly  ensconced. 

To  begin  with !  The  inclusive  idea  which  underlies  the  com- 
mission plan  of  administration  is  made  up  of  two  distinct  sets  of 
ideas.  One  of  these  sets  relates  exclusively  to  this  specific  system 
of  municipal  administration  ;  and  the  other  set  relates  to  its  official 
agency,  the  commission.  We  will  concern  ourselves  at  present 
with  the  ideas  relating  to  the  system,  bearing  in  mind  that  it 


454  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

has  a  local  applicability  only  and  is  also  tied  up  with  the  general 
administrative  system  of  The  State. 

The  System.  The  set  of  ideas  which  relate  to  the  system 
is  in  turn  divided  into  ideas  which  relate  to  local  efficiencies 
which  the  system  is  capable  of  producing  if  allowed  to  act 
freely,  and  ideas  concerning  the  possible  local  action  of  the 
municipal  elector. 

Efficiencies  under.  Briefly,  one  of  the  ideas  is.  That  through 
the  adoption  of  this  system  by  a  municipality  the  work  of  mu- 
nicipal administration  will  be  separated  and  relieved  from  partizan 
party  control  and  influence;  that  municipal  administration  will 
become  an  efficient  civic  business  and  not  a  mere  local  opportunity 
for  partizan  party  activities.  Experience,  however,  has  shown 
two  facts.  First,  that  municipal  administration  does  take  on  more 
of  the  essence  of  efficient  civic  business;  but  second,  that  mu- 
nicipal administration  can  not  be  relieved  from  partizan  party 
influences  so  long  as  partizan  party  organizations  and  machines 
continue  to  exist  in  the  municipalities  for  the  purpose  of  satisfying 
the  desires  which  they  work  for. 

The  Partizan  Party  will  continue  to  try  to  make  The  Commis- 
sion an  instrumentality  for  its  ovra  efficiency.  To  illustrate ! 
Some  of  the  work  of  the  municipality  is  of  a  big  nature.  Its  speedy 
and  successful  performance  calls  for  resources  in  plant  and  capital 
that  is  now  mostly  in  the  hands  of  the  Big  Business  Interests. 
The  Big  Interests  can  get  this  big  business  easiest  by  working 
through  the  partizan  party  organizations.  Some  of  the  Big  In- 
terest members  are  influential  members  in  these  organizations 
and  contribute  enormously  to  their  support.  These  influential 
members  are  after  the  profits  to  be  made  out  of  municipal  work. 
In  every  sizable  municipality  some  of  the  Big  Interests  have  a 
paid  agent  (usually  a  fellow  partizan  party  member)  whose  business 
it  is  to  influence  some  of  the  commissioners  to  throw  municipal 
work  to  their  employers.  If  a  partizan  party  containing  Big 
Interest  members  can  secure  the  election  of  a  majority  of  The 
Commission,  its  chances  for  continuing  to  exploit  the  needs  of  the 
municipality  are  greatly  increased.  But  whether  it  can  control 
the  action  of  one,  or  some,  or  none  of  the  commissioners,  this 
much  has  been  made  plain  by  experience  that  The  Commission  as 
a  whole  is  never  relieved  from  the  open  or  subtle  influence  which 
The  Partizan  Party  constantly  exerts  directly  or  indirectly  on 
its  action.  All  that  the  adoption  of  Commission  Form  of  Gov- 
ernment has  accomplished  so  far  in  this  respect  is  the  partial 


COMMISSION  FORM  OF   GO\^RNMENT  455 

limiting  and  lessening  of  local  opportunities  for  partizan  party 
activities. 

What  I  have  said  must  not  be  taken  as  disparagement  of  the 
commission  form  of  municipal  administration.  In  pointing  out 
its  weakness  I  am  indicating  the  way  in  which  it  can  be  made 
strong.  The  intent  of  the  scheme  is  wholly  admirable;  but  at 
present  its  intent  is  overridden  and  brushed  aside  in  many  respects 
by  the  organized  force  of  the  intent  of  a  partizan  party  to  exploit 
political  administration  all  of  the  time  and  in  whatever  possible 
way  or  locality.  The  benefits  of  the  Commission  Form  are  many 
and  indubitable ;  but  they  are  at  present  limited  in  degree,  and 
they  must  remain  so,  and  never  be  realized  fully,  so  long  as  the 
pernicious  influence  of  the  Partizan  Party  System  and  its  agency 
is  allowed  to  exist  in  The  State. 

Electoral  Action  under.  The  chief  value  of  this  system  lies  in 
the  fact  that  it  really  betters  the  political  condition  of  the  elector, 
somewhat.  It  makes  possible  a  degree  of  political  freedom  (ef- 
fectiveness) and  it  affords  an  opportunity  for  municipal  electors  to 
participate  directly  in  the  exercise  of  municipal  power  and  hi  the 
control  of  the  exercise  of  municipal  authority  such  as  they  never 
have  had  since  the  advent  of  The  Partizan  Party  as  an  instru- 
mentality in  administration. 

Weakness  and  Insufficiency  of.  All  this  is  admirable,  as  far  as 
it  goes.  But  it  does  not  go  nearly  far  enough.  The  possible 
freedom  and  the  possible  opportunity  are  really  contingent  —  a 
matter  of  choice  as  it  were.  They  may  exist  for  some  who  are 
disposed  to  use  them,  but  they  might  as  well  not  exist  for  others 
who  are  not  so  disposed  ;  for  alongside  of  the  possibilities  afforded 
by  the  commission  system  lie  the  opportunities  presented  by  The 
Partizan  Party  System  for  illogical  and  immoral  action,  which, 
if  taken  (and  it  surely  will  be  taken  by  the  organized  opj)or- 
tunists),  is  capable  of  greatly  diminishing  the  value  of  the  com- 
mission system.  The  inherent  weakness  of  the  Commission 
System  lies  in  the  fact  that  municipal  electors  do  not  have  an 
absolute  opportunity  to  act  uninfluenced  by  the  permanently 
organized  partizan  parties. 

Two  Codes  of  Action.  Such  an  opportunity  is,  of  course,  im- 
possible as  yet,  because  the  commission  system  of  municipal  ad- 
ministration is  made  a  part  of  the  partizan  party  system  of  State 
Administration.  Whenever  the  Commission  System  is  adopted 
by  a  municipality,  the  first  effect  of  the  adoption  is  to  set  up  a 
code  of  municipal  administrative  action  that  is  inconsistent  with 


456  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

the  established  code  of  State  administrative  action.  This  results 
in  making  it  possible  (perhaps  certain)  that  some  of  the  municipal 
electors  will  take  logical  administrative  action  in  municipal  mat- 
ters and  illogical  administrative  action  in  State  matters.  To 
illustrate !  It  is  not  unusual  to  see  a  man  "  Standing  for  Com- 
mission Form  of  Government  "  and  "  Running  for  State  Office  " 
at  the  same  time ;  independent  in  the  first  instance,  but  in  the 
second  instance  dependent  for  the  possession  of  the  office  upon 
the  support  of  a  partizan  party,  which  he  must  support  vigorously 
in  turn  or  lose  the  office.  Such  a  man  struggles  against  the  influ- 
ence of  The  Partizan  Party  in  local  administration,  but  he  coun- 
tenances the  exercise  of  this  influence  in  the  general  political  pro- 
cesses of  State  administration.  Really !  there  is  no  end  to  the  in- 
consistencies involved  in  the  practise  of  piecemeal  political  reform. 

Collective  Action  under.  Taken  as  a  whole  the  commission  sys- 
tem offers  an  opportunity  to  the  municipal  electorate  to  weaken 
the  hold  of  a  partizan  party  over  local  electorate  action,  somewhat. 
That  seems  to  be  the  full  measure  of  its  reformatory  force  in  this 
respect.  Compared  with  the  forces  at  w^ork  in  general  adminis- 
tration, this  particular  degree  of  force  is  not  strength ;  it  is  weak- 
ness. The  system  is  capable  of  accomplishing  but  a  part  of  what 
is  necessary.  Consequently,  it  works  well  in  some  cities  and  in 
others  it  does  not.  But  why?  Because  the  system  is  merely 
appliqued  upon,  and  so  is  made  a  part  of,  the  Partizan  Party 
System.  Naturally,  it  will  work  well  in  cities  wherein  the  in- 
fluence of  the  partizan  parties  has  already  been  weakened ;  but 
it  will  not  and  can  not  work  well  in  cities  wherein  the  influence  of 
The  Partizan  Party  is  still  dominant  over  electoral  action.  In 
many  respects  the  commission  sj'stem  is  incomparably  better 
than  the  "  Mayor  and  Alderman  System  " ;  but  so  long  as  it 
remains  a  part  of  the  Partizan  Party  System,  its  reformatory  force 
will  remain  insufficient  to  produce  logical  municipal  administrative 
action.  The  municipality  is  but  a  part  of  the  County  and  of  the 
State ;  and  the  illogical  action  which  the  municipal  elector  is 
compelled  to  take  in  support  of  partizan  party  action  which  re- 
lates to  County  and  to  State  matters  will  always  to  a  greater  or 
less  degree  nullify  the  effects  of  the  logical  action  which  the  elector 
can  take  in  local  matters ;  the  reason  being  that,  by  his  illogical 
action  in  general  matters,  he  is  keeping  the  partizan  parties  alive, 
and  so  is  affording  them  a  continued  opportunity  for  their  immoral 
exploitation  of  municipal  needs. 

There  are  some  writers  who  think  they  perceive  the  culmination 


COMMISSION  FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT  457 


of  ejffective  political  reform  in  the  extension  of  the  commission 
system  to  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  all  the  municipalities, 
all  the  Counties  of  the  State,  and  of  the  executive  department 
of  the  State  Government.  But  is  it  not  clear  that  so  long  as  the 
commission  system  remains  but  a  part  of  the  Partizan  Party  Sys- 
tem it  can  never  possess  the  reformatory  force  necessary  to  pro- 
duce wholly  effective  and  logical  electoral  action  in  the  County 
any  more  than  it  can  in  the  Municipality  ?  And  would  not  a 
commission  acting  as  a  State  Executive  be  subject  to  the  same 
influences  that  are  brought  to  bear  on  a  municipal  commission? 
Such  a  plan  is  hopeless,  besides  being  circumlocutory  to  an  exhaust- 
ing degree ;  and  it  does  not  compare  in  efficiency  to  the  simple, 
direct,  and  sure  way  that  lies  right  at  hand.  The  principle  under- 
lying the  commission  system  is,  absolute  freedom  in  the  exercise 
of  administrative  power  and  in  the  control  of  the  exercise  of 
administrative  authority.  The  reformatory  value  of  the  system 
lies  most  in  its  example.  It  affords  municipal  electors  partial  in- 
dependence, partial  political  freedom,  and  an  opportunity  for 
direct  administrative  action.  Were  the  partizan  party  and  its 
system  eliminated  entirely  from  the  local  situation,  the  freedom, 
the  independence,  and  the  opportunity  of  the  municipal  elector 
would  become  absolute  under  the  inclusive  electoral  provisions  of 
the  system.  Whatever  the  commission  system  can  do  for  a  city 
it  can  do  for  The  Commonwealth.  But  it  should  do  more  in  each 
instance,  and  it  can  be  made  to  do  more  in  each  instance  providing 
The  Commonwealth  will  abolish  the  permanent  partizan  party 
and  its  system  and  will  extend  the  provisions  of  the  commission 
system  relative  to  electoral  action  to  cover  the  action  of  all  of  the 
Sovereign-units  of  The  State  while  they,  as  the  Collective  Sov- 
ereign, are  engaged  in  performing  all  of  the  processes  of  political 
administration.  So  long  as  the  partizan  parties  control  the  per- 
formance of  some  of  these  processes,  the  commission  system  of 
administration  will  not  be  allowed  to  work  freely  or  effectively 
anywhere. 

Piecemeal  Reform.  So  long  as  permanent  partizan  parties  are 
continued  as  administrative  instrumentalities,  just  so  long  will  the 
adoption  of  a  "  Commission  Form  "  of  administration  result  merely 
in  the  substitution  of  a  differently  formed  administrative  agency 
for  the  partizan  parties  to  manipulate.  Of  it.self  this  substitution 
is  not  a  fundamental  reform,  nor  has  it  any  far-reaching  effects 
on  general  administration.  Good  State  administration  — which 
is  what  we  really  desire  —  does  not  so  much  depend  ui)on  good 


458  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

men  in  local  or  in  general  offices  as  it  does  upon  logical  administra- 
tive methods  of  universal  application. 

But,  at  present,  the  path  to  logical  administrative  action  is 
barred  by  the  illogical  partizan  system  and  the  permanent  partizan 
parties.  They  build  up  the  illogical  system  faster  than  it  can  be 
taken  down  piecemeal.  Under  the  circumstances  which  is  the 
speediest  and  most  effective  course  ?  To  try  to  remedy  the  illogi- 
cal system  provision  by  provision,  leaving  the  partizan  parties  to 
hinder,  obstruct,  and  twist  our  efforts  as  in  the  past,  or  at  one 
stroke  to  abolish  the  illogical  system  and  with  it  its  vivifying  source, 
the  permanent  partizan  parties  ?  The  first  course  involves  untold 
misdirected  energy  and  unending  effort.  Surely,  under  properly 
directed  effort,  the  creation  of  a  predominating  sentiment  for  a 
return  to  a  logical  exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers  of  Administra- 
tion throughout  the  State  must  be  the  shorter  operation,  and 
one  that  will  result  at  least  in  providing  the  opportunity  for  effec- 
tive administrative  action  everywhere. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 
RETROSPECTIVE  SURVEY 

Casting  a  retrospective  glance  at  the  political  action  of  the 
American  Commonwealths,  our  attention  is  caught  by  several 
prominent  features. 

We  see  the  people  of  the  Commonwealths,  possessed  of  the 
Power  and  the  Right  to  Govern,  establishing  themselves  as  Rep- 
resentative Democracies,  and  The  Electorates  as  the  Collective 
Sovereigns. 

We  see  the  exercise  of  Administrative  Power  placed  in  the  hands 
of  The  Electorate  and  the  exercise  of  Administrative  Authority 
placed  in  the  hands  of  their  representatives  in  public  office. 

We  see  that  Administrative  Action  is  thus  divided  into  two  kinds 
of  action  ;  namely,  Electoral  Action  and  Official  Action  ;  and  that 
each  represents  a  sum  total  of  distinctive  Individual  Action. 

We  see  that  the  Administrative  Problem  is.  How  to  keep  the 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  in  the  hands  of  the  electors  and 
how  to  cause  The  Electorate  to  use  the  Reserved  Powers  so  as  to 
produce  a  logical  exercise  of  the  Delegated  Powers. 

We  see  The  Electorates  entering  upon  the  work  of  administration 
without  a  comprehensive  Administrative  System  enabling  The 
Commonwealth  to  enforce  a  proper  discharge  of  electoral  obliga- 
tions or  of  official  obligations. 

We  see  how  The  (Commonwealths  left  the  opportunity  open  for 
individual  electors  to  be  organized  into  aggregations  of  voters 
that  are  in  no  true  sense  Political  Parties  through  failing  at  the 
outset  to  regulate  adequately  the  administrative  action  of  the 
electors. 

We  see  how  The  Commonwealths  left  the  opportunity  open  for 
changing  the  nature  and  character  of  public  office  through  failing 
at  the  outset  to  prescribe  distinctly  the  function  and  duty  of  office 
and  officers. 

We  see  how  that  before  long  The  Electorates,   involved    in 

459 


460  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

apparently  insurmountable  administrative  difficulties,  abandon 
the  kind  of  individual  electoral  action  required  by  their  form  of 
Democracy,  and  how  they  allow  The  Partizan  Party  to  gradually 
control  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  citizenship  through  con- 
structing a  system  composed  of  methods  of  action  that  are  not  in 
consonance  with  the  ordained  principles  of  action,  and  which 
control  enables  The  Partizan  Party  to  produce  a  kind  of  electoral 
and  of  official  action  that  is  foreign  to  the  original  spirit  and  intent 
of  the  people. 

We  perceive  how  through  the  use  of  the  Partizan  Party  System 
the  electors  have  been  forced  gradually  to  relinquish  the  direct 
exercise  of  more  and  more  of  the  Reserved  Powers,  and  how 
through  submitting  to  the  indirect  exercise  of  these  powers  The 
Commonwealths  have  lost  their  direct  control  over  the  action  of 
their  administrative  agency.  The  Government. 

And  finally  we  perceive  that  whatever  of  power  and  influence 
the  electors  have  lost  has  been  gained  by  The  Partizan  Party,  and 
that  The  Commonwealths  do  not  at  present  possess  the  requisite 
methods  enabling  them  to  force  their  Sovereign-units  to  act  in  the 
manner  required  by  their  theory  of  government. 

Turning  now  to  what  The  Partizan  Party  has  done  and  is  doing 
in  reference  to  matters  which  are  of  vital  importance  to  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  the  American  Form  of  Democracy  : 

Principles  of  Association.  We  see  The  Partizan  Party  ignoring 
the  Democratic  principles  of  Association,  Free  Agreement  of  Wills, 
and  Harmony  through  Agreement,  and  keeping  its  organizations 
alive  and  operative  by  the  exercise  of  Fear,  Favor,  Fraud,  and 
Force ;  thus  seriously  weakening  the  Bond  of  Union  between  the 
people  and  The  Government. 

Free  Participation.  We  see  it  actively  engaged  in  making  free 
participation  in  political  administration  impossible  for  the  passive 
class  in  its  organizations  by  enforcing  the  dogmas  of  Party  Regular- 
ity and  Party  Success.  We  see  it  greatly  hampering  the  political 
freedom  of  the  remainder  of  The  Electorate  and  obstructing  active 
participation  of  public-spirited  citizens  as  much  as  possible. 

Naturalization.  We  see  it  utilizing  the  Process  of  Naturalization 
to  swell  the  passive  class  in  its  organizations,  and  weakening  the 
political  ability  of  The  Commonwealth  by  stuffing  The  Electorate 
with  a  vast  number  of  individuals  who  are  totally  unqualified  for 
citizenship. 

Registration.  Where  Registration  Laws  are  in  force  we  see  it 
perpetrating  all  sorts  of  registration  frauds  for  the  purpose  of 


RETROSPECTI\'E  SURVEY  461 


manufacturing  its  characteristic  partizan  partv  majorities  of 
"  votes." 

Nominations.  We  see  it  impairing  the  Right  to  Select  candi- 
dates through  bestowing  nominations  for  public  office  on  party 
partizans  for  secret  partizan  party  reasons,  and  through  selling 
nominations  for  cash.  We  see  it  successfully  obstructing  access 
to  the  public  service  of  independent  and  public-spirited  citizens, 
and  even  foisting  its  "  Yellow-dog  "  candidates  upon  the  people 
at  times  and  in  places  where  its  naturalization,  registration,  and 
election  frauds  assure  its  "  Success." 

Elediom.  We  see  it  setting  aside  the  Elective  Principle  and 
impairing  the  Right  to  Choose  between  administrative  policies 
by  multiplying  the  issues,  by  making  vague,  ambiguous,  and 
deceptive  professions  of  intent,  by  mixing  questions  of  candidacy 
with  questions  of  policy,  and  by  bringing  influences  to  bear  upon 
the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  that  range  from  mere  cajolery 
to  open  crime. 

Responsibility.  We  see  it  destroying  Political  Responsibility  by 
supplanting  it  with  "  partizan  party  responsibility  "  ;  and  we  see 
it  enforcing  partizan  party  responsibility  upon  electors  and  officials 
rigorously,  but  always  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  immoral 
interests  of  The  Partizan  Party  and  never  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  a  logical  discharge  of  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignt}'  or  of 
the  Duties  of  Citizenship. 

Leadership  and  Statesmanship.  We  see  it  substituting  profes- 
sional politicians  for  true  political  leaders  in  Electoral  Action,  and 
constantly  destroying  the  chance  for  statesmanship  in  The  Gov- 
ernment by  withholding  from  public-spirited  leaders  of  public 
opinion  every  possible  opportunity  for  deliberation  and  debate 
within  The  Government. 

Organization.  We  see  it  organizing  Electoral  Action  under  a 
system  of  methods,  usages,  and  practises  that  destroys  freedom  of 
political  action  completely  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  electors, 
which  hampers  that  freedom  in  all  of  the  remainder,  and  which 
reduces  The  Electorate  to  a  choice  between  two  sets  of  bad  partizan 
party  promises  and  candidates  as  the  means  for  producing  good 
administration. 

Public  Opinion.  We  see  it  everv-where  and  in  all  stages  of  its 
work  before  the  people  hampering  the  free  formation  of  Public 
Opinion  by  its  manipulation  of  political  questions ;  and  we  see  it 
while  in  control  of  the  process  of  election  actively  engaged  in 
distorting,  vitiating  and  counterfeiting  The  Will  of  The  Peoi)le 


462  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

by  fraudulent  and  criminal  manipulation  of  the  ballots  cast  at  the 
elections. 

Representation.  We  see  it  actively  engaged  in  destroying  the 
principle  of  representative  action  and  substituting  Partizan  Party 
Representation  in  the  place  of  Proportionate  Representation 
through  the  use  of  the  Gerrymander,  Deals  in  Offices,  Trades  in 
controlled  "  votes  "  before  the  elections,  and  we  see  it  doing  the 
same  thing  at  the  elections  by  means  of  ballot  manipulation,  ballot 
box  stuffing,  colonization,  repeating,  fraudulent  canvassing,  and 
so  on.  We  see  it  lowering  the  grade  of  representation  and  of 
legislation  through  denying  capable  but  public-spirited  citizens 
the  opportunity  to  hold  public  office  and  position  ;  through  the  fill- 
ing of  public  office  for  partizan  party  objects  and  reasons,  and 
through  preventing  political  minorities  from  obtaining  representa- 
tion as  far  as  may  be.  And  we  see  it  producing  the  evils  of  non- 
representation,  misrepresentation,  and  disfranchisement  in  the 
body  politic  through  developing  —  instead  of  correcting  —  the 
faults  of  our  system  of  representation. 

Majority  Rule.  We  see  it  ignoring  the  idea  of  Majority  Rule, 
making  it  impossible,  and  substituting  in  its  place  a  form  of 
Minority  Rule ;  namely,  the  control  of  administrative  action  by 
some  one  partizan  party  all  of  the  time. 

Political  Majorities.  We  see  it  making  the  existence  of  Political 
Majorities  and  the  free  succession  of  such  majorities  absolutely 
impossible  through  twisting  the  term  to  mean  "  The  largest 
aggregation  of  partizan  party  '  votes  '  or  '  voters  '  " ;  and  we  see 
the  dominant  partizan  parties  getting  their  votes  and  voters 
together  through  frauds  practised  in  the  various  administrative 
processes  that  range  from  deception  to  secret  collusive  action. 

Electoral  Action  and  Duty.  We  see  it  destroying  the  ordained 
exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  as  far  as  possible  by  inducing  or 
deceiving  numbers  of  the  electorate  to  take  indirect  action  by 
means  of  a  permanent  partizan  party,  thus  interposing  a  partizan 
party  as  an  intermediary  for  an  indirect  discharge  of  electoral 
duty ;  and  we  see  it  transmuting  individual  political  action  into 
partizan  party  action  through  enforcing  partizan  party  duty  as 
the  first  rule  of  Electoral  Action. 

Official  Action  and  Duty.  We  see  it  constantly  misusing  and  mis- 
applying The  Delegated  Powers  for  its  own  partizan  ends  through 
the  investure  of  certain  important  public  offices  with  partizan  party 
functions,  through  the  induction  of  trusted  partizan  party  leaders 
into  public  offices  having  functions  utterly  foreign  to  their  original 


RETROSPECTIVE  SURVEY  463 


purposes,  and  through  twisting  the  parliamentary  law  governing 
the  organization  and  procedure  of  legislatures  to  fit  the  changed 
situation.  We  see  a  partizan  party  imposing  its  Will  as  the 
stimulus  to  action  by  The  Government;  and  we  behold  The 
Government,  so  energized,  constantly  affording  opportunities  for 
the  growth  in  society  of  conditions  that  are  the  very  opposite  of 
those  which  Government  was  instituted  to  maintain.  We  see 
The  Partizan  Party  transmuting  official  action  into  partizan  party 
action  through  forcing  public  officials  to  act  in  the  interests  of 
"  The  Party  "  while  in  office ;  and  we  perceive  how  the  unnatural 
action  of  such  partizan  party  officials  becomes  the  cause  for  the 
interminable  so-called  friction  between  the  branches  of  The 
Government. 

Electorate  Action.  We  see  it  preventing  United  Electoral  Action 
by  splitting  The  Electorate  into  groups  that  are  not  opposed  to 
each  other  on  political  grounds  alone,  but  which  are  opposed  to  each 
other  largely  by  the  desire  to  satisfy  personal  and  private  interests 
ahead  of  the  ordained  welfare  of  the  individual  and  of  The  State. 

Public  Morals  and  Conscience.  We  see  it  undermining  the  public 
morals  and  the  public  conscience  by  debauching  the  morals  and 
smothering  the  conscience  of  large  numbers  of  the  Sovereign-units 
through  inducing  partizan  party  action  by  the  exercise  of  bribery, 
intimidation,  physical  force,  party  power,  and  the  promise  of 
party  favor. 

Obligations  of  Sovereignty.  We  see  it  taking  advantage  of  the 
faults  in  the  administrative  system ;  ignoring  every  obligation 
of  sovereignty ;  and  impairing  every  ordained  condition  of 
existence. 

Duties  of  Citizenship.  We  see  it  making  a  widespread  realiza- 
tion of  the  duties  of  citizenship  as  hard  as  possible  by  insisting  that 
"  Party  Success  "  is  the  main  object  to  be  worked  for  instead  of  the 
General  Welfare ;  and  we  see  it  openly  inspiring  a  contonij)t  for 
such  duties  by  the  frauds  it  practises  in  the  processes  of  naturaliza- 
tion, registration,  nomination,  and  election,  and  in  the  Bi-Partizan 
Boards  and  Commissions  of  The  State. 

Tivo  Codes  of  Action.  We  see  it  weakening  and  dissipating  the 
political  energy  of  The  Commonwealth  by  maintaining  and 
enforcing  a  code  of  administrative  action  that  is  diametrically 
opposed  to  the  kind  of  action  originally  ordained. 

Education.  We  see  it  doing  nothing  in  the  way  of  true  i)olitical 
education  ;  but  on  the  contrary,  by  precept  and  example  we  see  it 
educating  Sovereign-units  to  act  m  a  maimer  productive  of  social 


--/' 


464  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

unrest  and  destructive  of  the  true  welfare  of  the  individual  and  of 
The  State. 

The  Present  Situation.  Turning  now  to  the  present  situation : 
While  it  is  bad  enough,  yet,  as  said  before,  it  is  not  desperate.  The 
"  Powers  of  The  People  "  and  the  "  Rights  of  The  Individual  "  are 
the  same  now  as  in  the  beginning.  But  through  continuous 
illogical  administrative  action  by  The  Collective  Sovereign  its 
units  have  become  deprived  of  the  opportunity  for  free  and  direct 
exercise  of  their  rightful  political  powers  and  consequently  are 
unable  to  control  the  action  of  The  Government  in  reference  to 
individual  rights. 

The  question  is,  How  can  a  free  and  full  exercise  of  The  Reserved 
Powers  of  Administration  be  regained  by  The  Electorate  ?  As 
said  in  Chapter  IV  the  people  have  the  right  to  exercise  political 
power  for  any  political  object.  They  have  the  power  to  correct  a 
defective  administrative  system  at  any  time.  They  can  if  they 
wish  abolish  that  which  in  the  past  has  been  considered  Law  and 
ordain  that  which  shall  be  considered  Law  in  the  future.  They 
can  construct  a  logical  administrative  system  and  incorporate  it  in 
their  Organic  Law  through  an  exercise  of  the  Power  of  Amendment. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 
CONCLUSIONS 

In  his  final  exhortation  Mr.  Ostrogorski  says  in  substance :  ^ 
"  Hitherto  the  victorious  struggle  which  democracy  has  carried 
on  in  the  world  has  been  mainly  a  struggle  for  material  liberty; 
moral  liberty  which  consists  in  thinking  and  acting  as  free  reason 
dictates,  has  yet  to  be  achieved  by  it.  Democracy  has  brought 
with  it  political  liberty ;  but  nowhere  else  has  it  appeared  more 
clearly  than  in  the  United  States  that  political  freedom,  which 
can  build  up  material  liberty  only,  is  not  complete  without  the 
citizen's  independence  of  mind,  and  without  the  spontaneous  and 
vigilant  energy  of  his  will.  In  the  absence  of  this  independence 
and  this  vigilance,  demagogism  and  corruption  have  entered  the 
house  in  broad  day  as  a  thief  enters  in  the  night,  and  democracy 
(as  a  regime  of  free  reason)  has  received  a  check,  not  from  an  excess 
of  liberty,  but  from  a  deficiency  of  moral  liberty.  To  retrieve 
this  check  and  to  prevent  complete  ruin,  the  remedy  is  obvious ; 
return  to  reason  and  to  duty." 

No  one  can  object  to  the  spirit  in  which  this  is  written  ;  but  may 
we  not  be  pardoned  for  asking.  How  is  it  possible  for  an  individ- 
ual to  "  return  to  administrative  duty  "  in  the  absence  of  an  ex- 
press declaration  by  The  Sovereign  of  what  that  duty  isf  How 
can  an  individual  possess  "  independence  of  mind  in  administra- 
tive action  "  in  the  absence  of  an  express  statement  by  The  Sover- 
eign of  how  he  is  to  act  administratively  f  It  is  all  very  well  for  us 
to  say  with  Mr.  Ostrogorski  that  "  We  must  devote  ourselves  to 
the  work  of  life,  and  at  the  voice  of  conscience  which  calls  to  duty, 
each  contribute  his  personal  efforts  as  bricks  and  mortar  for  build- 
ing the  walls  of  the  free  democratic  city,  the  supreme  refuge  of 
human  dignity." 

But  what  conscience  is  it  that  calls  ?     How  can  the  individual 

' "  Democracy  and  the  Organization  of  Political  Parties,"  Vol.  2,  728. 

465 


466  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

or  the  democracy  possess  a  political  conscience  in  the  absence  of 
an  express  declaration  concerning  political  duty?  And  is  it  not 
because  of  the  absence  of  such  a  declaration  concerning  specific 
administrative  duty,  and  not  because  of  the  lack  of  innate  "  inde- 
pendence of  mind  "  on  the  part  of  the  Sovereign-units,  that  the 
opportunity  was  presented  for  demagogues  and  corruptionists  to 
usurp  the  exercise  of  the  political  powers  of  the  Sovereign-units 
easily  ?  How  otherwise  were  it  possible  for  the  demagogues  and 
corruptionists  to  construct  openly  and  apply  a  body  of  customs, 
usages,  and  practises  which,  while  it  stood  as  an  expression  of 
administrative  duty,  actually  worked  to  prevent  its  discharge? 
Blind  trust  on  the  part  of  the  people  explains  its  use ;  but  it  never 
could  have  come  into  existence  in  the  face  of  an  ordained  Rule  of 
Administrative  Duty, 

Now  although  we  as  individuals  cannot  "  Return  to  duty  "  in 
the  absence  of  a  standard  of  duty  established  by  the  Collective 
Sovereign  and  acknowledged  by  its  units  to  be  the  expression  of 
our  ideas  concerning  administrative  duty,  nevertheless  there  are 
no  valid  reasons  why  we  should  continue  on  blindly  without  a 
standard  of  duty,  or  should  not  possess  one  if  we  wish.  On  the 
other  hand  there  is  every  reason  why  we  should  possess  one  if  we 
wish  to  reap  the  full  benefits  of  our  chosen  form  of  Self  Govern- 
ment. But  in  getting  it  there  is  only  one  possible  course  to  take ; 
expediency,  as  a  rule  of  administrative  action,  must  be  banished. 
Then,  with  minds  open  to  conviction,  we  must  return  for  instruc- 
tion to  our  first  principles.  Those  who  perceive  the  central  truths 
embodied  therein  must  strive  and  ever  strive  to  quicken  the  in- 
telligence of  the  majority  to  perceive  that  administrative  duty 
will  remain  a  matter  of  dispute,  and  impossible  of  reasonable  and 
just  enforcement,  until  such  time  as  we.  The  Collective  Sovereign, 
take  up  the  unfinished  work  of  The  Fathers,  and,  through  a  proper 
and  full  discharge  of  the  obligations  of  sovereignty  prescribe  the 
manner  in  which  every  electoral  duty  and  every  official  duty  shall 
be  performed  and  enforced.  Thus,  and  thus  only,  can  we  dis- 
charge our  duty  to  the  succeeding  generations  that  will  compose 
The  Commonwealth,  transferring  —  in  addition  to  the  material 
liberty  that  our  fathers  fought  for  and  acquired  —  the  opportunity 
for  the  free  exercise  of  that  degree  of  moral  liberty  which  The 
Fathers  thought  they  had  secured  to  posterity,  but  failed  through 
unprescient  action  to  preserve.  Shall  we  be  the  generation  to 
confer  moral  freedom  upon  the  American  electors  and  show 
Humanity  at  Large  how  it  can  be  obtained  ? 


CONCLUSIONS  467 


As  to  Administrative  Duty :  Oiir  search  for  information  is  at  an 
end.  We  have  prosecuted  it  through  enough  of  the  field  of  polit- 
ical action  to  enable  us  to  draw  some  definite  conclusions  and  to 
state  them  as  follows  : 

Two  Kinds  of.  The  term  "  Administrative  Duty  "  expresses 
two  kinds  of  dutv ;  namelv,  Electoral  Dutv,  and  Official  Dutv. 

Electoral  Duty,  General  Character.  Every  Sovereign-unit,  while 
engaged  in  the  exercise  of  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration, 
is  by  virtue  of  the  original  governmental  agreement  regarding 
objects  and  democratic  action,  bound  to  act  freely,  reasonably,  con- 
scientiously, and  directly  in  every  move,  step,  stage,  and  process  of 
electoral  action.  He  is  also  bound  morally  to  secure  the  same  kind 
of  action  from,  and  to  secure  the  opportunity  for  such  action  to, 
every  Sovereign-unit  with  whom  he  is  associated  either  in  local  or 
in  general  administrative  action. 

The  Duties  of  Citizeiiship.  This,  in  a  broad  way,  expresses  the 
general  character  of  what  is  commonly  spoken  of  as  the  duties  of 
citizenship.  These  duties  are  numerous.  They  range  from  the 
duties  of  political  naturalization  to  the  duties  of  political  control. 
They  are  performed  at  different  times  during  a  period  of  adminis- 
tration. Unfortunately,  this  broad  name  does  not  serve  to  in- 
dividualize these  duties.  It  conveys  no  distinct  impression  as  to 
the  exact  number,  time  of  performance,  sequence,  specific  purpose 
of  each  duty,  or  as  to  the  manner  in  which  each  duty  is  to  be  per- 
formed. It  is  a  term  to  juggle  with,  for  it  serves  merely  to  give  a 
vague  impression  of  the  general  character  of  these  duties,  which 
impression,  however,  loses  most  of  its  force  in  the  face  of  an  estab- 
lished system  of  action  which,  in  many  respects,  compels  an 
elector  to  support  a  partizan  party  as  the  means  for  discharging 
his  duties  as  a  Sovereign-unit. 

Under  our  theory  of  Government  the  administrative  duty  of 
the  electors  lies  solely  and  directly  to  The  Commonwealth  —  the 
Sovereign  which  made  them  Sovereign-units  for  the  specific  pur- 
pose of  promoting  the  General  Welfare  according  to  Democratic 
principles  of  action.  But  if  The  Sovereign  delegates  the  exercise 
of  its  sovereignty  improperly  to  a  partizan  party,  of  what  par- 
ticular use  is  an  appeal  for  proper  administrative  action  to  an 
elector  who  knows  that  the  partizan  parties  do  not  work  for  the 
General  Welfare  alone,  but  on  the  contrary  are  constantly  working 
for  their  own  private  ends?  Under  such  a  scheme  of  procedure 
even  the  general  character  of  administrative  duty  is  lost  sight  of 
by  some,  remains  obscure  to  others,  and  impossible  of  performance 


468  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

by  many ;  and  under  such  a  scheme  of  procedure  the  minds  of  the 
citizens  at  large  remain  permeated  with  that  pernicious  confusion 
of  contradictory  ideas  concerning  proper  administrative  effort 
that  results  in  suspicious,  inharmonious,  weak,  inefficient,  and 
even  wrongful  action  by  many. 

Necessity  for  establishing  Electoral  Functions.  What,  then,  is 
necessary  to  impart  to  each  electoral  duty  the  binding  force  of  a 
specific  obligation? 

Definite  political  powers  without  stated  methods  of  exercise 
possess  a  limited  effectiveness  only  ;  there  being  no  definite  meth- 
ods for  the  exercise  of  each  power  for  a  stated  purpose. 

Political  powers  with  illogical  methods  operate  harmfully,  and 
present  the  opportunity  for  the  misuse  of  power  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  purposes  never  intended. 

Definite  political  powers,  to  produce  definite  administrative 
results,  must  be  used  in  a  definite  manner. 

Consequently,  in  order  to  attach  the  binding  force  of  obligation 
to  each  specific  electoral  duty  it  is  necessary  for  the  Collective 
Sovereign  to  construct  and  to  enforce  the  use  of  definite  methods 
for  the  exercise  of  each  definite  power  for  each  definite  purpose. 

Body  of  Electoral  Liberties.  Such  methods,  embodied  in  the 
Organic  Law,  bestowing  freedom  of  reason,  conscience,  and  voli- 
tion on  the  elector,  and  making  possible  a  free  exercise  of  political 
prerogative  are  indispensable  to  action  as  ordained.  All  questions 
relative  to  the  action  of  the  Collective, Sovereign  hinge  on  these  two 
basic  facts ;  namely,  The  action  of  the  Collective  Sovereign  is  the 
sum  total  of  the  action  of  its  units  ;  and  the  character  of  its  action 
depends  upon  the  character  of  the  action  of  its  units.  The  Col- 
lective Sovereign  can  not  act  freely  to  produce  the  ordained  results 
of  administrative  action  unless  the  action  of  its  units  is  free.  It 
can  not  produce  Justice  as  ordained  unless  its  units  possess  equality 
of  political  freedom.  It  can  not  do  what  it  has  to  do  unless  it  can 
control  the  action  of  the  individuals  who  do  it.  Without  a  man- 
date prescribing  definitely  the  action  which  shall  be  considered  a 
proper  discharge  of  each  detail  of  the  processes  of  administration 
both  The  Sovereign  and  the  Sovereign-unit  are  weak;  the  sov- 
ereign because  it  has  no  definite  rule  of  action  under  which  it  can 
enforce  proper  electoral  action  resolutely  and  justly,  and  the 
sovereign-unit  because  he  cannot  confidently  invoke  just  and 
speedy  action  by  the  Collective  Sovereign  in  enforcing  proper 
electoral  action  from  others.  For  instance :  One  of  the  objects 
of  organizing  electoral  action  is,  to  impart  decisiveness  to  the 


CONCLUSIONS  469 


"  Electoral  Mandate  "  as  to  administrative  policy.  Experience 
has  shown  that  in  very  many  instances  the  mere  oath  of  the  elector 
that  he  will  discharge  his  electoral  duty  properly  is  not  enough  to 
produce  such  a  discharge.  The  oath  does  not  compel  him  to  act; 
and  whenever  an  elector  is  "  induced  "  to  "  go  fishing  "  on  primary 
or  on  election  davs  such  failure  or  omission  to  act  constitutes  in 
itself  a  politically  criminal  breach  of  electoral  duty  in  that  his 
action  tends  to  detract  from  the  decisiveness  of  the  electoral 
mandate.  Theoretically,  there  is  a  specific  duty  attached  to  each 
electoral  action.  Consequently,  the  only  way  by  which  The 
Electorate  can  hope  to  control  its  own  collective  action  with  a 
reasonable  degree  of  certainty  and  effectiveness  is  through  pro- 
viding each  elector  with  a  full  opportunity  to  enforce  a  proper 
discharge  of  electoral  duty  from  each  elector  with  whom  he  comes 
in  contact  in  electoral  action,  and  to  make  a  failure  to  do  so  a 
punishable  political  offense. 

But  The  Commonwealth  cannot  use  physical  force  to  control 
the  mental  and  moral  action  of  the  elector  while  he  is  engaged  in 
formative  and  constructive  administrative  action.  Individual 
reason  and  conscience  are  operative  alone.  All  that  the  Com- 
monwealth can  do  logically  is  to  incorporate  within  its  organic  law 
certain  methods  by  which  individual  action  in  this  respect  can  be 
taken  spontaneously,  and  by  which  the  electoral  will  when  formed 
can  be  made  fully  effective.  Having  secured  to  the  elector  the  use 
of  such  methods,  and  having  provided  the  means  for  enforcing 
their  use  justly,  then  The  Commonwealth  has  done  all  that 
it  can  do  properly  to  conserve  the  free  exercise  of  individual 
reason,  conscience,  and  will  upon  which  the  general  welfare 
depends  ultimately. 

Now  since  The  Commonwealth  must  act  in  this  manner,  then 
surely  it  is  illogical  action  on  its  part  to  permit  several  relatively 
small  associations  of  individuals  to  exercise  what  is  generally 
admitted  to  be  improper  influence  and  control  over  the  minds  and 
consciences  of  a  part  of  the  electorate;  and  since  illogical  action  in 
this  respect  is  also  immoral  action  in  that  it  tends  to  destroy  polit- 
ical freedom  in  administrative  action  on  the  part  of  some,  and  to 
hamper  it  on  the  part  of  the  remainder,  this  of  itself  is  sufficient 
reason  for  abandoning  the  use  of  the  present  partizan  party 
methods  of  electoral  action. 

Moreover,  political  equality  is  a  part  of  the  ordained  status  of 
the  elector.  Then  surely  it  is  illogical  action  on  the  part  of  The 
Commonwealth  to  bestow  special  advantages  upon  any  associa- 


470  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

tion  of  voters  in  the  matter  of  making  nominations,  or  in  the  per- 
formance of  any  process  of  administration. 

Also  it  is  the  duty  of  The  Electorate  to  maintain  the  exercise  of 
The  Reserved  Powers  in  the  hands  of  the  electors.  It  is  the  duty 
of  the  electors  to  exercise  these  powers  directly.  Both  of  these 
duties  are  rendered  impossible  of  performance  by  the  use  of  an 
administrative  system  that  enables  a  partizan  party  to  take  the 
exercise  of  these  powers  out  of  the  hands  of  a  dangerously  large 
proportion  of  The  Electorate,  and  to  convert  what  should  be 
direct  electorate  action  into  what  is  necessarily  indirect  partizan 
party  action. 

Furthermore,  the  promotion  of  the  general  welfare  is  the  object 
sought  after  in  deciding  administrative  policies.  From  the  fact 
that  the  Power,  the  Right,  and  the  Obligation  to  Decide,  is,  as  we 
conceive  it,  upon  The  Electorate  as  a  chosen  body,  it  follows  that 
there  can  be  no  other  logical  body  or  any  intermediary  body  for 
the  exercise  of  individual  political  freedom. 

Finally,  it  is  one  of  the  duties  of  The  Electorate  to  control  ofHcial 
action  through  enforcing  a  proper  discharge  of  official  duty.  The 
Electorate  is  the  Common  Superior  of  all  public  oflBcials  whether 
acting  alone  or  with  others  in  an  oJEcial  body,  board,  or  agency. 
But  how  can  The  Electorate  control  official  action  properly  so  long 
as  it  uses  an  administrative  system  which  enables  several  partizan 
parties  to  select  these  officials ;  to  elect  these  officials  by  politically 
fraudulent  means ;  and  to  misdirect  the  exercise  of  The  Delegated 
Powers  through  the  application  of  "  Party  Power  "  on  these  public 
officials  ?  It  cannot  be  done ;  and  this  leads  us  to  a  consideration 
of  ofiicial  duty,  and  of  the  action  which  is  necessary  to  enable  the 
Collective  Sovereign  to  obtain,  and  to  enforce  if  necessary,  a  proper 
discharge  of  official  duty  from  those  of  its  units  who  for  the  time 
being  are  in  public  office. 

Official  Duty:  General  Character  of.  Broadly  speaking,  every 
Sovereign-unit,  while  engaged  in  the  exercise  of  any  of  the  Dele- 
gated Powers  of  Administration,  is  by  virtue  of  the  original  gov- 
ernmental agreement  as  to  objects  and  democratic  action,  bound 
to  act  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  an  elector  would  act  were  all 
the  electors  assembled  together  in  a  general  administrative  body ; 
that  is,  freely,  reasonably,  conscientiously,  and  directly.  He  is 
also  morally  bound  to  see  to  it  that  every  other  sovereign-unit 
with  whom  he  comes  in  contact  in  official  action  shall  act  likewise. 
An  individual  does  not  lose  his  electoral  capacity  or  avoid  his 
electoral  obligations  merely  because  he  is  entrusted  with  the  tern- 


CONCLUSIONS  471 


porary  exercise  of  political  authority.  The  character  of  electoral 
duty  and  of  official  duty  is  the  same.  The  general  object  sought 
through  the  proper  discharge  of  each  is  the  same.  The  sovereign- 
unit  in  office  is  bound  to  carry  out  the  intent  of  the  Collective 
Sovereign. 

Electorate  action,  however,  can  be  rendered  of  little  effect  by 
improper  official  action.  Consequently,  an  indispensable  pre- 
requisite to  proper  Administrative  Action  is  some  means  for  pro- 
ducing a  proper  discharge  of  official  duty.  But  here  again,  specific 
official  duty  can  neither  exist  or  be  enforced  reasonably  in  the 
absence  of  a  stated  rule  of  official  duty.  If  the  people  are  to 
govern,  then  they  alone  must  prescribe  official  functions;  and  if 
they  are  to  govern  in  an  orderly  and  effective  manner,  then  the 
functions  of  each  similar  class  of  offices,  and  that  of  each  separate 
and  distinct  office  in  any  class,  must  be  stated  beforehand  pre- 
cisely as  the  functions  and  duties  of  the  board  of  directors  and  of 
the  various  officers  in  a  corporation  are,  by  initiatory  action  on 
the  part  of  the  stockholders,  set  forth  in  the  By-Laws  of  the  Cor- 
poration. As  between  the  affairs  of  a  business  corporation  and 
that  of  a  body  politic  there  is  no  difference  in  principle.  Con- 
sidering each  as  a  going  concern,  the  duties  of  members  and  offi- 
cials ;  the  relationships  between  each  of  a  class  to  the  others  in  a 
class ;  and  the  relations  of  each  class  to  the  other  class  or  classes 
must  be  distinctly  stated  to  begin  with  in  order  to  enable  each 
member  and  official  to  maintain  or  to  assist  in  the  maintenance 
of  the  established  relations  and  relationships.  In  political  action 
there  is  but  one  possible  proper  way  in  which  official  duty  can  be 
rendered  specific  as  to  detail,  definite  as  to  character,  and  readily 
and  justly  enforced ;  and  that  is  for  the  Collective  Sovereign  to 
prescribe  the  function  and  duty  of  each  office  and  declare  the 
manner  in  which  and  the  official  by  which  such  function  and  duty 
shall  be  discharged ;  for  without  such  fixing  of  function  and  duty 
beforehand  the  greatest  possible  opportunity  is  left  open  for  im- 
proper official  action  through  which  The  Government  can  be  made 
the  instrument  for  forcing  upon  society  conditions  of  existence 
and  action  at  once  destructive  of  individual  rights  and  productive 
of  social  unrest. 

The  Body  of  Official  Liberties.  Finally,  and  by  no  means  of 
least  importance,  the  ordainment  of  such  a  rule  of  official  action 
would  establish  a  "  Body  of  Official  Liberties  "  under  which  the 
official  would  possess  the  requisite  amount  of  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence in  official  action,  and  under  which  he  could  immediately 


472  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

invoke  the  power  of  The  Commonwealth  to  resist  encroachments 
by  other  officials  and  to  punish  any  attempted  exercise  of  control 
over  his  action  that  does  not  proceed  directly  from  the  Collective 
Sovereign.  It  is  this  fixing  beforehand  of  function,  duty,  and 
manner  of  discharge,  that  makes  the  administrative  action  of  The 
Judiciary  so  orderly,  smooth,  and  effective.  It  is  the  basis  of  that 
publicity  in  judicial  action  which  the  people  consider  an  indis- 
pensable safeguard  to  their  "  Liberties  " ;  and  as  evidence  of  the 
fact  that  the  people  are  gradually  perceiving  the  advantages  to 
be  obtained  by  doing  the  same  with  general  public  ofiice  may  be 
cited  their  action  in  prescribing  and  imposing  upon  their  quasi- 
public  corporations  a  system  of  bookkeeping  by  which  public 
officials  can  easily  ascertain  the  actual  values  of  their  properties 
and  franchises  when  seeking  administrative  revenue  through 
taxation. 

As  to  Political  Progress :  After  Government  is  Established, 
political  progress  is  made  through  administrative  progress.  State 
necessities,  action  outside  The  State,  economic  progress,  and  in- 
dividual material  progress  are  constantly  originating  questions 
of  administrative  policy  within  The  State.  Formative  and  con- 
structive electoral  action  consists  in  shaping  and  bringing  political 
questions  (not  partizan  party  questions)  up  for  a  hearing  and  settle- 
ment before  the  people.  The  electoral  decision  is  made  operative 
by  The  Government,  Where  individual  electors  can  act  freely, 
electoral  action  proceeds  regularly  from  the  settlement  of  one 
administrative  question  to  the  discussion  and  settlement  of  another. 
In  logical  electoral  action  each  vote  cast  is  a  definite  expression  of 
individual  convictions  regarding  administrative  policy;  thus  be- 
stowing decisiveness  of  utterance  upon  the  Electoral  Mandate. 
The  questions  themselves  attract  support ;  the  amount  of  support 
determining  their  relative  importance. 

Logical  administrative  progress  depends  upon  reasonably  quick 
and  decisive  electorate  action  that  is  carried  out  in  detail  by  saga- 
cious official  action.  Depending  upon  the  presence  of  some,  all, 
or  none  of  the  elements  of  speed,  decisiveness,  and  sagacity,  ad- 
ministrative progress  will  be  rapid,  slow,  or  perhaps  lacking  alto- 
gether. 

Because  The  Electorate  (as  the  agency  for  imparting  a  definite 
impulse  to  official  action)  should  not  attempt  to  decide  more  than 
one  political  question  at  a  time ;  and  because  the  elector  has  but 
one  vote  to  cast  in  determining  the  Administrative  Will  of  The 
People,  the  tendency  of  logical  electoral  action  is  to  produce  true 


CONCLUSIONS  473 


political  groups  or  parties  advocating  some  one  single  issue  as  the 
most  important  issue  to  be  decided. 

Representation.  Where  one  political  question  at  a  time  is  de- 
cided Representation  becomes  more  direct  and  characteristic. 
The  representatives  (officials)  are  caused  to  feel  more  strongly 
the  force  of  impulse  and  of  control.  Opportunities  for  unconscion- 
able delay  are  curtailed,  and  the  tendency  in  legislative  action  is 
to  a  more  speedy  disposition  of  its  particular  work.  This,  in  turn, 
enables  the  people  to  take  up  and  consider  other  political  ques- 
tions quickly,  and  to  decide  the  order  of  their  importance. 

Apathy.  Such  electoral  action  is  most  healthful.  It  tends 
to  destroy  the  permanent  alignment  of  "  Parties  "  and  the  per- 
manent combinations  in  "  Leadership  "  which  are  dangerous.  At 
the  same  time  it  permits  full  scope  to  Political  Leadership,  and, 
what  is  of  the  utmost  importance,  it  tends  to  keep  the  individual's 
interest  in  political  administration  awake  and  active.  Apathy 
cannot  exist  to  a  dangerous  extent  where  individuals  realize  that 
their  votes  bear  directly  upon  the  settlement  of  some  one  political 
question;  and  the  reader  who  is  conversant  with  past  administra- 
tive action  has  not  failed  to  notice  the  entire  lack  of  apathy  in  those 
who  were  members  of  the  few  truly  political  parties  of  the  past, 
not  to  mention  its  complete  absence  in  the  members  of  the  opposing 
parties  whether  acting  collusively  or  separately  as  opponents. 

But  on  the  other  hand  !  If  a  partizan  party  is  allowed  to  "  at- 
tract votes  "  to  its  candidates  through  advocating  a  multiplicity 
of  issues,  then  the  settlement  of  the  most  important  question  may 
be,  and  often  is,  postponed  indefinitely  by  the  decision  of  "  The 
Party  "  as  to  importance.  Wlien  this  happens  —  and  it  happens 
constantly  —  administrative  progress  is  retarded.  Also,  by  the 
use  of  a  multiplicity  of  issues  the  force  of  the  individual's  one  vote 
can  be  so  weakened  in  decisiveness  as  to  become  worthless  as  a 
practical  means  for  producing  logical  administrative  progress; 
and  apathy  concerning  administrative  progress  will  continue  to 
exist  on  the  part  of  many  so  long  as  they  continue  to  believe  that 
there  is  no  logical  way  of  escape  from  the  use  of  a  partizan  party 
intermediary  that  throws  every  possible  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
administrative  progress  in  order  to  enable  it  to  perpetuate  Special 
Privilege  in  the  place  of  Equal  Opportunity. 

As  to  Political  Organization :  While  advocating  the  adoption 
of  a  logical  administrative  system  the  author  has  been  met  re- 
peatedly with  objections  like  the  following :  "  What's  the  use  1 
The  disposition  and  the  lack  of  mental  ability  in  the  average 


474  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

elector  will  soon  cause  the  freely  forming  political  groups  or 
parties  to  have  the  same  kind  of  Managements  at  their  heads 
as  the  partizan  parties  have  now."  "  Their  Managements  will 
soon  dominate  the  action  of  the  political  parties  and  will  soon 
utilize  the  parties  as  the  means  for  controlling  electoral  and 
official  action  in  their  own  interests ;  thus,  in  the  end,  perpetuating 
conditions  in  administrative  action  similar  to  those  at  present." 
"  The  average  elector  must  be  led  in  his  action ;  and  he  will  con- 
tinue to  be  led  by  men  who  will  take  advantage  of  the  situation 
and  busv  themselves  in  getting  votes  to  maintain  '  The  Established 
Order  of  Things.' " 

In  meeting  these  objections  the  author  has  endeavored  to  show 
that  they  are  but  partially  warranted  conclusions,  and  conclusions 
that  leave  the  latent  public  spirit  and  patriotism  of  the  average 
elector  out  of  the  consideration,  and  which  also  fail  to  take  into 
consideration  the  fact  that  under  a  logical  system  the  elector 
would  have  the  full  opportunity  of  being  led  by  Statesmen  and 
not  by  Opportunists.  Of  course  the  need  for  organizing  electoral 
action  will  always  exist,  but  in  meeting  conclusions  against  the 
adoption  of  a  logical  system  the  author  claims  in  turn  that  the 
kind  of  organization  possible  under  such  a  system  will  be  most 
acceptable  to  the  average  elector.  He  has  shown  the  mental  de- 
pression that  accompanies  the  present  illogical  organization  of 
electoral  effort.  He  has  endeavored  to  show  how  the  existing 
discontent  and  unhappiness  can  be  dispersed  largely  under  a 
logical  system  because  the  average  elector  can  turn  freely  to  his 
natural  leaders  for  instruction  as  often  as  the  occasion  requires; 
the  happiness  that  is  bestowed  by  a  consciencious  attempt  to  dis- 
charge electoral  duty  uplifting  the  elector  and  prompting  him  to 
similar  effort  in  the  future.  He  has  shown  that  under  a  logical 
system  the  political  groups  or  parties  are  necessarily  short-lived, 
and  therefore  do  not  lend  themselves  readily  to  a  scheme  of  per- 
manent private  control  over  electoral  and  official  action ;  but  on 
the  contrary  do  afford  the  means  for  a  permanent  and  constantly 
active  electorate  control  over  such  action.  He  has  shown  that 
The  Managements  of  political  groups  are  composed  of  public- 
spirited  political  leaders  who  —  when  the  opportunity  is  pre- 
sented —  work  to  promote  the  general  welfare  through  showing 
the  elector  how  to  discharge  his  electoral  duty  properly. 

Moreover,  the  author  claims  that  the  kind  of  organization  pos- 
sible under  a  logical  system  will  not  be  an  objectionable  feature  in 
administrative  action.     Public  Spirit  will  be  given  the  opportunity 


CONCLUSIONS  475 


to  act  as  the  force  binding  the  electors  into  groups.  It  will  be  the 
kind  of  organization  that  gives  effect  to  true  political  leadership 
which  concerns  itself  with  the  propriety  of  administrative  action ; 
with  the  merits  and  character  of  candidates ;  with  the  appro- 
priateness of  statutory  law ;  with  the  enforcement  of  political 
responsibility  upon  public  oflScials ;  and  with  leading  The  Elec- 
torate towards  a  conscientious  solution  of  its  problems  rather  than 
in  "  Feeling  "  the  resistance  of  Public  Opinion  against  vague  and 
deceptive  partizan  party  proposals.  Public  Spirit  will  be  given 
the  opportunity  to  offset  the  desire  for  private  advantage  which  is 
now  the  chief  incentive  to  produce  organized  electoral  effort,  and 
which  desire  is  made  effectual  now  by  such  means  as,  the  selling 
of  nominations  to  politically  immoral  opportunists  for  cash ;  the 
distribution  of  public  offices  for  partizan  party  reasons ;  the  sup- 
pression of  Political  Leadership  and  the  general  misuse  of  the  Re- 
served Powers  of  Administration.  And  finally,  Political  Organ- 
ization, as  defined  in  this  book,  w^ould,  if  put  into  operation,  have 
the  tendency  to  produce  fairly  capable  Sovereign-units  out  of 
crude  material,  and  would  tend  to  prevent  the  degradation  of 
electors  into  "  docile  "  and  "  trained  "  partizan  party  serfs  whose 
"  votes  "  are  utilized  at  present  by  The  Partizan  Party  to  offset 
the  effect  of  ballots  that  carry  a  real  political  significance. 

As  to  Delegating  the  Exercise  of  the  Reserved  Powers :  The 
Power  to  Establish  an  administrative  system,  and  the  Power  to 
Amend  it,  is  seated  in  The  Electorate.  Relying  upon  the  public 
spirit  and  the  civic  virtue  of  the  individual  we  have  given  to  The 
Partizan  Party  the  right  to  devise  and  to  legalize  the  methods  by 
v.'hich  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration  are  to  be  exercised. 
Our  action  amounts  to  this ;  namely,  the  creation  of  a  partizan 
party  as  an  Administrative  Agency ;  the  careless  delegation  to  it 
of  the  exercise  of  Political  Prerogative;  and  the  imprudent  be- 
stowal beforehand  of  our  Sanction  upon  its  acts.  Improving  its 
opportunity,  the  Partizan  Party  has  devised  a  system  of  methods 
which  enable  it  to  control  electoral  action.  It  exercises  its  con- 
trol for  wrongful  purposes.  When  forced  to  abandon  one  way  of 
misusing  administrative  power,  it  devises  another  immediately. 
This  sort  of  thing  has  been  going  on  since  the  beginning.  There 
is  no  sign  of  change  in  partizan  party  intent  or  purpose ;  and  we 
continue  to  suffer  in  happiness,  in  reputation,  in  character,  and 
in  pocket,  because  we  delegate  wrongfully  the  exercise  of  Re- 
served Powers  which  we  should  exercise  directly. 

However!     We  learn  by  experience;    and  our  past  experience 


476  SAFE  AND   UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

in  partizan  party  leadership  and  control  warrants  us  in  drawing 
the  following  conclusions.  First ;  That  so  long  as  we  continue 
to  delegate  the  exercise  of  any  of  the  Reserved  Powers  to  an  agency 
that  is  working  constantly  for  politically  immoral  purposes  we 
cannot  prevent  that  agency  from  diverting  administrative  action 
from  its  true  objects.  Second ;  That  before  we  can  hope  to  real- 
ize the  benefits  flowing  from  Self  Government,  we  ourselves,  The 
Electors,  must  resume  a  free  and  untrammeled  exercise  of  all 
The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration.  Third ;  That  just  so 
long  as  we  continue  to  delegate  an  unrestricted  exercise  of  dis- 
cretion to  The  Partizan  Party  and  it  continues  to  use  a  partizan- 
party-filled  legislature  as  the  means  to  legalize  its  methods  of 
electoral  action,  just  so  long  will  there  be  a  struggle  between  the 
people  and  the  partizan  party  over  proper  administrative  methods. 
Fourth ;  That  so  long  as  the  people  allow  a  partizan  party  to  in- 
corporate its  methods  in  the  administrative  system,  just  so  long 
will  the  struggle  leave  The  Electorate-at-Large  at  a  disadvantage 
because  a  proper  administrative  system  cannot  be  composed  of 
partizan  party  methods. 

The  Danger  of  a  Swper-'Elastic  System.  Experience  has  sho^Ti 
us,  or  should  have  sho^\^l  us,  that  an  effective  system  must  give 
effect  to  the  ordained  Principles  of  Action,  which,  of  themselves, 
indicate  the  kind  of  methods  to  be  used.  Wherever  Democracy 
has  been  tried  experience  has  demonstrated  the  fact  that  a  limit 
must  he  set  to  administrative  action,  and  by  The  People's  Mandate 
concerning  the  precise  object  for  which  each  administrative  power 
and  authority  shall  be  used,  how  it  shall  be  used,  by  whom,  and 
at  what  time  and  place. 

Now  as  a  matter  of  fact  we  are  using  an  administrative  system 
that  is  capable  of  unlimited  and  illogical  extension ;  and  one  that 
contains  no  constitutional  limitations  upon  the  exercise  of  each 
power  and  authority.  But  worst  of  all,  we  have  an  administrative 
system  the  provisions  of  which  can  be  easily  modified,  changed, 
or  be  rendered  inoperative  as  a  safeguard  of  electoral  freedom,  by 
the  mere  passage  of  some  "  Rule,"  "  Regulation,"  or  "  Resolu- 
tion "  by  some  partizan  party  organization  of  voters ;  for  the 
people  allow  a  partizan  party  to  dictate  rules  of  electoral  action 
to  a  portion  of  the  electors  and  also  allow  its  Management  to  en- 
force its  dictates  with  all  the  power  of  a  Despot.  But  aside  from 
this !  The  danger  that  lies  in  an  elastic  administrative  system,  or 
in  one  like  ours  which  can  be  modified  or  changed  easily  by  the 
systematic  adding  of  expediential  method  to  expediential  method 


CONCLUSIONS  477 


is,  that  it  provides  no  definite  rule  of  administrative  duty  appli- 
cable to  all  alike. 

There  are,  however,  several  definite  facts  concerning  it.  It  is 
a  partizan  party  system,  affording  a  wide  opportunity  for  the  in- 
fluential members  of  a  partizan  party,  or  of  two  dominant  "  par- 
ties "  —  always  more  or  less  in  collusion  —  to  manipulate  ad- 
ministrative action  for  their  own  private  benefit.  Because  of 
its  indefiniteness  the  question  of  proper  administrative  action  is 
left  open  to  continual  discussion  and  dispute.  Unfortunately, 
we  have  given  The  Partizan  Party  the  right  to  curtail  the  freedom 
of  the  elector ;  and,  under  the  circumstances,  "  The  Party  "  has 
something  to  say  on  the  question  of  duty  —  not  Administrative 
Duty  —  but  partizan  party  duty  that  is  destructive  of  the  other. 
While  there  is  a  continual  dispute  concerning  the  relative  merits 
of  "  Partizan  Party  Duty  "  and  the  "  Duties  of  Citizenship," 
and  while  The  Partizan  Party  is  allowed  to  keep  itself  alive  and 
powerful  as  a  disputant  by  its  immoral  and  often  criminal  manip- 
ulation of  "  the  voters  "  and  of  "  votes,"  political  administration 
cannot  progress  in  effectiveness  as  it  should  progress.  And  finally, 
since  there  is  no  end  to  the  methods  that  human  ingenuity  can 
devise  for  the  misuse  of  political  power  and  of  political  authority, 
this  system  can  be  made  to  produce  any  result  whatsoev^er  that  its 
presiding  genius  desires,  nor  can  the  people  prevent  action  being 
taken  under  it  that  undermines  the  ordained  freedom  of  the 
individual  upon  which  the  ability  and  the  stability  of  The  Com- 
monwealth rests. 

As  to  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty :  What  then  is  necessary 
to  restore  the  elector  to  the  position  he  was  given  originally,  and 
to  enable  him  to  discharge  his  administrative  duties  properly? 
Just  this,  and  nothing  else !  The  Collective  Sovereign  must  dis- 
charge its  Obligations  of  Sovereignty  properly  through  providing 
its  Sovereign-units  with  a  system  of  administrative  action  enabling 
electors  as  such  to  exercise  The  Reserved  Powers  of  Administration 
properly,  and  enabling  officials  as  such  to  discharge  the  true  func- 
tions and  duties  of  all  offices  properly. 

Duties  and  functions  must  be  defined ;  and  the  system,  con- 
sidered as  a  Body  of  P^lectoral  and  of  Official  Liberties,  must  be 
embodied  in  the  Fundamental  Law  where  it  cannot  be  overridden 
by  individual  or  by  legislative  action. 

As  to  the  Power  of  Amendment :  But  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
individual  Political  Freedom  cannot  be  regained  and  retained 
without  the  establishment  of  such  a  system,  the  work  of  its  es- 


478  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

tablishment  entails  no  real  hardship  on  the  elector.  There  is 
nothing  mysterious  to  be  done;  nothing  that  the  average  intel- 
ligence cannot  grasp  and  understand.  The  people  generally  are 
not  wholly  unfamiliar  with  the  basic  idea  of  proper  action.  The 
people  generally  realize  that  State  electoral  action  is  a  matter 
which  they  are  free  to  regulate.  Are  not  the  people  of  the  various 
States  constantly  recasting  and  amending  their  Constitutions  so 
as  to  meet  the  requirements  of  conditions  that  have  been  changing 
constantly  since  their  autonomy  was  achieved  ? 

Of  course  it  is  admitted  that  The  Commonwealth  cannot  stop 
evil  intent,  evil  desire,  or  even  evil  action  on  the  part  of  a  perverse 
individual  by  merely  prescribing  a  Rule  of  Duty ;  but  this  natural 
lack  of  ability  in  The  Commonwealth  furnishes  no  excuse  what- 
ever for  its  failure  to  do  all  in  its  power  to  preserve  political  free- 
dom to  its  Sovereign-units.  On  the  Contrary !  The  average 
lack  of  sagacity  and  the  average  disposition  should,  of  itself,  serve 
as  an  incentive  to  most  painstaking  action  to  that  end.  Common 
prudence,  as  well  as  honor  and  reason,  demand  that  much  of  The 
Commonwealth ;  and  since  The  Electorate  was  originally  com- 
manded to  exercise  several  distinct  and  separate  powers  for  several 
distinct  and  separate  ends,  common  honesty  and  ordinary  com- 
mon sense  require  two  things ;  namely.  That  distinctive  methods 
shall  be  prescribed  for  the  exercise  of  each  power,  and  that 
the  methods  shall  be  such  as  will  keep  the  exercise  of  each 
power  confined  to  the  accomplishment  of  its  distinctive  purpose 
as  far  as  is  possible. 

Reform  through  Official  Legislation.  The  resumption  of  a  proper 
exercise  of  political  power  and  authority  is,  however,  hindered 
greatly  by  the  failure  of  the  people  to  perceive  the  impropriety  of 
trying  for  it  through  official  legislation.  Political  reform  can- 
not come  that  way  because  it  is  the  way  of  Political  evil.  Official 
reform  legislation  is  indirect  action  by  The  Sovereign  where  direct 
action  is  required. 

Acting  upon  the  assumption  that  indirect  action  will  do  in  the 
absence  of  a  rule  compelling  direct  action,  the  people,  through 
official  legislation,  conferred  upon  the  Partizan  Party  the  op- 
portunity to  influence,  and  if  possible  to  control,  Electoral  Action. 
The  adoption  of  The  Partizan  Party  System  had  the  effect  of 
conferring  upon  it  the  sanction  of  custom ;  and  its  use  has  taken 
a  strong  hold  on  the  minds  of  the  masses  who  do  not  apprehend 
its  working  possibilities.  Time  and  again  right-minded  citizens 
with  the  majority  of  the  people  behind  them  have  tried  to  get 


CONCLUSIONS  479 


right  electoral  methods  through  official  legislation  —  The  Aus- 
tralian Ballot  System,  The  Direct  Primary  are  instances ;  but 
each  time  it  has  been  found  impossible  because  the  people  have 
improvidently  allowed  The  Partizan  Party  to  employ  undemo- 
cratic motives  of  associative  effort  by  means  of  which  it  has  been 
able  to  change  the  permitted  "  Organizations  of  Voters  "  (which 
in  nature  should  be  Political  Organizations)  into  compacted  bands 
of  self-seekers  that  are  strong  enough  in  their  controlled  voting 
power  to  head  off  or  to  side-track  the  insufficiently  organized  at- 
tempts of  the  people  to  get  what  they  want  from  the  partizan- 
party-filled  Legislatures.  How  can  the  people  get  what  they 
want  and  at  the  same  time  allow  full  play  to  the  Will  of  a  political 
agency  over  whose  actions  they  have  no  adequate  control  ? 

Reform  through  True  Direct  Legislation.  Briefly,  the  Col- 
lective Sovereign  has  authorized  The  Partizan  Party  to  make 
political  administration  as  easy  as  possible  for  the  Sovereign- 
units.  Li  exchange  for  this  mess  of  pottage  the  Sovereign-units 
have  relinquished  their  political  birthright  of  political  freedom 
and  are  —  as  individuals  —  being  swindled  continually  by  The 
Partizan  Party  out  of  the  blessings  which  belong  to  them  rightfully 
and  to  their  successors.  This  is  the  situation  of  the  people  at 
present ;  and  this  is  the  price  paid  for  political  ease.  Out  of  this 
discreditable  condition  there  is  but  one  course  of  action  open. 
Through  a  direct  exercise  of  the  power  of  amendment  the  Col- 
lective Sovereign  must  provide  its  Sovereign-units  with  a  system  of 
methods  under  which  they  can  freely,  directly,  and  unitedly  when 
necessary,  discharge  their  self-imposed  political  obligations  and 
duties.  In  no  other  way  can  they  safeguard  the  possession  and 
transmission  of  their  rights. 

Drastic  Reform.  There  are  many  who  shrink  from  attempting 
political  reform  in  this  drastic  manner.  They  argue  that  there  is 
a  settled  indisposition  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  amend  their 
Constitutions  radically.  But  if  the  history  of  amendatory  effort 
be  examined  closely,  the  student  will  perceive  that  the  people  have 
never  hesitated  to  amend  when  they  thought  it  right  to  do  so. 
And  it  will  appear  also  that  this  supposedly  innate  indisposition  or 
distrust  in  the  people  has  been  engendered  largely  by  The  Partizan 
Party ;  which  interesting  body,  being  intrenched  in  the  faults  of 
the  administrative  system,  naturally  bends  its  utmost  efforts  to- 
wards preventing  their  eradication  by  amendment. 

Heretofore  the  reformatory  attempts  have  been  mainly  directed 
towards  eradicating  one  particular  fault  after  another ;    and  in 


480  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

most  instances  The  Partizan  Party  has  stepped  forward  as  the 
Defender  of  The  Faith  —  in  the  partizan  party  —  and  has  led 
the  people  into  a  rejection  of  the  proposition.  But  the  reform 
proposed  here  strikes  at  the  existence  of  'permanent  parties  of 
any  sort.  It  is  the  re-formation  of  the  entire  Administrative 
System ;  the  creation  of  a  Body  of  Electoral  and  of  Official  Lib- 
erties ;  the  ordainment  of  a  Rule  of  Administrative  Duty ;  and 
the  vitalization  of  the  Public  Conscience. 

As  to  Organized  Educational  Effort :  Of  course  reform  through 
true  direct  legislation  can  not  come  until  the  majority  of  the 
electorate  is  convinced  of  the  necessity  and  of  the  propriety  of 
resorting  to  amendment.  Of  course  the  Collective  Sovereign  can 
act  as  it  pleases.  But  it  can  not  administer  Government  wisely 
or  well  until  its  intellectual  ability  equals  its  ability  to  govern.  Its 
intellectual  ability  is  the  sum  total  of  the  intellectual  ability  of 
its  units.  Manifestly,  the  intellectual  ability  of  the  Sovereign- 
units  must  be  raised  through  intellectual  effort  intelligently  ap- 
plied. We  suffer  from  political  evils  which  engender  the  growth 
of  social  and  economic  evils.  The  escape  from  this  condition  lies 
through  raising  the  intelligence  of  a  majority  of  the  electorate  to 
a  clear  perception  of  the  true  cause  for  the  existence  of  general 
political  evil ;  and  then  through  du-ecting  that  intelligence  to  the 
kind  of  administrative  action  that  is  necessary  to  render  the 
existence  of  such  evil  less  possible.  The  opportunity  for  the 
existence  of  such  evil  must  be  restricted  as  far  as  possible. 

A  systematic  study  by  the  mentally  strong  of  the  political  prob- 
lem of  the  American  Democracies,  and  of  the  processes  involved 
in  its  logical  solution  must  be  the  first  step  in  The  Reformation. 
Then,  a  systematic  education  of  the  young,  the  politically  unin- 
formed, and  of  our  immigrants,  in  the  Obligations  of  Sovereignty 
and  the  Duties  of  American  Citizenship  must  follow.  Such  effort 
will  be  necessary  to  supplement  the  pitifully  weak  curricular  in- 
struction of  our  public  educational  institutions,  and  will  be  neces- 
sary also  to  offset  the  misinformation  which  these  classes  receive 
now  concerning  the  ordained  exercise  of  political  power  and  of 
political  authority;  for  if  Democracy  considered  as  a  regime  of 
reason  is  to  last  and  play  its  beneficent  part,  then  these  prospective 
and  actual  Sovereign-units  must  be  converted  into  beings  capable 
of  reasoning  from  political  cause  to  political  effect. 

As  to  Reformatory  Agencies  and  Methods :  How  can  these  classes 
in  society  be  reached  properly  ?  Here  the  lessons  taught  by  the 
work  of  the  temporarily  free  electoral  groups  described  in  Chapter 


CONCLUSIONS  481 


XXV  become  of  assistance  in  indicating  the  practical  way  for 
taking  up  and  organizing  educational  effort. 

Free  Electoral  Groups.  Whenever  the  desire  for  electoral  free- 
dom becomes  strong  in  a  few,  the  educational  means  and  methods 
are  available ;  for  there  is  nothing  structural  in  our  Plan  of  Ad- 
ministration to  prevent  the  natural,  free,  and  spontaneous  for- 
mation of  similarly'  minded  electors  into  District,  County,  or 
State  associations,  all  animated  by  the  same  purpose,  all  led  by 
the  same  Leaders  or  by  local  leaders  acting  under  State  Leader- 
ship, and  all  working  together  to  arouse  individuals  to  a  realization 
of  the  true  exercise  of  political  power  and  political  authority ;  to 
a  realization  of  the  actual  Obligations  and  Duties  of  Sovereign- 
units  ;  and  to  a  realization  of  the  fact  that  without  logical  ad- 
ministrative action  The  Electorate,  working  collectively,  can 
neither  perpetuate  Government  as  ordained  nor  ascertain  whether 
it  is  possible  to  secure  the  peculiar  benefits  promised  in  its  name. 

Those  associations  which  have  been  most  successful  and  effective 
in  the  past  have  been  those  which  have  tried  most  to  discharge 
the  function  of  Political  Leadership  and  to  keep  their  Managements 
free  from  outside  interference  and  control ;  and  the  methods  they 
adopted  suggest  the  methods  necessary  for  keeping  The  Manage- 
ments of  the  electoral  groups  pure  in  composition,  character,  and 
purpose. 

In  a  Republic  the  natural  function  of  a  political  leader  is  to  assist 
the  elector  to  a  clear  perception  of  the  probable  results  of  pro- 
posed electoral  action  ;  and  the  function  of  a  statesman  is  to  assist 
the  legislators  to  a  clear  perception  of  the  probable  results  of 
proposed  legislation.  Electoral  Groups,  formed  and  managed 
as  above  described,  would  become  the  natural  "  Breeding  places  " 
of  Leaders  and  Statesmen  because  they  would  afford  the  oppor- 
tunity for  the  free,  direct  —  and  therefore  most  effective  —  play 
of  individual  public  spirit,  civic  virtue,  political  knowledge, 
wisdom,  and  sagacity  ;  such  as  does  not  exist  at  present,  and  such 
as  it  was  hoped  the  "  Party  "  organizations  would  afford,  but  do 
not. 

Political  Leagues.  Such  free  and  mutually  supportive  electoral 
groups,  working  together  for  the  adoption  of  a  logical  system  of 
administrative  action,  would  possess  the  characteristics  of  a 
League.  Having  a  "  Political  Object  "  it  would  be  in  fact  a 
Political  League  and  should  be  named  so.  Why  ?  Because  there 
is  either  deception  or  instruction  in  a  name,  and  the  word  "  Po- 
litical "  would  serve  to  distinguish  these  leagues  sharply  from  the 


482  SAFE  AND  UNSAFE  DEMOCRACY 

present  permanent  associations  of  voters  which  are  their  natural 
opponents,  and  the  real  character  of  which  is  not  revealed  by  the 
use  of  the  single  word  "  Parties." 

Such  a  body  of  independent  electors  working  in  or  through  a 
State  for  the  restoration  of  and  for  the  permanent  preservation  of 
indiiidual  political  freedom  would  soon  attract  an  influential  mem- 
bership. It  could  not  fail  to  attract  support  from  the  truly  In- 
dependent Press.  It  could  not  fail  to  become  an  educational 
factor  in  political  administration  and  to  secure  effective  public 
education  therein  if  it  worked  for  it.  It  could  not  fail  in  the  end 
to  become  a  numerical  majority  in  The  Electorate ;  and,  if  it  re- 
mained true  to  the  principles  of  Free  Association,  it  could  not  fail 
to  establish  that  kind  of  Leadership  and  Statesmanship ;  that 
system  of  organized  electoral  action  ;  that  degree  of  individual  and 
official  responsibility ;  and  that  level  of  individual  character  upon 
which  depends  the  success  of  American  Democratic  Government 
as  ordained. 

Because  of  the  lack  of  a  duly  ordained  and  reasonably  enforcible 
Rule  of  Administrative  Duty  the  original  operative  force  of  our 
principles  of  duty  has  become  diminished  and  dissipated.  Through 
our  unwitting  administrative  action  unfair,  unjust,  undemocratic, 
unpolitical,  and  uneconomic  conditions  of  individual  existence 
have  been  allowed  to  creep  into  and  exist  in  our  body  social.  A 
Democratic  Regime  can  be  ordained ;  but  it  can  not  last  or  be 
made  effective  without  that  continuous  and  logical  action  on  the 
part  of  the  people  which  imparts  life,  strength,  and  operative  force 
to  the  principles  that  brought  it  into  existence.  Illogical  political 
action  that  is  caused  by  the  use  of  illogical  political  agencies,  means, 
and  methods,  weakens  the  force  of  these  principles,  undermines 
society,  and  prevents  the  administration  of  Justice  as  ordained. 
To  just  the  extent  in  which  self-interest  is  allowed  to  supplant 
public  spirit  in  individual  political  action  will  privilege  supplant 
equality  and  justice  in  political  and  economic  action.  To  just 
the  extent  in  which  privilege  supplants  equality  in  any  respect 
will  the  social  equilibrium  be  unbalanced.  An  unbalanced  society 
must  produce  an  unbalanced  Electorate.  An  unbalanced  Elec- 
torate must  produce  necessarily  an  unbalanced  assisting  admin- 
istrative agency ;  and  unless  the  unbalancing  process  is  stopped, 
society  must  move  forward  either  to  its  end  or  to  a  governmental 
revolution  which  may  be  either  peaceful  or  the  opposite,  depending 
upon  the  preponderance  of  either  political  knowledge  and  public 
spirit,  or  the  individual  hatred  and  distrust  developed. 


CONCLUSIONS  483 


This  is  not  prophecy,  but  the  plain  statement  of  a  truth ;  for 
principles  such  as  ours,  although  their  vigor  may  be  sapped  by  the 
illogical  action  of  one  society,  will  nevertheless  survive,  and  will 
be  given  other  means  of  expression  by  other  societies  formed  to 
give  them  their  full  effect. 


FINIS 

AND  THE  SPIRIT  OF  DEMOCRACY  SPAKE  UNTO  THE  PEOPLE,  SAYING: 
I  AM  THE  TRUTH  WHICH  HAVE  BROUGHT  THEE  OUT  OF  THE  HOUSE 
OF  POLITICAL,  BONDAGE.  THOU  SHALT  HAVE  NO  OTHER  GODS  BE- 
FORE ME.  THOU  SHALT  NOT  MAKE  UNTO  THEE  ANY  LIKENESS  OF  ME; 
NEITHER  SHALL  YE  MAKE  UNTO  YOU  GODS  OF  GOLD.  THOU  SHALT 
NOT  BOW  DOWN  THYSELF  UNTO  THEM  OR  SERVE  THEM  ;  FOR  I  THY 
TRUTH  AM  A  JEALOUS  MASTER,  VISITING  THE  ERRORS  OF  THE  FA- 
THERS UPON  THE  FUTURE  GENERATIONS  THAT  COMPOSE  THE  STATE. 
HONOR  MY  POLITY  ACCORDING  TO  MY  PRINCIPLES  THAT  MY  DAYS 
MAY  BE  LONG  IN  THE  LAND  OF  THY  OCCUPATION.  AN  ALTAR  OP 
SELF-SACRIFICE  THOU  SHALT  MAKE  UNTO  ME  ;  AND  IN  ALL  PLACES 
WHERE  THOU  SHALT  RECORD  MY  NAME  I  WILL  MAKE  SAFE  THE 
FREEDOM,  LIBERTY,  EQUALITY,  AND  JUSTICE   THOU  HAST  ORDAINED. 


484 


INDEX 


Absolutism,  political,  353. 

Adams,  John,  on  Government  of  Laws,  8. 

Administration,   Political,   character  of, 

.  true,  58 ;  how  turned  into  partizan 
party  administration,  222,  229 ;  de- 
fined, 140,  396,  414 ;  distinguished 
from  Government,  1 ;  education  a 
factor  in,  381 ;  effects  of  our  partial 
failure  in,  416;  good,  upon  what  it 
depends,  457 ;  human  nature  a  factor 
in,  7 ;  irresponsible,  causes,  349 ;  lit- 
erature on,  character  of  our,  14 ;  lack 
of  a  logical  system  of,  causes,  15 ;  ob- 
jects of,  404  ;  original  plan  of,  insuffi- 
cient, 4 ;  policy  of,  improper  decision 
of,  powers  of,  two  classes,  68 ;  prob- 
lems of,  variety  of,  solutions  of,  4 ; 
the  distinctive  American  problem,  69  ; 
process  of,  1 ;  progress  in,  how  is  and 
is  not  made,  320 ;  proposed  course  of, 
a  political  question,  190  ;  propositions 
concerning,  submitted,  Pref.  vi ;  repre- 
sentative, meaning  of  term,  297  ;  spirit 
and  intent  of  people  as  to,  298 ;  suc- 
cessful, requisites,  8,  141,  148,  236; 
the  system  of,  394-418 ;  the  partizan 
party  system  of,  see  under  System,  full 
problem  of,  380 ;  is  a  final  result,  60 ; 
how  accomplished  properly,  Pref.  ix ; 
work  of,  Pref.  x. 

Administrative  Action,  amount  of  work 
in,  5,  403 ;  burden  of,  how  increased, 
148,  234  ;  character  of  our,  6,  20,  398 ; 
dangerous  kinds  of,  two,  301  ;  dis- 
honest, defined,  289  ;  how  discouraged 
and  punished,  301  ;  can  not  be  deter- 
mined in  absence  of  prescribed  rule  of 
action,  101 ;  dual  codes  of,  effects, 
danger,  23,  143  sq.,  233,  237,  425,  455, 
463  ;  each  step,  stage,  and  process  of, 
requires  legal  regulation,  148  ;  control 
over,  how  obtained,  399  ;  effect  on,  of 
giving  control  of,  to  partizan  party, 
376 ;  energizing  force,  source,  true,  2, 
14,  18 ;  fundamental  erroneous  opinion 
concerning,  10;  the  parent  incon- 
sistency concerning,  27 ;  intent  of 
The  Fathers  concerning,  2,  4 ;     elec- 


toral, defined,  397;  follows  process  of 
establishment,  1 ,  299 ;  how  produced, 
213;  individual,  requisites,  5,  12,  18; 
illogical,  causes  for,  5,  19,  141  sq. ;  the 
kind  we  profess  to  desire,  18;  logical, 
what  is,  9,  34,  139,  196 ;  methods  of, 
danger  in  two  sets  of,  143 ;  danger  in 
two  codes  of,  144  ;  nothing  mysterious 
ia,  13;  object  of,  299,  404;  official, 
defined,  299,  378,  397;  how  official 
made  to  seem  most  important,  effects, 
410;  orderly,  what  is,  403  ;  ordained 
kind  of,  18;  how  destroyed,  253,  413; 
proper,  what  is,  349,  351,  370,  397; 
source  of  inefficiency  in,  387 ;  proper, 
hinges  on  methods,  429 ;  why  impos- 
sible at  present,  187  ;  reasons  for  reg- 
ulating beforehand,  5 ;  remedy  for 
our  improper,  27  ;  routine  in,  1,  4,  75, 
139,  190,  403;  progressive  stages  in, 
75 ;  how  transmuted  into  partizan 
party  action,  17;  why  transmutation 
fraudulent,  229;  theory  of,  .396; 
united,  a  political  right,  341  ;  some 
results  of  our,  144  ;  how  path  to  logical, 
barred,  458 ;  the  partizan  party  an 
obstacle  to  speedy,  23,  358,  363. 

Administrative  Power,  for  what  used,  4. 

Administrative  Problems,  4,  69,  380; 
clue  to  solution  of,  69. 

Administrative  Questions  are  distinct, 
191. 

Agencies,  functions  of,  130;  what  de- 
termines character  of  action  of,   108. 

Agencies,  the  two  political,  3,  110-119, 
120-129 ;  why  action  of,  must  be  reg- 
ulated by  The  Sovereign,  107. 

Agreement,  implies  mutuality,  43,  as  to 
policy  and  candidates,  78. 

Agreement,  The  Governmental,  de- 
fined, 2 ;  effect  of,  97 ;  weakness, 
force,  needs,  139;  content,  140,  408. 

Aliens,  Unqualified,  how  converted  into 
citizens,  219;  effects  on,  220,  223; 
why  a  danger  to  the  state,  224. 

Allegiance,  considered,  37 ;  party  reg- 
ularity a  partizan  form  of,  252. 

Ami)iguity,  effects  of,  24. 


485 


486 


INDEX 


Amend,  The  Power  to,  61  ;  uses,  62, 
477 ;    is  practically  unlimited,  413. 

American,  character  of  average,  221 ; 
heedlessness  of,  222. 

American  Commonwealths,  differences, 
similarities,  394 ;  republics  in  form 
democracies  in  intent,  298 ;  not 
strictly  sovereign  states,  97 ;  general 
intent  of,  136  ;  duty  of,  as  to  methods 
of  individual  action,  469 ;  ultimate 
object  of  each,  395 ;  why  doubt  and 
impotency  prevail  in,  101. 

Apathy  of  Electors,  considered,  83,  473 ; 
a  contributing  cause,  344  ;  Lord  Cairns 
on,  345 ;    how  possible  to  dispel,  478. 

Appointive  System,  The,  268,  284 ;  requi- 
sites, 286. 

Appointment,  Political,  285. 

Apportionment  of  representation,  316. 

Aristocratic  Class  and  Rule,  250. 

Assistance  clause,  277 ;  fraudulent  use 
of,  294. 

Association,  principles  of,  28 ;  essence, 
basis  of,  41 ;  function,  35  ;  results,  41 ; 
free,  meanings,  340 ;  destroyed  by 
party  action,  460 ;  prevented  by  po- 
litical apportionment,  322. 

Australian  Ballot  system,  history,  ob- 
jects, 274  sq. ;  further  considered,  434 ; 
American  modified  form  of,  considered, 
275-279  ;   some  results  of,  286. 

Authority,  Political,  defined,  described, 
65,  66 ;  exercise  of,  is  a  trust,  an  ac- 
quired right,  65 ;  how  exercise  of 
originally  divided,  3 ;  proper  kind  of 
exercise,  105-107 ;  why  exercise  gen- 
erally sought,  370 ;  when  acquired 
by  strongest,  143 ;  redelegation  of 
exercise  of,  106 ;  must  be  controlled, 
104 ;  problem  of  control,  372 ;  de- 
partmental, created,  375 ;  mixed,  or 
double,  how  created,  377 ;  fusion  of, 
with  party  authority,  377  ;  misuse  of, 
126 ;  broad  grants  of,  effects,  125 ; 
direct  exercise  of,  indispensable,  69, 
105-107. 

Authority,  The  Supreme,  66  ;  difficulties, 
in  exercise  of,  125,  370. 

Author's  objects,  vii ;  plan  of  subject,  x ; 
premises,  vi. 

Ballot  Box  Stuffing,  293. 

Ballot,  The,  means  for  expressing  in- 
dividual political  will,  91  ;  frauds  on, 
293  sq. ;  history,  kinds,  271-277,  293  ; 
how  changed  into  a  ticket,  effects,  91 ; 
objects,  use  of,  77,  110,  111,  272  ;  prep- 
aration of,  278,  281 ;   purposes  served 


by  use  of,  271,  282;  a  wrongful  use 
of,  116;     our  experience  with,  182. 

Bi-Partizan  Process  Boards,  considered, 
231 :  partial  object,  277  ;  further  con- 
sidered, 442,  443. 

Blessings  of  Democracy,  how  obtained 
and  transmitted,  27. 

Blunders,  our  administrative,  viii ;  im- 
mediate origin  of,  417. 

Body  of  Liberties,  32;  Electoral,  468; 
Massachusetts,  400;    Official,  471. 

Boodle  Aldermen,  366. 

Bribery,  political,  292. 

Bryce,  James,  on  organization  and 
nomination,  164  ;  on  public  opinion,  74. 

Cairns,  Lord,  on  apathy,  345. 

Candidate,  qualifications,  105 ;  charac- 
ter of,  proper,  106,  197 ;  proper  selec- 
tion of,  effects,  197,  236  ;  selection  and 
choice  of  distinguished,  236 ;  a  logical, 
197 ;  the  official,  274 ;  how  selection 
of,  by  partizan  party  legalized,^^^^. 

Caucus,  243 ;    American  origin,  245. 

Caucus  Action,  requisites,  154. 

Caucus,  A  Political,  defined,  243  sq. ;  con- 
gressional, 257  ;  legislative,  248,  254 ; 
original,  246,  representative,  248-254. 

Caucus  Work,  when  put  into  hands  of 
"the  party,"  249. 

Central  Idea  of  the  partizan  party 
system^2^^ 

Choose,  TnePower  to,  effect  of  dele- 
gating exercise  of,  83 ;  how  exercised 
in  nominating  process,  241. 

Choose,  The  Right  to,  52,  110;  be- 
tween policies,  76 ;  considered,  107  ; 
proper  exercise  of,  79,  110;  and  im- 
portance of,  241 ;    how  impaired,  345. 

Citizenship,  essence  of,  214  sq. ;  State, 
requisites,  frauds  etc.,  216,  224  ;  parti- 
zan party  conception  of,  effects,  220. 

Citizens  Movement,  The,  422  sq. 

Citizens  Union,  The,  423  sq. 

Civic  Federations,  433. 

Civic  Virtue,  object,  50;  defined,  57, 
403 ;    how  strengthened,  213,  383. 

Civil  Service  Reform,  as  a  reform,  start 
of  sentiment  for,  444. 

Classes  in  Society,  origin,  etc.,  311 ;  rep- 
resentation by  improper,  312. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  party  honesty,  389. 

Collective  Action,  proper,  429. 

Collective  Social  Organisms,  308. 

Colleges,  our  servile,  reasons,  338. 

Colonizers  and  Colonizing,  208 ;  regis- 
tration, 219,  228;    elections,  293. 

Collusion  between  partizan  parties,  ^Q,, 


INDEX 


487 


229  sq. ;  between  members  of,  and 
officials  of,  and  outsiders,  367. 

Combine,  The  Boodle,  3G6. 

Commission  Form  of  Government,  453- 
457 ;   combines  two  sets  of  ideas,  453. 

Committee  Legislation,  73,  365. 

Committees  of  Correspondence,   246. 

Committees  of  Seventy,  422 ;  how  im- 
peded political  progress,  427. 

Common  Consent,  35. 

"Common  People,"  The,  250,  268. 

Common  School  System,  an  auxiliary 
aid  to  administration,  383. 

Common  Superior,  The,  described,  3, 
64,  121 ;  integrity  of,  control  of,  how 
lost,  122-127 ;  the  partizan  party  an 
unnatural,  125 ;  effects  of  having 
"The  Party"  act  as,  126,  303. 

Commons,  John  R.,  on  district  system 
and  gerrymander,  338 ;  on  propor- 
tional representation,  335. 

Commonwealth,  The,  effect  on,  of  no 
ordained  administrative  system,  101 ; 
on  what  its  power,  glory,  and  might 
depends,  114;  forces  it  must  contend 
against,  141 ;  acts  formatively  and 
constructively  through  the  electorate, 
151 ;  lesson  it  can  learn  from  party 
action,  146,  148;  how  exercise  of  its 
compelling  power  is  divided,  397 ; 
how  uniting  bond  and  capacity  of  is 
weakened,  322 ;  requisites  for  exist- 
ence, 391  sq. 

Communities,  how  formed,  41,  44;  how 
the  American  make  their  regime  opera- 
tive, 129  ;  the  prime  questions  of,  76  ; 
how  act  to  attain  objects,  63. 

Community  Rights,  of  revolution,  61, 
411. 

Conditions  of  Existence,  the  four  prime 
ordained,  4  sq. ;  human  nature  and,  56. 

Conscience,  The  Public,  defined,  100 ; 
on  what  depends,  101 ;  the  electorate 
the  guardian  of,  113. 

Consent  of  the  Governed,  36. 

Constituted  Authority  and  Authorities, 
of  the  state,  59,  122  ;  of  "The  Party," 
160,  168,  357  sq.,  378. 

Constitution,  A  Political,  purpose,  2; 
prime  object  of,  40^;  considered  in 
detail,  408-414 ;  as  a  moral  law,  4L^: 
faulty  construction  of  American,  412 ; 
amendment  of,  413;  and  public  atti- 
tude towards,  479. 

Constitutional  Conventions,  J^l^*^^- 

Continuous  Political  Action,  69. 

Control,  Electoral,  372;  official,  373; 
proper  official,  375. 


Control,  Political,  considered  generally, 
370-379 ;  cause  for  loss  of  exercise  of, 
83,  101 ;  the  moral  and  material  sides 
of,  253 ;  reason  for  existence  of,  50 ; 
of  the  common  superior,  127 ;  of  its 
units  by  the  sovereign,  308 ;  not  suf- 
ficiently regulated  in  constitutions,  41^^ 

Control,  The  Power  to,  370.  -*'*^ 

Cooley,  Judge,  on  written  ballot,  272. 

Cooper,  James  Fenimore,  on  a  govern- 
ment of  men,  330. 

Cooperation,  a  principle  of  free  associa- 
tion, 41 ;   problems  of,  49. 

Cooperative  Control,  the  right  of,  50; 
how  destroyed,  372. 

Conventions,  delegate,  260 ;  constitu- 
tional, 413  sq. ;  mixed,  258  ;  nominat- 
ing, 166  sq.,  259  sq. ;  partizan  party 
state,  260. 

Corrupt  action,  how  safety  in  accom- 
plished, 359. 

Corruption,  defined,  292,  435 ;  begin- 
nings of,  436. 

Corrupt  Practise,  A,  defined,  4^^^ 

Corrupt  Practises  Acts,  futihty  of,  2§^ 

Crime,  Political,  defined,  288. 
Curran,  J.  P.,  on  vigilance,  9. 
Custom,   how  may    override  law,   123; 

how  may  possess  force  superior  to  that 

of  principles,  55. 

Deal,  The,  232,  422  sq. 

Debate,  the  coming  public,  22. 

Deceit,  a  political  fraud,  289. 

Delegated  Powers,  The,  stated,  69; 
object,  sanction,  299. 

Delegation  of  exercise,  of  authority  never 
intended,  51,  105  ;  of  political  preroga- 
tive, danger,  10;  of  reserved  powers, 
475  ;   of  sovereignty,  effects,  467. 

Democracy,  A,  defined,  297 ;  source  of 
strength,  51,  151  ;  source  of  ineffi- 
ciency in,  287  ;  three  kinds  of,  in  U.  S., 
J5^ ;  each  state  a  variant  of ,J39g, 

Democracy,  defined  as  a  system  of  state 
polity,  V ;  as  a  form  of  government, 
297  ;  broad  problem  of  American,  69  ; 
professed  ifiorality  is  the  chief  source 
of  attractiveness,  151  ;  on  what  success 
or  failure  of  depends,  34  ;  of  all  forma 
of  government  is  most  dependent 
upon  its  administrative  system,  187 ; 
strength,  weakness  of,  392  ;  spirit  and 
intent  of,  requisites,  100 ;  representa- 
tive, expresses  a  contradiction  in 
ideas,  297. 

Direct  Action,  in  the  exercise  of  political 


488 


INDEX 


power  and  authority  is  obligatory  and 
imperative,  Pref.  ix,  18,  69,  76,  79, 
105-107,  300,  352-354,  371,  398,  431, 
460,  462,  467  sq.,  470,  478. 

Direct  Legislation,  True,  defined,  scope, 
437  ;    an  improper  conception  of,  438. 

Direct  Primary,  failure  of  as  a  reform 
means,  ,4^. 

Discipline/Party,  defined,  161. 

Discouragement  of  voters,  295. 

Disfranchisement,  Practical,   282,  345. 

Dishonesty,  Political,  defined,  289. 

"  Distribution  of  Powers,  The, "  120,  124. 

Docility  in  political  action,  164. 

Doctrine,  defined,  39. 

Dominant  Parties,  described,  268;  want 
all  of  the  spoils  all  the  time,  4%. 

Duties  of  Citizenship,  considered  briefly, 
105-109 ;  how  ascertained  and  pre- 
scribed, 98,  109 ;  how  contempt  for 
inspired,  463 ;  why  meanings  of  should 
not  be  left  open  to  question,  100 ;  how 
supplanted  by  the  obligations  of  par- 
tizanship,  355 ;  further  considered, 
465. 

Duty,  principles  of,  40 ;  standard  of, 
101,  466 ;  administrative,  kinds,  467, 
469;  electoral,  467;  official,  470; 
how  rendered  specific,  471 ;  our  duty 
to  posterity,  148,  466 ;  path  of  return 
to  barred,  466. 

Ease,  Political,  price  of,  479. 

Economic  Action,  progress,  2,  283. 

Education,  Political,  considered,  380- 
393  ;  minimum  required,  381 ;  free,  an 
auxiliary  aid  to  administration,  382  ; 
is  first  step  in  political  reform,  429 ; 
non-partizan  associations  as  a  means 
of,  480. 

Educational  effort,  need  for,  480. 

Election,  A  Political,  frequency  of,  77 ; 
purposes,  objects,  264,  270 ;  methods 
of,  157  ;  work  of,  153  sq. ;  vital  ques- 
tions^concerning,  J56;  freedom  of, 
273;  frauds  in,  292^94;  legal  con- 
trol of,  ^74 ;  party  control  of,  ^4Z^ 
purity  of,  a  name  only,  276,  295 ;  in- 
spectors of,  276.  t-_r'v*rv» 

Election,  term  defined,  264. 

Election  Laws,  our  partially  criminal, 
287  ;    how  naainly  obtained,  295. 

Election,  The  Process  of,  gfi4^;29^. 

Elective  Franchise,  112,  264,  287. 

Elector,  An,  112;  duty,  status,  113, 
469  ;  freedom  and  power  of,  156,  468  ; 
oath  of,  in  Conn.,  113;  insufficiency 
of  oath,  469 ;  requisites  for  freedom  of, 


5,  402  ;  qualifications  imposed  on,  110  ; 
effects  on,  of  joining  a  "party"  or- 
ganization, 117,  159,  161,  231,  256. 
287,  357;  how  "reached"  by  partizan 
parties,  235 ;  how  freedom  of  re- 
stricted by  law,  345 ;  how  forced  to 
act  in  a  partizan  party  capacity,  341, 
344. 

Electoral  Action,  defined,  75,  397 ; 
objects  of,  75,  150  sq.,  299;  nature 
and  kind  of,  114,  115;  requires  regu- 
lation beforehand,  108  ;  requisites,  5  ; 
common  end  of  individuals  in,  151  ; 
right,  153 ;  problems  of,  155 ;  must 
be  direct,  158;  united,  158,  184; 
organization  of,  153 ;  Mr.  Bryce  on, 
164;  relative  importance  of,  409  sq., 
472 ;  is  the  sum  total  of  individual 
action,  459  ;  duties  of,  467  ;  how  ren- 
dered ineffective,  471 ;  tendency  of 
logical,  467 ;  how  organized  by  par- 
tizan parties,  358 ;  partizan  party 
control  of,  23. 

Electoral  Functions,  112;  necessity  for 
establishing,    468. 

Electorate  Action,  defined,  299 ;  req- 
uisites, 5  ;  proper  regulation  of,  23  ; 
kind,  and  objects,  18,  115;  right, 
source  of,  151 ;  why  must  be  direct 
and  undelegated,  158 ;  must  be  united, 
158,  184 ;  how  changed  into  district 
action,  361 ;  why  ordained,  is  impos- 
sible now,  344  ;  how  united,  destroyed, 
463. 

Electorate,  The,  considered   as  a  politi- 
cal agency,   110-119;    has  exercise  of 
political    prerogative,    3,     190 ;     con- 
trasted with  the  people,   62 ;    is  the 
acting   sovereign,    and    the    collective 
political   trustee,    113,   402;     cause  of 
its    surrender    of    sovereignty,     118 
its   loss   of    control    of    The    Govern- 
ment, 127  ;  is  more  than  a  means,  130 
exercises    the    commonwealth    initia 
tive,    consequent    obligation    of,    141 
exercises  the  maintaining  and  compel- 
ling power  of  the  people,  396 ;    func- 
tions of,  112,  121,  130,  300,  357,  397 
direct  action  required  of,  158;    effect 
of  delegating  exercise  of  its  powers 
117,  159;    intellectual  composition  of 
175;    how  "stuffed"  through  process 
of   naturalization,    217 ;     is   misrepre- 
sented   and    unorganized,    341,    343 
theoretical  character  of,  396 ;    powers 
exercised    by,     300 ;      separation    of, 
from  exercise  of  powers,   126 ;    cause 
for  loss  of  integrity,  126 ;  the  guardian 


INDEX 


489 


of  the  public  conscience,  113;  caucus 
action  of,  154 ;  apathy  in,  344 ;  in- 
stability of,  causes,  380  ;  the  common 
superior  of  the  branches  of  the  govern- 
ment, 303 ;  and  of  all  public  officials, 
470 ;  duties  of,  470 ;  will  of,  proper 
creation  of,  115;  work  of,  is  the  re- 
sult of  the  work  of  its  units,  131. 

Eloquence,  an  element  of  individual 
power,  57. 

Enrollment,  party  ;   how  performed,  23.4^. 

Equality,  absolute  impossible,  32. 

Equality,  Political,  an  instrument  of 
Justice,  17 ;  meaning,  how  bestowed, 
how  lost,  32  ;  extended  meaning,  48  ; 
basic  principle  of  administration,  an 
object  of  administration,  36 ;  how 
sense  of,  fostered,  59 ;  education  a 
factor  in,  381 ;  not  a  self-maintaining 
condition,  391 ;  destroyed  if  exercise 
of  power  is  delegated,  51. 

Era  of  good  feeling,  174. 

Era  of  Reform,  when  inaugurated,  419. 

Error,  political,  the  root  of,  13,  14;  the 
original  administrative,  6. 

Established  Order  of  Things,  435. 

Establishment,  process  of,  defined,  1  ; 
powers  of,  2 ;  defined,  enumerated, 
68 ;  exercise  of,  not  yet  exhausted, 
401 ,  438 ;  choices  presented  in  process 
of,  401. 

Ethics,  principles  of,  40. 

Events,  term  defined,  74. 

Evil,  Political,  original  source  of,  13 ; 
root    of,    47 ;     how    only    eradicated, 

E^olsT The  Choice  between  Two,  forced 
on  the  electorate,  j,ii£kfc„2i&ft/4fiJ» 

Executive  Power,  defined,  120 ;  indirect 
exercise  of,  sanction,  300. 

Expedient,  An,  defined,  nature,  action 
of,  viii,  7  ;  what  use  of,  accomplishes, 
91 ;  effect  of  use  of,  in  administrative 
action,  204  ;  when  use  of,  in  political 
action  becomes  immoral,  20. 

Experience,  education  by,  435. 

Faction,  defined,  172. 

Factions,  Party,  influence  of  district 
system  on  large  and  small,  346. 

Failure  to  enforce  laws,  288. 

Feudal  System,  and  partizan  party 
system  compared,  ^j^ 

First  Principles,  defined,  28. 

Fraud,  A  Political,  defined,  the  pro- 
genitor of  industrial  frauds,  289  ;  open 
opportunitiea  for,  290 ;  beneficiaries 
of,  296. 


Frauds  on  The  Commonwealth,  classes 
of,  291  ;   perpetrators  of,  296. 

Frauds  on  The  Individual,  legal  and 
moral  considered,  291  ;  at  election, 
292 ;   by  whom  practised,  297. 

Freedom,  early  and  modern  meanings, 
changes  in,  29;  economic,  of  con- 
science, 30  ;  defined,  138,  398  ;  one  of 
the  ordained  conditions  of  existence,  3  ; 
contrasted  with  liberty,  31 ;  of  the  elec- 
tor, 119,  156;  status  of,  permanency, 
requisites,  398;  from  undue  restraint, 
29 ;  not  a  self-maintaining  condition, 
391  ;    J.  Fenimore  Cooper  on,  330. 

Freedom,  Individual,  how  bestowed, 
30 ;  effects  of  perversion  of,  77,  80 ; 
how  maintained,  138;  status  of,  3, 
396  ;  effect  of  district  system  on,  340 ; 
why  continuous,  and  absolute,  neces- 
sary, 403. 

Freedom,  Political,  eternal  vigilance 
the  price  of,  9 ;  defined,  objects,  30, 
49  ;  is  moral  freedom,  30,  100  ;  mean- 
ing of,  how  maintained,  119;  why 
bestowed  on  individuals,  52 ;  how 
impaired,  100;  as  ordained,  138; 
requisite  of,  151 ;  not  a  self-main- 
taining condition,  391  ;  our  attempts 
at  maintenance,  201. 

Freedom,  Social,  29. 

Free  Participation,  meaning,  304  sq. ; 
the  right  to,  50  sq. ;  how  rendered  in- 
operative,  400. 

Friction  between  the  branches  of  the 
government,   124 ;    the  original  cause 

Function,  A  Declared,  how  acts,  374. 

Functions,  electoral,  official,  necessity 
for  establishing,  109,  122,  468,  472. 

Fusion  of  party  and  corporate  interests, 
362-364 ;  of  party  and  political  au- 
thority, 377. 

Game  of  Politics,  The,  425. 

"General   Interest,"   fallacy  in  term  as 

used,   308. 
General   Ticket,    The,    reasons   for,    ef- 


fects produced, 


sq. ;    retained  in 


use,  203. 

Gerrymander,  The,  term  defined,  con- 
sidered generally,  331-335. 

Good  Government,  defined,  7 ;  somo 
inadequate  ideas  of,  424 ;  requisites, 
457  ;  clubs  and  associations,  433. 

Good  men  iu  i)olitics,  425. 

Gott  mit  uns,  146. 

Gould,  Jay,  testimony  of,  364. 

Govern,     The  Power  to,   1,   368;     the 


490 


INDEX 


right  to,  52,  371 ;  capacity  to,  how 
weakened,  12,  19  ;  how  produced,  390. 

Government,  contrasted  with  adminis- 
tration, 1  ;  how  established,  1 ;  source 
of  energizing  force,  2 ;  beginnings  of, 
29;  of  the  people  etc.,  meaning,  72; 
for  what  instituted,  142 ;  for  the 
people,  378 ;  objects  of,  97,  142  ;  sense 
of  remoteness  of,  meanings,  25  ;  fruits 
of,  by  whom  promised,  178  ;  promises 
made  in  name  of,  are  conditional,  178  ; 
a,  of  men,  330;  free,  defined  as  a 
means,  396 ;  honest,  424  ;  patriarchal, 
•  47  ;  success  of,  on  what  depends,  141 ; 
benefits  of,  when  transmitted,  381 ; 
moral  right  the  true  basis  of,  351; 
chief  difficulty  encountered  when  es- 
tablishing, 408. 

Government,  The,  considered  as  a 
political  agency,  branches  of,  120- 
129;  the  moving  force  in.  111;  con- 
trol of,  by  the  electorate,  3,  127 ;  is 
more  than  a  means,  130 ;  composition 
of,  function,  exercises  authority  only, 
397  ;  responsibility  of,  destroyed,  363  ; 
how  control  over,  lost,  127 ;  does  not 
work  automatically,  143 ;  is  the  as- 
sistant of  the  electorate,  3,  397 ; 
functions  of  its  three  branches,  121 ; 
responds  as  easily  to  a  wrong  impulse 
as  to  a  right  one,  58,  143 ;  how  made 
an  agency  for  exercise  of  party  power, 
126 ;  how  connecting  bond  between, 
and  the  electorate  destroyed,  185. 

Graft,  and  Grafting,  36&-367. 

Greatest  Good  for  All,  87. 

Groups,  Electoral,  pri\aleges,  278,  280 ; 
free,  the  necessary  reformatory  agency, 
481 ;  character  of,  how  determined, 
280. 

Guarantee,  The  Political,  requisites, 
144  sq. ;  the  specific  political,  145 ; 
the  only  effective,  412. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  definition  of  re- 
public,   417. 

Harmony,  American  meaning,  39 ;  nec- 
essary to  stability  of  commonwealth,  63. 

Happiness,  primitive  meaning,  41 ;  one 
source  of,  36,  82 ;  an  object  of  ad- 
ministration, 36;  a  cause  for  absence 
of  general,  82 ;  of  what  true,  consists, 
142  ;    upon  what  depends,  404. 

Hildreth,  Richard,  on  truth,  vii ;  on 
individual  power,  57. 

Honest  Man  in  Office,  effects,  427. 

Honesty,  Political,  defined,  289,  388; 
indispensable    to    successful    adminis- 


tration, 290 ;  how  only  can  be  deter- 
mined, 101 ;  party,  defined,  389. 

Honorable,  meaning  of  term,  360. 

Human  Nature,  taken  into  consideration, 
7 ;  a  destructive  force  in  administra- 
tion, 56 ;  and  exercise  of  political 
power,  93. 


5^324,  386 


Idea,     The    Party,     defined, 
various  matters,  94  sq.,  318- 
sq. 

Ideas,  proper  subject  of  representation, 
306 ;  results  and  effects  of  confusing 
and  jumbling,  242. 

'illiterates,  effects  of  vote  of,  278. 
mmigrants,  character  of  many  who  seek 
citizenship,  223 ;    why  should  be  in- 
structed  first  by  the  State,  388. 
.mplied  Rights  ot  citizeBs;  411.- , 

Impulse  to  The  Government,  source, 
58,  150,  397  ;  further  considered,  269  ; 
how  character  of,  affects  administra- 
tion, 157  ;  effect  of  political  leadership 
on  grade  of,  180,  184 ;  when  work  of 
imparting  is  finished,  270 ;  how 
weakened  and  perverted  by  the  dis- 
trict system,  349. 

Independent  Non-Partizan  Associations, 

character,     work,     results,     etc.,    4^ 

JiS^     are  only  partially  independent, 

4Csq.         ' 

Independent  Parties,  how  formation  of,/ 
is  hindered,  ,^77^ 

Individual  Action,  the  ordained  kind  of, 
Pref.  ix.,  18 ;  defined,  56 ;  direct,  69i 
105-107 ;  requisites  for  proper,  17, 
100 ;  chief  difficulty  in,  163 ;  how 
transmuted  into  partizan  party  power 
and  action,  16,  17,  253. 

Individual,  The,  dual  capacity  of,  2,  49, 
70,  97  ;  political  capacity  his  supreme 
capacity,  2  ;  how  it  is  made  equal  with 
others,  51 ;  how  made  unequal,  effects, 
196 ;  how  intellectual  capacity  raised 
to  level  of  political  capacity,  383 ; 
how  political  capacity  most  easily 
weakened,  12,  19,  322  ;  supposed  to  be 
politically  capable,  100 ;  effects  on, 
of  leaving  without  a  law,  101 ;  re- 
quires the  spur  of  law,  139 ;  how 
ability  raised  to  capacity,  381  sq. ; 
how  social  and  economic  status  is 
changed,  2 ;  how  his  conditions  of  ex- 
istence become  changed,  38  ;  account- 
ability of,  351,  357;  bewilderments 
of,  cause,  163 ;  desire  of,  why  regu- 
lated, 57  ;    elements  of  power  of,   56 ; 

1      objects  for    which    used,  57 ;    use  of 


INDEX 


491 


power  in  political  action,  137 ;  why 
limitations  on  use  of,  beneficial,  31  ; 
exercise  of  power,  58 ;  rights  of, 
43  sq. ;  obligations  of,  54,  96  sq.,  1S9  ; 
duties,  status,  98,  144;  obedience  of, 
99 ;  right  action  of,  requisites,  9S- 
99;  should  not  be  allowed  to  devise 
administrative  expedients,  127 ;  con- 
ditions and  necessities  of  average,  163  ; 
danger  tc.in  partizan  party  member- 
ship, 198 ;  why  shrinks  from  corrupt 
practises,  358 ;  how  hampered  by  the 
election  laws,  287  ;  how  dependence  of, 
on  a  partizan  party  created.^g^^sg.. 
254  ;  why  must  receive  moral  guidance 
from  the  state,  383 ;  present  undigni- 
fied condition  of,  82  ;  ordained  politi- 
cal action  of,  IS,  189. 

Inequality,  when  a  principle  in  govern- 
ment, 47. 

Information,  Political,  no  authorita- 
tive body  of,  14. 

Initiative,  The,  440. 

Injustice,  reign  of,  how  made  possible, 118. 

Inspection  of  Election,  evasion,  277. 

Inspectors  of  Election,  how  secured,  277. 

Instinct,  defined,  41  ;  Social,  origin  of, 
41. 

Intelligence,  defined,  56. 

Intent,  character  of  our  political,  19,  389, 
relation  of,  and  method,  137. 

Interests,  economic  defined,  325 ;  how 
conflicting  claims  of,  regulated  prop- 
erly, 71,  325;  representation  of,  309, 
325  ;  social,  defined,  analyzed,  308  sq. ; 
how  may  become  possessed  of  undue 
advantage,  283. 

Interests,  The,  defined  and  considered 
generally,  308,  311 ;  just  regulation  of, 
must  be  moral,  requisites,  151  ;  con- 
trol of,  over  partizan  parties,  324 ; 
influence  of,  in  administration,  325 ; 
hold  of,  on  educational  institutions, 
339  ;  principles  of,  opposed  to  political 
principles,  325. 

Intimidation,  defined,  292. 

Issues,  Party,  vs.  political  issues,  ^; 
character  of,  J86. 

Issues,  PoliticalT'  defined,  considered, 
79,  81  ;    multiplicity  of,  effects,  473. 

.Judicial  Action,  cause  of  orderliness  and 

effectiveness  of,  472. 
Judicial  Decisions,  source  of  compelling 

force  of,  302. 
Judicial    Power,    defined,    120,   300;     to 

interpret     statutes,      121 ;      sanction, 

effects,  300. 


Justice,  abstract,  political,  meanings, 
how  rendered,  an  object  of,  adminis- 
tration, 33-36  ;  civil  defined,  on  what 
depends,  34,  117;  not  a  self-main- 
taining condition,  391 ;  in  the  dif- 
ferent states,  394 ;  assumptions  con- 
cerning, 264;  systems  of,  not  alike 
in  all  states,  395 ;  how  the  state  as- 
certains its  will  as  to,  111;  sense  of 
can  not  be  gerrymandered  into  exist- 
ence, 85. 

Knowledge,  defined,  an  element  of  in- 
dividual power,  57 ;  original  lack  of 
administrative,   results,    10. 

Law,  Administrative,  source,  moral 
force,  372  ;  appropriate  statutory,  de- 
fined, 378 ;  elements  in  that  form  just 
basis  of  penalty  and  punishment,  376 ; 
how  acts  as  spur  and  check,  373 ; 
function,  416;  when  enforcement 
possible,   437. 

Law  and  Order  leagues,  434. 

Lawful  action,  299 ;  how  determined, 
301;  lawful  and  "legal"  contrasted, 
196. 

Laws,  are  the  only  rules  of  action  likely 
to  be  enforced,  182  ;  a  government  of, 
18,  330 ;  failure  to  enforce,  288 ;  effect 
of  enforcing  defective,  289. 

Leaders,  true  political,  152,  175 ;  how 
might  be  drawn  into  political  action, 
183  ;  need  for,  use  of,  175  ;  noblesse 
oblige  of,  176;  purity  of,  186;  func- 
tions, 152,  176,  481 ;  how  kept  out 
of  office,  347;  the  true  "breeding 
places"  of,  481. 

Leadership,  Political,  152 ;  the  con- 
necting bond  between  the  electorate 
and  the  government,  185 ;  considered 
generally,  175-188 ;  originally  dis- 
charged by  representatives,  73 ;  re- 
sults of  logical,  152  ;  why  none  at  pres- 
ent, 185 ;  constant  need  for,  cause  of 
suppression  of,  347 ;  independent 
non-partizan  associations  as  a  means 
of,  482 ;  by  partizan  parties,  results, 
185. 

Legislation,  some  purposes  of,  437 ;  how 
quality,  character,  grade  of,  lessened 
by  u.se  of  district  system,  348;  Com- 
mittee, 73,  365;  frue  Direct,  437; 
so  called  "direct,"  and  Official,  de- 
fined, 438 ;  Resource,  term  defined, 
why  improper,  illogical,  and  unwise, 
43S  ;  sale  of,  210  ;  how  sale  of,  made 
safe,  333 ;  character  of  some  of  our, 
21  sq. 


492 


INDEX 


Legislative  Powers,  indicated,  68-69 ; 
exercise  of  divided  between  the  elec- 
torate and  the  government,  69 ;  in- 
direct exercise  of,  is  a  trust,  67 ;  how 
authorized  by  sanction,  303 ;  charac- 
ter of,  methods,  rules  of  exercise,  348. 

Legislators,  theoretical  character  of, 
155,  284;  required  action  of,  316, 
398 ;  how  influenced  by  use  of  dis- 
trict system,  348;  responsibility  of, 
351,364;  how  responsibility  of  de- 
stroyed, 365 ;  are  deserted  by  the 
party  if  criticised  by  the  people,  366  ; 
partizan  party  power  over,  377  ^q. 

Legislature,  The,  prime  object  of,  69, 
378 ;  composition  of,  true  idea  of,  316- 
318 ;  how  responsibility  of  divided  and 
destroyed,  365. 

Liberty,  general  meaning,  contrasted 
with  freedom,  civil,  individual,  31 ; 
political,  32 ;  eternal  vigilance  the 
price  of,  9 ;  not  a  self-maintaining 
condition,  391 ;  not  the  same  in  the 
various  states,  394  ;  status  of,  on  what 
depends,  395  ;    how  maintained,  396. 

Library  Hall  Association,  433. 

Lieber,  Francis,  on  parties,  199 ;  on 
contamination  of  political  majorities, 
203. 

Literature,  Political,  lack  of  an  author- 
itative, character  of  current,  eft'ects, 
14 ;  some  samples  of  current,  165, 
335,  337,  446. 

Local  Self-Government,  meaning,  three 
systems  of  described,  compared,  266  sq. 

Local  State  Governments,  similarities, 
differences,  394. 

Logical,  term  synonymous  with  truth, 
34 ;    with  proper,  etc.,  139,  196. 

Love  of  Country,  how  supplanted  by 
love  of  party,  2.54. 

Loyalty,  how  feeling  lessened,  416. 

Machine,  The  Partizan  Party,  227; 
habitat,  425  ;  effect  of,  on  state  party 
organizations,  368. 

"Machinery  of  Government,  The," 
why  a  dangerous  phrase,  418. 

Majorities,  political,  defined,  described, 
84-88,  203-213;  defined,  192;  why 
extinct,  changed  into  a  majority  of 
the  district  majorities,  323;  how 
ascertained  properly,  207 ;  constant 
succession  of  required,  89. 

Majority  Rule,  The  Doctrine  of,  84- 
95  ;  meaning  of,  316  ;  character  and 
kind  of,  86 ;  assumptions  which  lie 
behind   the   use  of,  264 ;     intent   of. 


made  inoperative  by  manufactured 
district  majorities,  324 ;  the  modera 
doctrine  of,  91. 

Majority,  various  meanings  of  term,  84, 
85  ;  as  to  policy,  209  ;  as  to  candidates, 
209  ;  of  voters,  of  voters  voting,  209 ; 
character  of,  205;  of  "votes,"  char- 
acter of,  210;  how  gotten  together, 
440 ;  of  wills  is  the  public  conscience 
and  judgment,  100. 

Majority  Vote,  The,  present  character 
of,  206  sq.,  362,  424. 

Mandate,  The  Imperative,  of  "the 
party,"  effects,  255,  262. 

Mandate,  The  People's,  character,  270 ; 
of  Jackson's  time,  312. 

Mayflower  compact,  90. 

Means,  Political,  defined,  described,  132- 
134  ;  logical  defined,  132  ;  an  element 
in  moral  strength  of  a  state,  133 ; 
character  of  some  means  in  use,  133. 

Misrepresentation,  defined,  how  pro- 
duced, .341. 

Means,  term  defined,  function,  131. 

Meechem's  Public  Officer,  quoted,   107. 

Method,  A,  defined,   134. 

Methods,  Political,  defined  and  con- 
sidered, generally,  134-148 ;  char- 
acter of  those  in  use,  55,  104 ;  neces- 
sity for  correct,  26,  78,  93,  99,  140, 
307 ;  must  be  ordained  by  the  people, 
101,  408;  govern  results  largely,  136; 
danger  in  two  sets  of,  143 ;  requisites 
of  pre-election,  156 ;  declared,  ef- 
fects, 374  ;  John  Stuart  Mill  on  effect 
of,  141 ;  logical,  meaning  of  term, 
145 ;  cause  for  adoption  of  illogical, 
128 ;    the  kind  intended,  142. 

Meyer,  E.  C.,  on  organization,  446. 

Might  of  The  Commonwealth,  upon 
what  most  depends,  114. 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  on  representation, 
315;    on  methods,  141. 

Mills,  W.  T.,  on  political  parties,  199. 

Minimum-per-cent-parties,  term  ex- 
plained, composition  of,  278 ;  how 
become  dominant,  280. 

Moral  Action,  how  only  obtained,   151. 

Moral  Force,  requisites,  8,  139,  157. 

Morality,  Political,  defined,  353 ;  of 
action,  by  whom  determined,   100. 

Morals,  Private,  by  whom  debased, 
2S0;    and  how,  463. 

Moral  Progress,  need  for  exceeds  need 
for  material  progress,  382  sq. 

Moral  Standard,  how  established,  5,  63. 

Moral  Strength,  of  the  state,  how  weak- 
ened, 23,  151. 


INDEX 


493 


Morals,  The  Public,  standard,  S ;  req- 
uisites, 101 ;  how  debased  by  partizan 
parties,  24,  253,  358,  367,  463;  are 
a  matter  of  agreed-upon  law,  372. 

Mugwump  Associations,  432. 

Municipal  Reform,  424,  433 ;  sets  up 
two  codes  of  action,  425. 

Mutual  Ser\'ice,  the  bond  between  the 
people  and  "the  party,"  448. 

Mystery,  none  connected  with  govern- 
ment, how  apparent,  can  be  dispelled, 
25. 

Names,  advantage  derived  from  use  of 
correct,  63,  67 ;  either  instruction  or 
deception  in,  481. 

Napoleon,  on  effect  of  a  blunder,  viii. 

Natural  opportunities,  defined,  effects 
on  society,  311. 

Naturalization,  defined,  214 ;  objects, 
effects  etc.,  216;    frauds,  218  sq. 

Naturalization,  The  Process  of,  214-224  ; 
theoretical  definition,  221  ;  results  of 
present  performance  of,  217 ;  who  are 
the  parties  to,  217  ;  effects  of  partizan 
party  control  of,  219,  387 ;  purpose 
of,  is  to  strengthen  the  state,  220  ;  the 
menace  of  improper  performance,  223, 
224,  387  sq. 

Neighborhood  Reform,  428. 

New  England  Settlers,  educational  ideas 
of,  382. 

Nobility,  The,  in  a  democracy,  176 ; 
noblesse  oblige  of,  176. 

Nominate,  The  Right  to,  how  impaired, 
345. 

Nominating  Agency,  249  ;  the  real  at 
present,  242 ;  conventions  and  pri- 
maries merely  the  ostensible,  259,  260, 
262. 

"Nominating  System,"  243,  248. 

Nomination  of  Candidates,  how  made  to 
appear  of  supreme  importance,  238 
sq. 

Nomination,  The  Process  of,  236-265 ; 
why  publicity  not  a  feature  in,  237 
sq. ;  a  distinct  stage  in  administra- 
tion, 241 ;  evils  of,  present  process, 
251  sq. ;  ideas  of,  jumbled  with  ideas 
concerning  public  opinion  and  election, 
242 ;  secrecy  in,  origin  of,  238 ;  pres- 
ent process,  development  of,  242 ; 
natural  results  of  proper  performance 
of,  236. 

Nominations,  sale  of,  effects,  362 ;  by 
partizan  parties,  167. 

Non-Political  Methods,  defined,  effects 
of  use  of,  j^j^HJ^ 


Non-representation,  340. 

No  Politics  in  Professional  Politics,  169. 

Numbers  vs.  Ideas,  344. 

Oath  of  office,  futile  in  absence  of  pre- 
scribed duties  of  office,  125. 

Obedience,  a  factor  in  development  of 
society,  and  of  progress,  41 ;  of  the 
citizen,  99;  political,  defined,  372; 
pains  of,  how  offset,  59,  312. 

Obey,  The  Voters  promise  to,  effects, 
245,  250,  325. 

Objects,  Political,  defined,  66. 

Obligation  of  The  Individual,  54. 

Obligations  of  Sovereignty,  The,  de- 
fined, enumerated,  96-105;  direct 
discharge  of,  indispensable,  109 ;  no 
basis  for  delegating  discharge  of,  evals 
of  delegating,  51  ;  effect  on  common- 
wealth of  not  discharging,  109  ;  proper 
discharge  of,  the  first  step  in  political 
reform,  477  ;  how  overridden  by  party 
regularity,  254 ;  how  supplanted  by 
the  obligations  of  partizanship,  355 ; 
when  shirked  originally,  376 ;  as  to 
the  reserved  powers,  104,  478 ;  as  to 
the  delegated  powers,  108 ;  one  of,  is 
to  construct  a  logical  administrative 
system,  vi,  108,   109. 

Obstruction  of  Election,  294. 

Official  Action,  requisites  for  proper,  5 ; 
defined,  299 ;  of  what  consists,  398 ; 
the  sphere  of,  in  constitutions,  409 
sq. ;  how  made  to  seem  of  most  im- 
portance, 410;  represents  the  sum 
total  of  individual  official  action,  459. 

Official  Discretion  and  responsibility,  374. 

Official  Function,  necessity  for  ordaining, 
107,  374,  470;  effect  of  ordaining  on 
judiciary  action,  470 ;  usurpation  of, 
5,  122,  376. 

Official  Legislation,  438. 

One  Question  at  a  time,  80,  194,  211,  473. 

Opinion,  term  defined,  vii,  7,  70 ;  part 
played  by,  in  administration,  viii ;  a 
source  of  expediency,  peril  of,  7  ;  ad- 
herence to,  an  immediate  source  of 
administrative  failure,  7 ;  our  most 
prevalent,  incorrect,  and  dominating, 
9-10 ;  why  the  people  have  become 
swayed  by,  415. 

Opinion,  Public,  term  defined  and 
considered  generally,  70-83 ;  how 
properly  formed  and  expressed,  177, 
210,  282,  284  ;  source  of  moral  force 
of,  175,  183  ;  successive  statements  of, 
why  required,  87  ;  how  doubts  con- 
cerning are  created,   252,  303 ;     how 


494 


INDEX 


transmuted  into  party  will,  378; 
further  considered,  329  ;  party-made, 
360 ;  how  counterfeited,  203 ;  how 
rendered  uncertain,  207;  failure  of, 
81;  the  "official  mouthpiece"  of, 
27,  363 ;    how  expressed  now,  440. 

Opportunity,  equal,  free,  59;  for  rep- 
resentation, how  destroyed,  322. 

Organization,  term  defined,  57. 

Organization,  Political,  defined,  de- 
scribed, the  process  of,  considered, 
149-174;  objects,  151  sq.,  468;  ef- 
fect of  partizan  party  system  of,  461  ; 
need  for  always  exists,  proper  kind  of, 
473  sq. 

Ostrogorski,  duty,  465;    education,  389. 

Paradox,  of  untruthful  action  by  those 
who  profess  the  truth,  vii ;  of  bad  ad- 
ministration under  good  form  of  gov- 
ernment, 60;    of  naturalization,  220. 

Parliamentary  Law,^^L>  effect  of  par- 
tizan party  manipulation  of,  355. 

Parties,  Political,  defined,  J^ ;  a 
necessity  in  a  republic,  189  ;  character- 
istics, functions,  objects,  work,  etc., 
described,  189-202,  230 ;  how  politi- 
cal leadership  assists  in  formation  of, 
152,  179,  182;  objects  of,  192,  230; 
polity  of  should  be  same  as  state 
polity,  195  ;    why  none  at  present,  185. 

Party  Government,  meaning,  286. 

Party  Partizanship  considered,  ^^34. 

"Party  Success,"  effect  of  allowing  an 
elector  to  work  for,  144  ;  meaning  of, 
219,  342 ;  the  sine  qua  non  of,  220 ; 
when  obtained  at  too  great  a  price, 
359. 

Party,  The  Partizan,  described,  name 
used  as  an  inclusive  term,  16 ;  under- 
lying cause  for,  20;  how  became  an 
administrative  agency,  233,  281 ;  char- 
acter of  as  such,  26,  170,  185  ;  status 
of  as  such,  described,  how  conferred, 
287 ;  aims  and  objects  of,  162,  359 ; 
effects  of  allowing,  to  provide  methods 
of  administration,  158  sq. ;  associa- 
tions, not  based  on  political  principles, 
21 ;  uses  of,  162,  169  ;  how  kept  per- 
manently organized,  160 ;  uniting 
bond  in,  101  ;  characteristics  of,  170 ; 
cohesion  in,  how  dissolved,  174  ;  boss, 
the  real  nominating  agency  in  and  of, 
240  sq. ;  functions,  power,  245 ;  is 
only  an  incident,  428;  diatribes 
against,  429 ;  candidates,  effect  of 
using  in  administration,  80 ;  how 
selected,  245;   character  of  some,  343, 


348  ;  caucus,  distinguished,  functions, 
244  sq. ;  caucus,  work  of,  how  per- 
formed, 241 ;  character  of,  general, 
20,  27,  200  sq.,  295,  355,  368;  col- 
lusions between  two,  234 ;  collusive 
action  of,  20,  219 ;  committee,  char- 
acter of  individuals,  composing,  21 ; 
composition  and  work  of,  160 ;  when 
made  permanent  division  of,  252,  258  ; 
functions,  powers,  work,  258,  259, 
358 ;  possible  composition  of,  280 ; 
contributions  to,  168 ;  control,  im- 
propriety of,  469  ;  how  acquired,  223, 
279  ;  over  electorate  action,  219,  254  ; 
over  governmental  action,  219,  255 ; 
springs  from  present  system  of  ad- 
ministration, 279 ;  convention,  com- 
position, character,  work,  167  sq. ; 
courtesies,  232,  277 ;  feeling  of  de- 
pendence upon,  how  created,  363 ; 
discipline,  161 ;  divisions  of,  three, 
244 ;  doctrine  of  its  own  action,  281 ; 
effort  of,  unceasing,  19  ;  object  of,  22  ; 
enrollment  in,  234  ;  force  of,  not  de- 
rived from  action  by  the  people,  363 ; 
influence  of,  sources,  222  ;  instability 
of,  causes,  171 ;  internal  management 
of,  20  ;  evils  of,  169  ;  intent  is  wrong, 
170 ;  interests  of,  not  identical  with 
those  of  the  people,  239  ;  in  The  Gov- 
ernment, how  acts,  355 ;  in  the  legis- 
lature, how  acts,  364 ;  irresponsibility 
of,  cause,  361  ;  illustrated,  355-366 ; 
leaders  described,  185 ;  leadership, 
effects,  185-187,  254 ;  conclusions  as 
to,j476:  management  of,  lesson  for 
commonwealth  in,  146,  148  ;  manage- 
ments of,  21  ;  why  peculiarly  con- 
stituted bodies,  159 ;  instability  of, 
171 ;  majorities,  character,  204  ;  how 
got  together,  95,  117,  205  sq.,  331  sq., 
345,  440 ;  are  of  voters  and  not  of 
ideas,  333  ;  how  manufactured,  335  ; 
functions  of,  205 ;  means,  character 
of,  133,  170 ;  members  of,  two  classes, 
20 ;  have  no  individual  political  free- 
dom, 169 ;  active,  are  the  manage- 
ments, 20  ;  passive,  are  mere  voting 
puppets,  20,  169 ;  function  of,  169, 
245 ;  membership,  rights  of,  how  de- 
stroyed, 253  ;  a  menace  to  any  form 
of  democracy,  368 ;  methods  of,  char- 
acter, 140,  143 ;  results  of  use  of,  on 
private  morals,  230,  463 ;  on  pubHc 
morals,  24,  253,  358,  367,  463;  of 
influencing  electoral  action,  364 ; 
organization  of,  character,  168,  170, 
356 ;    permanency  of,  impropriety  in, 


INDEX 


495 


161,  447;  beginning  of,  249;  how 
attained,  252  ;  how  maintained,  170 ; 
peril  to  democracy  of,  432  ;  petty  de- 
ceptions of,  16S,  232,  240,  245,  259, 
260,  283,  363 ;  platforms  character- 
ized, 81,  361 ;  politics  of,  rural  and 
urban,  368;  power  of,  character,  123, 
166,  377  sq. ;  why  concentration  of, 
for  what  used,  358  ;  principles,  lack  of, 
14,  364 ;  primary,  described  and  con- 
sidered, ^244  sq. ;  program,  what  is, 
331 ;  promises  of,  impropriety  of,  199  ; 
purposes  of,  real,  358  ;  representation 
in,  is  upside  down,  168 ;  revenue, 
sources,  162,  362,  367  ;  rule,  described, 
93,  95;  rules,  what  are,  160,  166; 
how  made,  357 ;  apparent  sanction 
of,  222,  233,  279;  status  of,  how  ob- 
tained, 279 ;  support  of,"  how  forced, 
252  ;  timidity  of,  effects,  23  ;  the  tool 
of  the  interest,  325 ;  turpitude  of, 
282,  338 ;  use  of,  is  our  parent  political 
inconsistency,  27 ;  votes  of,  how  ob- 
tained, 205,  229,  440;  will  of,  324: 
will  behind,  325 ;  work  of,  26 ;  re- 
sults of  work,  161. 

Paternal  Right,  47. 

Patriarchal  Power,  47. 

Patriotism,  an  unenforcible,  easily  sup- 
planted with  an  enforcible  partizan- 
ship,  253. 

Penalty,  just  basis  of,  376. 

Periods  of  Administration,  why  made 
short,  88. 

Personal  Politics,  173. 

Personating,  in  election,  293 ;  in  regis- 
tration, 207. 

Plurality  Elections  and  Rule,  92. 

Policy,  The  Administrative,  proper  and 
improper  decision  of,  78—80 ;  why 
successive  statements  of,  87 ;  why 
meaning  of  should  not  be  left  open  to 
question,  100;  clear  and  definite 
statement  of  the  greatest  desideratum, 
270,  271 ;  illogical  to  make  decision 
of  depend  on  vote  for  a  candidate, 
116,  203,  241 ;  application  of,  neces- 
sity for  proper,  270  ;  how  and  by  what 
agency  determined  properly,  397. 

Political  Act,  A,  what  is,  4. 

Political  Action  of  The  People,  The, 
considered  broadly,  1-4,  395  sq. ;  the 
kind  desired  and  ordained,  Pref.  ix, 
18;  past,  reviewed,  2-14,  459  sq. ; 
why  illogical,  7 ;  nothing  mysterious 
in,  13,  25 ;  continuous,  what  is,  69  ; 
underlying  impelling  force  of,  137; 
regular  ucquenco  in,  of  steps,  stages. 


and  processes,  Pref.  ix,  403  ;  a  step  in, 
a  stage  in,  defined,  131 ;  each  requires 
use  of  distinctive  instrumentalities, 
131 ;  a  rule  of  right  action  indispen- 
sable, 141 ;  how  transmuted  into  par- 
tizan  party  action,  17 ;  why  trans- 
mutation of,  is  fraudulent,  229  ;  intent, 
of,  136 ;  customary  conception  of, 
396;  inefficiencj'^  of,  to  what  largely 
due,  23,  133,  140;  improper  organiza- 
tion of,  effects,  355 ;  objects  ofj_30i_ 
^20Sk;  main  and  secondary  objects  of, 
132  ;  and  of  The  Electorate  contrasted, 
62  ;  problems  of,  how  solved,  69,  163  ; 
moral,  what  is,  31  ;  inorality  of,  how 
determined,  100 ;  peril  in  opposing 
sets  of  practises,  237 ;  retrospective 
survey  of,  459^64 ;  final  conclusions 
concerning,  Pref.  ix,  482. 

Political  .iEgis,  The,  defined,  described, 
146-148  ;  what  is,  8  ;  power  to  alter 
is  unlimited,  413;  the  non-political 
jEgis,   147. 

Political  Agency,  A,  functions,  130; 
work  of,  is  the  result  of  the  work  of 
its  units,   131. 

Political  Appointment,  characteristics, 
285. 

Political  Power,  analyzed,  described,  5&- 
69 ;  component  parts  of,  66 ;  exer- 
cise of  assumed  as  a  trust,  51  ;  is  one 
source  of  individual  happiness,  36; 
why  bestowed  on  the  individual,  1, 
99,  177 ;  on  what  effective  exercise 
of  depends,  144 ;  love  of  exercise  of 
the  root  of  political  evil,  47 ;  our  dis- 
tinctive exercise,  139 ;  by  whom 
sought  after,  57,  370 ;  and  acquired, 
58,  370;  used  for  two  main  objects. 
1,  63,  403;  ethical  and  practical 
aspects^oT,  63 ;  delegated  exercise  of, 
danger,  51  ;    effects  of,  64. 

Political  Principles,  defined,  enumerated, 
35-39 ;  the  touchstone  of  methods, 
137 ;  effect  of  a  broad  expression  of, 
99,  137;  requisites  for  effectiveness, 
99,  137  ;  intent  and  force  of,  how  dis- 
sipated, 18,  203  ;  require  a  rule  of  ap- 
plication, 139. 

Political  Questions,  nature,  decision  of, 

116  ;  how  relegated  to  the  background, 

117  ;   contrasted  with  party  platforms, 
81  ;    our  defective  system  as  to,  79. 

Politics  of  rV)lonial  days,  238,  346  ;   rural 

and  urban  compared,  "3f)S. 
Polity,      State,      principles,      functions, 

clarity  of,  90,  100. 
Pomeroy,  John  N.,  quoted,  01. 


496 


INDEX 


Posterity,  our  duty  to,  148,  466. 

Practise,  defined,  a  corrupt  political, 
defined,  435. 

Pre-election  methods,  requisite  character 
of,   156  sq. 

Prerogative,  Political,  meaning,  exer- 
cise of,  3,  112;  direct  exercise  of  re- 
quired, vi ;  to  what  misuse  of  attribut- 
able, vu;  e\Tl  effects  of  delegating 
exercise  of,  9 ;  how  opportunity  for 
misuse  of,  left  open  originally,  15. 

Principles,  Basic,  should  be  strictly 
defined,  28 ;  are  moral  concepts,  414  ; 
if  unsupported  by  methods  have  only 
general  effectiveness,  99,  139,  468. 

Privilege,  82  ;  The  Boss  an  instrument  of, 
17. 

Process,  A  Political,  defined,  236 ;  re- 
siilts  of  mixing  ideas  of  several  to- 
gether, 82 ;  how  processes  are  made 
involved  and  obscure,  241 ;  simple 
action  the  desideratum  in,  242. 

Professional  Politics,  defined,  169. 

Professions,  Our,  how  made  to  appear 
hypocritical  pretensions,  26,  201,  224, 
354,  360-.363,  419. 

Progress,  Primitive,  41  ;  and  societj', 
42  ;  has  made  the  U.S.  a  world  power, 
23  ;    hinges  on  object,  154. 

Progress,  Political,  of  what  consists, 
the  most  important  kind  of,  283 ; 
effects  of  obstruction,  283 ;  how  ob- 
tained properly,  319,  320;  on  what 
depends,  270,  472 ;  our  foolish  at- 
tempt at,  23 ;  should  keep  pace  with 
economic  progress,  283,  441 ;  how  re- 
tarded by  multiplicity  of  "issues," 
473 ;  the  partizan  party  an  obstacle  to, 
23. 

Proper,  and  Properly,  meaning  of,  69, 
351,  370,  429. 

Proportional  Representation,  315 ;  con- 
trasted with  proportionate  representa- 
tion, 335 ;  real  essence  of,  440 ;  why  a 
faUure  as  a  reform,  440-444 ;  what  it 
really  is,  335-338. 

Proportionate  Representation,  defined, 
314;  concept  of,  315  sq. ;  how  pre- 
vented, 318  sq. 

Protective  Law,  where  contained,  147. 

Public  Approval,  what  necessary  for 
sanction  of,  291. 

Public  Office,  defined,  284  ;  how  original 
character  of,  destroyed,  377  ;  functions 
of,  insufficiently  stated,  5 ;  functions 
and  duties  of,  must  be  ordained,  107; 
how  party  function  engrafted  on,  185, 
355. 


Public  Officer,  defined,  379;  Meechem 
quoted,   107. 

Public  Ofiicials,  why  the  sovereign  must 
control  action  of,  106,  271 ;  theoreti- 
cal character  of,  284 ;  why  chosen, 
and  for  what,  105,  129. 

Public  Service,  defined,  285  ;  how  trans- 
muted into  partizan  party  service, 
287 ;    degradation  of,  cause,  366. 

Public  Spirit,  defined,  57,  72,  403 ;  what 
happens  when  degenerates  into  par- 
tizan party  spirit,  83. 

Publicity,  not  a  feature  in  process  of 
nomination,  237 ;  why  not  a  feature 
in  colonial  politics,  239. 

Punishment,  just  basis  of,  375,  376. 

Purity  of  Election  Laws,  limited  effect 
of,  reason,  295. 

Questions  of  Candidacy,  how  improperly 
treated,  80,  90,  116;  why  properly 
subordinate  to  questions  of  policy, 
210,  212. 

Questions  to  be  answered  regarding: 
Alteration  of  ordained  conditions  of 
existence,  6 ;  our  Administrative 
Action,  26 ;  The  Partizan  Party  and 
its  system,  26 ;  Partizan  Party 
methods,  162 ;  the  perpetrators  of 
the  political  frauds,  296 ;  Political 
Education,  389,  392  ;  the  surrender 
of  sovereignty  by  the  electorate,  118; 
our  reform  attempts,  421 ;  ourselves, 
26,  82. 

Reason,  function  of,  85 ;  why  exercise 
of  must  not  be  delegated,  115;  free 
exercise  of  is  not  a  proper  subject  of 
statutory  law,  445. 

Recall,  The,  a  means  of  control,  440. 

Redistricting  Acts,  330. 

Referendum,  The,  440. 

Reform  Action,  True,  object,  432 ; 
classes  of  past  efforts,  430. 

Reform  Association,  classes  of,  433. 

Reform,  Legislative,  when  improper, 
444,  478. 

Reform  Movements,  why  past  were  weak 
intrinsically,  422  ;  slim  chance  of,  426. 

Reform,  piecemeal,  457. 

Reform,  Political,  considered  in  detail, 
419-449 ;  why  attempt  for  through 
officii  1  legislation  is  impracticable, 
478  ;  through  direct  legislation  neces- 
sary, 479  ;  drastic,  479  ;  agencies  and 
methods  of  true,  480 ;  the  kind  pro- 
posed, 480;  true,  requires  an  electoral 
movement,  430. 


INDEX 


497 


Reform,  Sporadic,  421 ;  central  idea  of, 
441. 

Reform  Within  The  Party,  430. 

Reformers,  general  capacity  of,  420 ; 
usual  mistakes  of,  449. 

Registration,  The  Process  of,  objects, 
purposes,  performance  of,  225-234. 

Registration  Boards,  character  of  mem- 
bers on,  22G  sq. ;    bi-partizan,  231  sq. 
Registration  Frauds,  228-232. 

Regularity,  Party,  synonymous  with 
political  impropriety,  252-254,  262 ; 
the  ignominy  involved  in,  424  ;  party 
conception  of,  386 ;  beginnings  of, 
249 ;  why  traitorous  in  nature,  253  ; 
effect  of,  on  responsibility,  358. 

Regularity,  Political,    defined,    252. 

Religion,  Principles  of,  40. 

Repeaters  and  Repeating,  206 ;  in  regis- 
tration, 228  ;    in  elections,  293. 

Representation,  a  political  means,  37 ; 
a  political  right,  305 ;  kinds  of,  305 
6q. ;  district,  329;  apportionment  of, 
316;  minority,  316,  319;  improper 
methods  of,  308. 

Representation,  Political,  analyzed,  con- 
sidered in  detail,  297-326;  by  Party, 
by  partizan  party,  312-313  ;  equality  in, 
329  ;  defined,  304  ;  .Vmerican  kind,  305. 

Representation,  The  District  System 
of,  some  salient  features  of,  327-349 ; 
effects  of,  further  considered,  322  sq. 

Representative,  A,  defined,  function, 
how  discharge  of  function  can  be  had, 
297-300;    requisites  of,  312. 

Representative  Action,  objects,  reasons 
for,  why  sanction  bestowed  on,  298- 
301  ;  requisites  for  proper,  301  ;  basis, 
308. 

Representative  Administration,  a  fea- 
ture of  a  republic,  plan  of,  297,  298. 

Representative  Districts,  how  formed, 
267,  317,  327  ;  fractions  of,  327. 

Representative  Quotas,  how  created, 
317;    fractions,  317,  327. 

Representatives,  how  selected  properly, 
314,  329. 

Republic,  A,  defined,  297;  Hamilton's 
definition,  417. 

Republic,  defined,  297. 

Reserved  Powers  of  the  People,  classi- 
fied, enumerated,  08  ;  logical  exercise 
of,  is  of  supreme  importance,  409 ; 
logical  exercise  of,  defined,  79,  415; 
effects  of  delegating  exercise  of,  475. 

Resident  Membership  clause,  329. 

Resource  Legislation,  term  defined,  438; 
valuable  significance  in,  439. 


Responsibility,  defined  as  a  state  or 
condition,  37 ;  direct,  individual,  de- 
scribed,  37 ;  legal,  necessary,  352 ; 
moral,  insufficiency  of,  352 ;  the 
divided,  of  individuals  composing 
bodies,  committees,  etc.,  359,  365. 

Responsibility,  Political,  defined,  ana- 
lyzed, and  considered  in  detail,  37, 
350-370 ;  in  oflicial  administrative 
action,  374 ;  how  transmuted  into 
partizan  party  responsibility,  357 ; 
of  legislators,  how  district  system  tends 
to  weaken,  348. 

Results  are  always  logical,  meaning,  13  ; 
right  political,  defined,  119  ;  by  whom 
produced,    143. 

Restraint,  30,  31  ;  how  and  why  imposed 
on  sovereign,  371 ;  why  on  exercise  of 
power,  58. 

Revolution,  defined,  basis,  nature,  60 ; 
against  what  always  directed,  60; 
peaceful,  61  ;   the  right  of,  61. 

Reward,  political,  373. 

Right,  Principles  of,  40. 

Right,  The,  to  enjoy  governmental 
benefits,  45,  54 ;  to  hold  office,  54 ; 
to  legislate,  438. 

Right  Action,  a  rule  of,  indispensable, 
141 ;  from  what  proceeds,  151  ;  what 
is,  197 ;  of  the  individual,  requisites, 
98,  99;    necessary  stimulus  to,  213. 

Right  Political  Conduct,  54. 

Righteous  Admimstration,  393  ;  on  what 
depends,  58 ;    how  obtained,  106. 

Righteous  Rule,  379. 

Rights,  contrasted  with  duties,  40; 
how  protected,  89  ;  acquired,  enumer- 
ated, 43;  natural,  enumerated,  not 
modified  by  progress,  43 ;  inherent, 
inalienable,  indefeasible,  44 ;  re- 
garded as  a  claim,  43  ;  bill  of,  45 ; 
ci\'il,  45 ;  not  the  same  in  the  various 
states,  394;  equality  in,  46;  equal, 
doctrine  of,  48 ;  indiviilual,  43  ;  two 
classes  of,  45 ;  how  progress  modifies 
idea  of  some,  45  ;  moral,  two  classes  of, 
45  ;  value  of,  how  determined,  depend- 
ence of  value  upon  union,  44 ;  how 
rights  in  general  can  only  be  secured, 
maintained,  and  transmitted,  404 ; 
how  left  "open  to  invasion,"  411. 

Rights,  Political,  defined,  enumerated, 
considered  generally,  40-55 ;  on  what 
depend,   112,  411. 

Safe  Democracy,  what  is,  v. 

Sagacity,  defiiieii,  5(». 

Sanction,   defined,   301  ;    of   public   ap- 


498 


INDEX 


proval,  requisites,  291  ;  when  a  mem- 
ingless  term,  261  ;  sanction  before- 
hand, why  bestowed,  299-303;  ef- 
fects of  bestowal,  301  ;  of  representa- 
tive action,  objects,  requisites,  dangers, 
299-303 ;  bestowal  of,  beforehand  on 
unregulated  action  a  blunder,  302  sq., 
448 ;  how  bi-partizan  process  boards 
take  advantage  of  bestowal  before- 
hand, 233  ;  "legal,"  of  partizan  party, 
279 ;  legislative,  differs  from  public 
sanction,  291. 

Scienc3,  A,  what  is,  13. 

Science,  Political,  our  lack  of  a  dis- 
tinctive, effects,  10-14 ;  is  the  basis  of 
an  authoritative  political  literature, 
14 ;  an  exact,  is  possible,  13 ;  why 
our,  is  kept  inexact,  22. 

Sections,  meaning,  origin,  cause,  rep- 
resentation by,  311. 

Self-Government,  what  it  implies,  96. 

"Separation  of  Powers,"  122. 

Single  List,  The,  origin,  effects,  255. 

Situation,  The  Present  Political,  5 ; 
one  of  gradual  growth,  6 ;  to  what 
mainly  due,  7 ;  not  much  improved 
since  the  beginning,  95 ;  possible 
causes,  449,  458,  464 ;  how  can  be 
rectified,  27,  464  ;  introductory  survey 
of,  1-27 ;  retrospective  survey  of, 
459-464. 

Smith,  Goldwin,  on  friction,  etc.,  124. 

"Social  Organisms,"  308. 

Society,  general  aspects,  functions,  fac- 
tors in  strength  of,  effects  produced  by, 
41,  42;  how  unified,  121;  primitive, 
41 ;  first  claims  made  on,  44 ;  ulti- 
mate success  of,  178. 

Solid  Delegations,  337. 

Sovereign,  meaning  of  term,  96. 

Sovereign,  The,  who  is,  in  American 
states,  96 ;  right  of,  to  command  serv- 
ices of  citizen,  64,  106. 

Sovereign,  The  Collective,  composi- 
tion, obligations,  requisites,  97-99 ; 
the  only  superior  of  the  individual, 
101 ;  right  action  of,  how  obtained, 
98, 151  ;  how  obligations  of,  discharged 
properly,  115;  is  weak  in  civic  virtue 
and  transmits  this  weakness,  393 ; 
instability  of,  problem,  381,  389; 
original  ability  of,  on  what  depends, 
106,  124,  371,  402;  why  must  in- 
struct its  units  in  right  action,  101 ; 
source  of  administrative  difficulties, 
370,  393  ;  strength  of,  how  diminished, 
by  whom  absorbed,  448 ;  must  con- 
trol action  of  units,    106,   308,   469; 


broad  obligation  of,  350;    how  moral 
sensitiveness  deadened,  322. 

Sovereign-units,  act  in  several  capaci- 
ties at  once,  how  bound  when  acting, 
96;  how  uniting  bond  of  weakened, 
322 ;  how  weakened  in  power,  371, 
463;  must  not  delegate  exercise  of 
reason  and  conscience,  117;  how 
rendered  impotent,  256  ;  who  properly 
instructs,  100 ;  danger  in  allowing  to 
serve  "The  Party,"  198. 

Sovereignty,  abdication  of,  by  electo- 
rate, 187 ;  surrender  of,  by  electorate, 
118. 

Sovereignty,  Political,  defined,  65 ;  ori- 
gin, limits,  97;  a  direct  exercise  of, 
imperative,  109;  delegating  exercise 
of  some  powers  does  not  affect,  dis- 
tinguishing features  of,  65 ;  obliga- 
tions of,  96  sq. 

Speaker's  Office,  The,  character  of,  123 ; 
how  changed,  123,  378. 

Spirit  and  Intent  of  The  People,  how 
first  manifested,  38 ;  how  first  ex- 
pressed, 414  ;  requisites  for  effective 
operation,  101  ;  as  to  administrative 
action,  139 ;  as  to  election  process, 
290 ;  as  to  representation,  298 ;  as 
to  public  officials,  378 ;  as  to  the  edu- 
cational system,  385. 

Spoils  System,  The,  a  result  of  "Party 
Leadership,"  286;  how  obtained  a 
species  of  sanction,  443. 

State,  defined,  source  of  power  of,  96; 
how  crippled  by  use  of  partizan  party 
and  its  system,  23,  234 ;  how  moral 
strength  weakened  by  two  codes  of 
action,  23 ;  territorial  divisions  in, 
266 ;  how  capacity  becomes  weakened, 
322. 

State  Control  of  Primary,  futile  pro- 
visions for,  4445;^ 

Statecraft,  American,  390. 

State  Governments,  variations,  267  sq. 

Statesmen,  definition,  description,  176; 
the  natural  breeding  places  of,  481. 

Statutes,    defined,    requisites,    398. 

Statutory  Regulation  of  system  action, 
why  is  weak,  94. 

Stuffed  Ballot,  characterized,  206,  293. 

Stuffed  Electorate,  The,  217,  388. 

Success,  Administrative,  requisites,  8 
sq. ;  where  the  hop)e  of,  lies,  314  ;  edu- 
cation a  factor  in,  389  ;  hangs  on  direct 
individual  action,  69,  105-107. 

Suffrage,   The  Right  of,  analyzed.  111. 

Supreme  Power,  The,  origin,  seat, 
delegated  exercise  of,  64,  105 ;    when 


INDEX 


499 


springs  into  existence,  96 ;  three-fold 
nature  of,  120 ;  chief  difficulty  in  ex- 
ercise of,  370. 

System,  term  defined,  134,  166 ;  prac- 
ticability of  any,  depends  upon  its 
perfection,  125 ;  nothing  automatic 
in  a,  384. 

System  of  Administration,  The  Par- 
tizan  Party,  effects  produced  by  adop- 
tion of,  23,  94,  128,  144,  237,  340,  419 ; 
character  of,  17,  23,  55,  168 ;  some 
evils  of,  161,  169  ;  is  not  complex,  just 
bad,  419 ;  reformation  of,  insures  its 
continued  use,  420 ;  central  idea  of, 
425  ;  reform  of,  directs  attention  away 
from  true  reform,  421 ;  can  not  be 
reformed  by  tinkering  at  parts, 
419 ;  chief  source  of  support  of  use, 
420 ;  is  illogically  elastic,  420 ;  is  a 
compilation  of  corrupt  practises, 
303,  435 ;  is  the  non-political  aegis, 
147. 

System  of  Political  Administration, 
The,  character,  component  parts  of, 
functions,  requisites,  outline  of,  ef- 
fects, sketched,  394-^18;  is  properly 
a  part  of  a  state  constitution,  413 ; 
the  lack  of  a  logical,  causes,  15 ;  nec- 
essary as  a  just  basis  for  enforcement 
of  responsibility,  5,  353,  376 ;  an  in- 
definite, source  of  administrative 
evils,  7 ;  kind  the  states  started  with, 
55,  83,  155,  283,  399 ;  character  of, 
which  each  state  is  supposed  to  pos- 
sess, 34 ;  success  or  failure  of  Democ- 
racy depends  upon  the  constructing 
of  a  logical,  34 ;  construction  of  a 
logical,  a  sovereign  obligation,  103 ; 
which  rests  on  us,  109  ;  advantages  of, 
94 ;  the  supreme  reason  for,  399 ; 
requisites  of  a  logical,  141 ;  must  be 
ordained,  145 ;  sole  function  of,  156 ; 
when  necessity  for  a  logical  arises,  95 ; 
necessary  as  source  of  moral  force, 
157 ;  benefits  flowing  from  a  logical, 
417 ;  kind  originally  intended,  59 ; 
inauguration  of  an  illogical,  the  be- 
ginning of  an  era  of  reform,  419 ; 
danger  in  use  of  an  illogical,  101,  271  ; 
a  logical,  indispensable,  354  sq. ;  rea- 
sons for  stability  of,  413 ;  is  the  body 
of  protective  law,  147 ;  is  the  specific 
guarantee,  145 ;  is  the  body  of  elec- 
toral and  official  liberties,  477 ;  danger 
of  a  super-elastic,  476 ;  our  present, 
arraigned,  118;  an  inadequate,  some 
effects  of  use  of,  34,  101,  109,  111,  283 

BQ. 


Temple  vs.  Meade,  272. 

The  People,  meaning  of  term,  62,  96. 

Township  System,  267,  269. 

Trade,  The,  in  votes,  233 ;  how  worked 

Trust  Action,  how  regiilated,  108. 

Truth,  what  most  men  mean  by,  vii ; 
abstract,  political,  synonymous  with 
logic,  34 ;   the  truth  about,  33. 

Truths,  our  administrative,  429. 

Turpitude  of  the  partizan  party,  33g^ 

Tyranny  in  a  repubUc,  213,  353. 

Undemocratic    action    is    impracticable 

action,  429. 
Unhappiness,  effects  of,  143. 
Union,  principle  of,  38 ;  bond  of,  defined, 

39,  159 ;  character  of,  150. 
Unit  of  Representation,  266. 
Unity,  defined,  distinguished,  39. 
Unsafe  Democracy,  described,  v. 
Usurpation  of  official  functions,  122,  376 ; 

prevention  of,  5. 

Vice,  defined,  213. 

Victories  of  the  Ballot-box,   164;    why 

of  little  consequence  to  the  common- 
wealth, 422. 
Vigilance,  meaning,  defined,  9. 
Virtue,  defined,  57. 
Voice  of  the  people,  The,  112. 
Vote,    A,  defined,  a  political,  57,  205; 

characteristics  of,  206;  why  criminal 

to  buy  or  sell.  111. 
Vote,  The,  frauds  on,  297. 
Vote,  The  Right  to,  how  impaired,  345. 
Voter,  A,  defined,  208 ;    freedom  of,  272. 
Voters  League  of  Chicago,  433. 
Voters'  qualifications,   110;    induced   to 

"go  fishing,"  276. 
Votes,  how  destroyed  in  character,  205 

sq. ;  "delivered "  votes  descriljed,  424 ; 

manipulation  of  an  atrocious  crime,  118. 
Voting  Electorate,  meaning,  225. 

Ware,  Prof.,  on  the  Kcrrymander,  334. 

Wealth,  the  predominating  human  do- 
sire  is  for,  57 ;  an  clement  in  strength 
of  the  community,  42. 

Welfare,  Party,  results,  75,  82. 

Welfare,  primitive  meaning,  41 ;  in- 
dividual, 309,  389;  how  l)OHt  safe- 
guarded, 143;  on  what  doponds,  393, 
407. 

Welfare,  The  Cicnoral,  meaning  of 
term,  87.  97;  how  produced.  39.  111. 
393 ;  how  clortonite  works  to  pro- 
duce, 151 ;   Low  uubordiuutud  tu  yur- 


500 


INDEX 


tizan  party  needs,  283 ;  how  sub- 
verted, 118^ 

Will,  Individual,  formation,  factors, 
76 ;  as  to  policy,  elements  in,  77 ; 
legislative  in  nature,  76,  78 ;  political, 
how  created,  86. 

Will  of  The  People,  The,  aspects,  for- 
mation, functions,  considered,  70-83 ; 
what  it  really  is,  1 14 ;  supplies  im- 
pulse to  the  government,  58  ;  theoreti- 
cal expression  of,  how  turned  into  a 
manufactured  will,  111,  282,  324,  329, 
404 ;  proper  ejcpression  depends  on 
methods,  116,  402;  requisites  for 
making  operative,  404  sq. ;  final  ex- 
pression of,  at  elections,  77 ;  successive 
statements  of,  87 ;  how  ascertained 
properly,  39,  87 ;  how  transmuted 
into  will  of  a  partizan  party,  81,  117, 
320;  to  be  moral  must  proceed  from 
free  play  of  reason  and  conscience, 


115,  360;  difficulties  connected  with 
ascertaining,  proper  way  of,  360 ; 
how  counterfeited,  203 ;  difficulties 
in  obtaining  a  body  of  men  repre- 
sentative of,  323. 

Wills,  Agreement  of,  39,  61,  75,  102  sq., 
361 ;  Union  of,  basis  of  public  opinion, 
360. 

Wings  of  party  organizations,  173. 

Wisdom,  defined,  57. 

Wrong,  difficulty  in  escaping  from  doing, 
163. 

Young,  The,  mental  attitude  of,  towards 
reform,  character  of  effort  in,  420. 

Youth  of  the  Land,  proper  political  edu- 
cation of,  381  sq. ;  improper  educa- 
tion of,  385  sq. ;  how  proper  edu- 
cation should  be  supplemented, 
387 ;  are  The  Sovereign  of  to-morrow, 
391. 


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